The New York Herald Newspaper, February 28, 1859, Page 2

2 expoinage which they are expected to exert often — 4 thi ofnoes intolerable to them. With Europe, tberefore, in the highest state of susceptibility, and France fo ursetiied in its interior, the Emperor may well pause ere be takes avother step in the bold policy he has iatterly been inavguratng The trade has been dull in consequence of war’s alarms; | acertain additional animation has pervaded Paris from the frequent movement of troops. At first some of the foreign journals were stopped which spoke of preparations of a military pature;. but the thing became at length too patent for concealment, and, in fact, at last the authorities have seemcd rather disposed to make a parade of it, The beat of drums and the sound of trumpets assail one’s ears at every tucn, and it is seldom that the Empress can Dow take her usual airing at three o'clock without having to ron the gauntlet of more than one regiment drawn up to ealute ber. It is really a spirit-stirring sight sometimes in the broad avenue of the Champs Elysée to witness this litie pantomime. A regiment, perhaps, of grenadiers is marchwg in order from the Grand Arch of Triumph. Its colors are flying, the band is pour- ing forth its moss joyous strains, ever andanon relieved | by tho ratthng tattoo, Again and again it breaks forth, with cach re more inspiring than the last. The fan 3a brigbt sun is gleaming ou the soldiers’ arms;a forest . frowning bear skins seems tofill the whole street; all the iutoral streets keep pouring forth passengers of every age, all more or less excited by the very horses dance and keep step to the music, ofd men and maidens are seen footing the pavé, as if under dri), every carriage alackens its pace, ull at last the scene becomes a diorama of Parisian life in its most charming phase, At this instant the grenadiers have passed the d Point and the Palais de |’Industrio; people are flying towards them on either side from the ways to form under the tall trees; the Place de la Buarde is seen with its magnificent fountains, tossing to the skies their fairy spray, ite venerable obelisk, which from the times of the Pharaohs has looked upon the gene- rations of men, and its broad, open space brought clear and glistening ike ivory in the sunlight, when suddenly the imperial cortege of two carriages and four, with ontriders, comes dushivg along the arcads of the rue Rivoli, acrors the Place de la Concorde and into the avenue of the Champs Elysees. ‘The tri-color flatters on the dome of the Pavilion d'Horloge of the Tutieries and from the Hotel de ta Marine. Ica moment the air re- eounds with the deep voice of men echoing from rank to rank the order to halt and draw up ip line; aids-de-camp gallop along in bot baste; the cark mass of waving bear sking becomes a motionless fringe; the crowd recolis be- fore that serried line, and the lovely woman who shares the Imperial throne of France is at once the centre of the situation. The Imperial cortege immediately drops into a slow pace; the band strikes up ‘Portant pour 1a Syric,” and the Empress, leaning gracefully forward, incliaes her head with a beaming smile to each company as she passes. ‘Tbe music, the deep rol! of the drums as it gives the pe- culiar sautation due to the highest rank; the crowd of equipsges, the skouts of the multitude, the neighing of the horses, the associations in the mind of beauty anit bravery, ail help to give the whole scene a character of peculiar interest, and is well calculated to dissipate any gloomy ideas concerning war. The steam line of-battle ship Jemappes is to be convert- ed into a floating battery. In fact, it isin contemplation to fit ut several of these steam fortresses, destined for the defence of the different naval ports, which they will shelter from all aggression. These floating f aid, mounted with guns of | the largest calibi vring under steam at the entrance of a port or roadstead, will, when two or three the whole of any enemy’s squadron, | reepals and towns from the reach of any will, 1tis also gaid, render powerless the ch command certain important maritime aud pratect the projectile. TI fortifications whi straits. Two of such vessels would completely paralyze the guns of Gibraltar, and would be the masters of the Villars of Here . ts remain heavy, and securities in general are look up in the face of such contiaued warlike preparations, A report ig current that M. Emile Gerardin is engaged on mphict which is to demonstrate the unprobabi- lity of war The Monieur of this morning announces the imperial decree that Mme. Edouard Thayer, sister-in law of the hess de Pacone, who bas decliaed the honor, is to be rande maitresse of the household of the Priacess Clo- vhilde, and that Mme. de Clermont-Tonnerre, Mme. la Baronve dv ia Roncieon Je-Noury and Mme. la Vicomtesse Bertrand are to be the dames d'honneur. Tuere was a grand dinner in the Princess’ bonor, at the Tuileries, on Saturday, and the Hotel de Ville is preparing to give her a most sumptuous ball on the 14th inst. Those who have been permitted to approach the que, Eennees say that she bas already manifested a certain hauteur and firmness of character which, perhaps, on the whole, will not be disadvantageous to her. It 1s said that her huaband, Prince Napoleon, 1s more bent on a war policy than the Emperor. Between the Palais Royal aud the Tuileries there is a pri- vate telegraph, the cypher of which is only understood by his Maicsty ‘and his cousin, who keep up a continual correspondence, about which’ their private secretaries know nothing. The citizens of the United States intend to celebrate the anniversary of the birthday of Washington by a ball. Last year some gentleman volunteered to give a lecture on the life of the great patriot; but afew minutes before the hour appointed for the Gone of the doors he was surprised by the arrival of a body of gens d’armes, whose orders were to suffer no one to pass, in fact to stop the jecturer and the lecture at once, It was a time when there was in high quarters a painful recollection of Orsini’s bombs; but it is now ho that a ball, in which the beauty of America now collected in Paris will meet the hardier sex to do honor to the occasion, will offer nothing objectionable to this most susceptible despotism. . Walsh, formerly Cousu!-General for the United States in Paris, is dead. He has resided here since 1837, and during the many years that be filled the important situation ot Consul |, he succeeded in acquiring general esteem in this country by his courtesy and strict attention to his official duties. His essay on the future state of Europe, published in 1821, turned out to be a re- markable instance of political foresight. Our Brussels Correspondence, Basses, Feb. 10, 1859. The War Fever Spreads Northward from Maly—English Treaty with Austria— Highly Important Letter in Le Nord, Supposed to Come from the Tuileries—An Omission in th Emperor's Speech Supplicd—The German Excitement The Contingency of War Depends on German Support of Austria—The Policy of Napoleon to Scare Europe by Warlike Preparations—Intends to Place England in a False Position, &c. The question of peace or war is no longer confined to Italy. Tho fever has spread northward, and France finds herself suddenly confronted by a German element which oddly enough reflects the Austrian and English in- fluences asa unit. It is ‘now manifest that an English alliance wth Austria, through the intermedium of Prussia, has existed for some time, and only required a demonstration at Paris or Turin to give it vitality. Tt is equally certain that France is aware of that treaty, and hence the studious omission of the word * treaty” in the Emperor's speech This omission is remarked by the teller from Parts wo Le Nord. This tetter bears all the evidence of official inspira tion, and is put forward by the publisher of the Nord os second only in imyortanceto the Emperor's speech. 1 trans- late the letter in exteoso, with the suggestion that your readers study well its peculiar style of composition. It supplies exactly what the Imperial discourse left unsaid; slates that the Ruesian Minister restrained the outburet of passion of the representative of Austria, and winds up with the particular information that while Napoleou was cordial to a degree to every one, he treated the English Minister with marked coldness. But great as is the agitation at Paris and London, the ferment in Germany is something fearful. The almost unanimous 4nd preconcerted burst of Austrian feeling on the part of the German press gave acertain impulse to the public agitation. But the reaction has already set in, and one of the leading papers of Berlin comes out for neutrality, In other words, Prussia will play the came game botwcen France and Austria that she did between Rassia aud the allies. The journalto which I allade—the Berlin Gazelle— treats the question a8 a family quarrel between two Catho- lic Powers. ‘What have we in common with this dis- pute?” asks the German journal—“like the holy places in the East, it involves nothing national or useful to Ger- many.’ [notice that the press of Bremen aud Hamburg begin to fall into the same view. Austria may succeed in gaining a certain amount of induence in the German pro vinees on the Rhine; but it is evident that as the hazards of a conflict impress themselves upon the people of Ger. many, and the German influences in Fagland and America become satisiled that a war between Austria and France is inevitable, that “neutrality” will be the policy at Berlin Pruesia will seek to gain the commercial atyantages which her neutral position will give her. Tule now trality will, of course, confine the conflict, sf it comes, to the south of Furope. But I apprehend that the very fact of this neutrality will force Austria to listen to th: admonitions of England. If the Cabinet of Vienna is sure of the German support, war is certain. I shall therefore, in my next letter give you copious transiations | from the German press and from private letters already addressed to the principal cities of Prussia, constituting data upon which the public can decide the qucstiono the potiey, at Berlin, learned the other day that the King of Belgium re ceived a telegraphic message from Londoa, urging his appearance in Eogiand. The King received the despatch uring a royal ball, and immediately retired Tne even caured quite a flutter of excitement among the gay throng Belgium is placed in a most delicate position, but of course ‘be can only follow England and Austr! A person in whose judgment and means of information Thave great confidence, believes that the policy of Francs 48 to allow Europe two or three months to gaze upon th: horrid front of war rd Possible, Ir, after this deliberation by England and Germany to cope with France, the Italian « westion will find a epeety and peace ful solution, in which Vienna will suffer and Paris gain Bot, if after three or four months, it is evident that Prus- sia and Eogland take the side of Austria against Italiaa ity, 88 NOW supported by France and Sardinia, the Emperor will yield to the necessities of the position. France will at have gained the point of having done best for Italy, while England and Prussia will be made the entire responsibily of supporting the Austrian At requires no great amount of foresig lit of Italy by Eogiand will still further destroy her influence on the Continent, and induce eer the bonds of good feeling with America, It is evident that Napoleon is game is to Fd playing @ deop game, and each question of freedom for the Continent strictly upon the fountation of Kagiion prose, Kions, England ie thus called upon to practica!ize hor pro: ba redo rae bys Aer if done, France shares in the . an : re ‘p ‘j Arrays against her the Zhe following i the letter in Le Nord to which every the martial scene, | | cious; that no one ever seriously thou | and that the service is in a state of complete anarchy? Is NEW YORK HERALD, MONDAY, FEBRUARY 28, 185 one attaches such importance, and to which Ihave alluded above:— SUPPOSKD LETTER OF NAPOLEON TO 18 NORD, Pants, Fen. 8, 1859, Thave obtained every information as to tbe impression, pro. duced bere in the ofictal pone. world, as well as ia thay ofthe f n diplomatic clrele, by the Emperor's discourse, ‘land cap assure you that itis favorable tothe hopes of peace, ‘There is an omission, however, {n that discourse which bas arrested the atlention’ of every one; that is, that the ward “treaty” isnotonce mentioned. The ‘speech of . ria, as well ag the words of Lord Derby, Lord Palmerston, Lord John B Lord Brov and Mr’ Disraeli inaist a9 evidently upon the inviolability ot the faith of treaties, that it would appear as a provocation to the Emperor to Shain for bin a publie and solea. explanation on point. be sigaideant silence that he has main ved on the sul of eaties, is, therefore, evidently with intention. He says finereata ot France are in every couatry where & ust and civ! lized course is to prevail. He pronoanses the worde ‘'righta,” * yustice” and “national honor,”’ o8 Roy bat perer pose ibe word aT eathe Rinperor had fr Baron do Hubner (Aut: (mT Tnglaad, I; “The peace. I hope, will'axt be ‘eoublek” “this language: appeared’ ao weak inthe presence «fwhat is ‘on in Lombardy and D "a speech, the legate showed marks of endetacton; bat, when was named, the Baron de Hubner made a movement to protest, bat the Russian Ambassador placed his hand arm towim hina «ita eeporr in arent scees 28 fe vermont wil not au. to be dragged on oF isindaied, for, my policy mever ous.’ eae cee cc an aa te Paton A t the reception ‘which foliowe4, the Raperor coliness tow: Lord Cowley. AUSTRIA AND TH DANUBIAN PROVINCES—AUSTRIA AND ITALY. [Private correspondence to the Nord. pPeanslatar for the rikax, Feb, 7, 1859. New York bi ‘The first news of the election ef Mr, Consa to the dignity of Hospodar of Wallachia, arrived at the embassy of this town on Saturday at five o'clock in the evening, aad cansed the greatest astonishment, notonly to them, bat to the other diplomats to whom it was mide knowa, aa ir was not atall expected, The d: ch which informs of this grave and very important “aids that the Valaqag ‘Assembly first examined the elections, aud canceled ail those in which was fouad tho least irregularity, and after. wards proceeded to name tho Hospodar. Certain'y one has reason to eay that the Union has become by those means a fact accomplished. What will the Porte do? Can it annul the election, or must the question be submitted to the Paris Conference ? I have heard those capab'e of giviag an opinion say that the Conference of Paris is the only one competent in this affair. What renrains now of that faila- cious scaffolding that Austria has raised up since two years? Has she not always deoljared that the Dagubian provinces were ruled by revolution! that the wishes expressed by the Moldavians and the Walachians were floti- ‘of the union, it not evident now that the populations of those two pro- vinces desired the unton, and does the revolution m Sar- via really bear the character of anarchy? That sea‘fold. ing hes fallen, and the hour is at band w Aw will see that she will be obliged to abandon the path fa which she is loosing herseif. Itis pretended here that the quest.on of the Dannb> is settled. On what is based that pret jon? On the promise of Austria, which was given after very severe reclam tion from tne other Powers, to concert, without delay, with the bordering States, there are but 4 few s'mple femal ities to be fulliiled, then ali will be Jed. Do they really Delieve yet in Austrian promis2s? It is probable that, embarrassed as she is now, she wi!! put in execution her promises, 80 as tu be more free, but for the moment we bave but promises and nothing more. I should advise tbat the strictcet watch be kept ov all ber move- ments, or she may profit by this amount of agitation and consolidate her preponderance in (iermany, and that ono day Germany may share the same fate as the Italian peninsula. In her relations with Austria, Prussia must, above all things, see only her own interests. ‘As to the question of Italy, I leara nothing a3 yet which would lead me to chavge my belief of the peace. It is true I bave pot yet read the Emperor's speech, which arrived here only this morning, but if what f learn istrue, that speech will restore the calm of the public mind, and will render useless the demand of the Bavarian Champers to forbid the exportation of horses beyond the frontiers of the Confederation. Germany has nothing to fear she has no enemies, and the measure proposed is either of too great efficacy or too little; too great. as it would be an act Of hostility profitable to Austria, who would like nothing better than to draw Germany into her quarre! with Italy; and too little, because the affair of afew horees would weigh but little in the balance of evexts. At the first meeting of the Chambers, the Minister of Commerce, M. Von der Heydt, presented several projects of Jaw to obtain credits for a sum of 10,000,000, 990,000 tha- lers for the construction of a railroad from Bromberg on the lett bank of the Vistula, at Thorn, and from there to Lowiez, and to join the branch fron Lowiez to Skiermie- mia. This line was agreed on by contract the 19th of February, 1857, between Russia aud Pryssia, and was to be constructed by the Prussian government for her terri- tory as tar as Ottoezgnek—the government of Bologne was to execute the other part, aud both to be finished for the year 1862, Our Italian Correspondence. Usrrep States Steam Fricare Wanasn, Gunoa, Feb. 2, 1859. Nuptials (f Prince Napoleon and Princess Clothilde—Hon- ors dome ly the American Squadron—Preparations for War with Austria—Seizure of a Musician on board the Steam Frigate Wabash by the Sardinian Authorities. Since my last the city of Genoa has been turned topsy- turvy with excitement and celebrations in honor of the marriage of the Prince Napoleon and the Princess Clothilde. The royal yacht, having on board the Prince, arrived here on the morning of the 15th January; since then active preparations were being made for the approaching nup- tials. On the 27th the French squadron arrived, consist- ing of two line-of-Dattle ships and one frigate (all steam- ers); a ealute was fired by the flag ship—Amerizan flag at the fore—which was promptly returned by the Wa- bash. Sunday, January 80, the wedding day of the reyal couple, the French and Sardinian ships in the harbor were decorated with flags; the Wabash, having French tags at the fore and wizen, and @ Sardinian fag at the in, flred salutes of twenty-one guns at 8A. M.,12M.,and at sundown, in honor of the event. In the evening the city and the French and Sardinian ships were beautifutiy illuminated. The King’s family, Prince and Princess attended the Opera on the 30th. On the 3ist the sbips were again dressed, and at3 P. M., notwith- standing the rain, the King of Sardinia visited the flagsbip of the French squadron, where he was received with the royal salute, manned yards, and cheers three times three. A largo concourse of citizens crowded the wharves, In the evening the Surdinians alone iuminated, with greater beauty and Drilliancy than on the preyeding ‘A grand hall concladed the ceremonies or Monday, 31st, Tuesday, Feb. 1, at daylight, active preparations on board the French ebips for leaving the barbor. At 11 A. M. the Prince and Princess went on board the royal yacht, and while passing the Wabash they were received by a salute of twenty one guns and three cheers, the squadron acting a8 escort, The yacht carried French flags, made of silk, covered with stars made of gold. Thus ended the fuss’? ip Genoa in honor of the marriage ceremonies of Prince Napoleon, of France, and the Princess Clotnilde, of the household of the King of Sardinia. We have unceas- ing rains during the time of Napolcoa’s stay in this piace. Captain Basson, Lieutenants Wood and Wiley have paid @ visit to the city of Rome, and returned mach pleased with their visit. ‘The flag officer has returned on board, and again lives With us, The Sardiniaus are acvely engaged in making Preparations to meet Austria in mortal combat; about two thousand troops have arrived during the last months. An incident occurred on board our ship whieh J must hot forget to mention. The bugler belonging to the band (anda fine fellow. be oo) ‘has been presented with a new instrument ¢ ship's company, which d { credit to their taste and Hiberallty iiabsode tain Another member of the band, Antonia Coturna, while on shore, was arrested on the clutiye of being a deserter from the Sardinian army. Ceturna has served an enlistment in the American army, end Leen in the United States service upwards «f eight years, Eltorts were made on the part of our Commodore to reclaim Coturna, but in vain, the Sar dinian government not being willing to give him up. He has vince then Ween sentto Turin and appointed toa regiment. The health of Genoa is remarkably good, and of the ship a'so. There are a number of American vessels in this harbor. The John Hancock left for Boston on the 50th, taking with ber a letter bag from the Wabash Our Berlin Correspondence. Baris, Fob. 4, 1859. runds—The Feeling of naturemThe Fores of Treatiee—Lord lal mersion'e Opinion of Austrian Violation of them in Naly—Palmerston in the Cmfidence of Napoeom—The First Move of the French Emperor to Plave Austria in an Avhward Dilemma, and tus Deprive Her of English and Prussian Ail —The Liveral Party in Prussia ta the As cendant—No Mitilary Preparations in Prussia—Curious Bigamy Case in the Prussian Crarts Connected with the United Stater—Ihe Princess Fredes William and the Baby. The diplomatic appointments alluded to in one of my for mer Jetters have been normed, except that Count Pour falis, Who was originally intended for Vienna, has been entrusted with the post of Ambassador at Paris, in the room of Count Hatzfred, deceased. Count Bernstorif, therefore, will remain at the Court of St. James’, and Ba- ron Woether be transterred from St. Petersburg to Vien- na. During the Russian war M. de Pourtalis was a zeal ous advocate for an alliance between Franoe and Russia, even going 80 far a8 to throw up his office inthe Ministry of Forgign Affairs on finding that Baron Manteuffel por- sisted in observing @ strict neutrality; and, to jadge from bis antecedents, he must be a persona grata with the French Emperor. Souls Napoleon's speech bag had a fa- vorable effect on ‘Change; the funds, which had been falling every day, have risen considerably, and it is again hoped that the famous apothegm, “/, Kimpire cet la paiz,’’ will prove to be @ reality, and that the threaten- ing clouds which had struck such terror into all the money markets of Burope will be ually dissipated; bat I Napetcon’s Speech and the Security Pre i ‘am inclined to think the rejoicings a little premature. No one who has closely watched the policy of Louis Napoleon can be doubtful that he is about to undertake some grand coup; but he will proceed cautiously, step by step, with all | the wariness and profound dissimulation that characterize this extraordinary man. He is determined to pick a quar- | Tol with Austria; but as yet @ pretext hus been wanting, and it is absolutely necessary to find one, From the ex | pressions in bis speech, and from the arguments employed by M. de la Guerroniere in his famous pamphlet, it is evi- | dent that this pretext will be found in the state of Central Italy, A direct attack upon the Austrian possessions in Italy would be a violation of existing treaties that would draw down upon him the reprobation of Prussia and all Germany, of England, and perhaps even of Russia; but, as was remarked by Lord Palmerston—one of the few men who are admitted into the confidence of the French Empe- ror, and who may be considered bis mouthpiece in the British House of Commons—the occupation of the Roman “| Legations, and of the Duchies of Tuscany and Modena by | Austrian troops, is not only unwarranted by, but actually opposed to, both the letter and spirit of those treaties ; it encourages the Italian sovercigns in a system of misrule ‘and oppression dis- graceful to our age, and awakens in thoir subjects a flerce resentment that must eventually lead to some disastrous outbreak. Napoleon’s first move, therefore, will be to summon Austria to vacate the Papal dominions, offering atthe game time to withdraw bis own troops from Rome and leave the Holy Father to settle his affairs as well ashe is able with his faithful flock. If Austria accedes to this demand, there will of course be no further pretext for hostilities against her, and everything will be arranged @ Vamiable; but it is far more likely that she will reject it, a8 such a concession would involve a moral defeat that must be fatal to ber influence in Central and Southern ttaly, which it has been the traditional,object of her po- liey to increase and strengthen; and besides, it is pretty woll krown that she has entered into engagements with the Pope and the King of Naples to protect tbem at all hazards from the dangers by which they are menaced through the revolu- tionary schemes of the French Emperor. Should Avstria then, refuse, and should this refusal lead to an open breach between berand France, it is plain that she can expect po assistance in such a quarrel from Prussia or England, who, though they might sympatbiso with her in astruggic tor the preservation of her own legitimate possessions, have no notion in the world to co-operate with her in an endeavor to maintain the rotien despotisms ot her Italian neighbors, aud who would rather be likely to join Louis Napoleon in putting an end to a state of things which the liberal party in Prussia—who are now in the arcendant—and ali parties in Eagland have long denounced as a scandal to humanity and civilization. By this policy, therefore, which seems to be foreshadowed in the documents alluded to above, the French Autocrat would have secured theadbereuce, or at least the friendly neutrality, of the two Powers whoare mosi inclined to view his plans of aggrandizement with suspicion, and have reduced Austria toa state of isolation that woald hardly leave her a chance of success in the approaching contest. It cannot be denied tbat such a course tallies exactly with the character of the astute politician whom the quarrels and tie blunders of the other Powers have raised to the first place among Furopean monarchs, and it remains to be ceen whether the hypothesis that attributes it to him will ‘urn out to be correct. Up to the present moment the debates in the Prussian Chambers have been exclusively confined to matters of focal interest, Foreign affairs have not even bee hinted at, nor does government appear to contemplate any in- crease in the military establishment which would require them to apply to the Legistaturo for the sinews of war. ‘The fraud on the revenue mentioned in my last as bav- ing created quite a sensation in the commercial wort, has at Jength been made the subject of a statement in the offi. cial Prussian Gazette. The particulars do not differ ma- terially from the réports that were current in public for some time previous, but the amount of the defalcations is much more considerable than was origically stated, and is said to exceed the sum of 400,000 thalers. cs however, government will not be a loser, as 1 turers implicated in the conspiracy will not on! upon to make good the deficiency, but will bave to pay a fine in the bargain. A curious case is now pending in the criminal courts of Prussian Lithuania, which may be interestiag to your readers, aw partly connected with the United States. In January, ikss. the court house of Insterburg, a county town (kreiséadt) in East Prussia, was broken into during the night, and the sum of 6,700 thalers abs . Sus. vicion rested On a small farmer, or cotter, by the name of Frederick Sagopski, living in the vicinity of Gumbianen, in Lithuania, who had absconded, and was non est taventus. Vt was afterwards ascertained that he bad fled to Ameri- ca. In the menths of November and December last several burglaries, following rapidly upon cach other, were committed in the court house of Stallapohnen, a emall town near the above, as well as at the Cootral Court and Custom House of Gumbinnen, and in several pri- vate dwellings. For some weeks ail the researches of the police were ineffectnal, till it was accidentally discovered that s person recently’ arrived at Stallupohmen had pro- sentod a resident of that place wit) a eap, in the linia, of which found a New. York’’ paper dated Mey, 1857. is, im counection with other c'r- cumstances, led to’ the conjecture that Sagopski had returned froin America for the purpose of pro curing, by the resumption of his oid profession in his native country, fresh means to continue his dissolute mode of life in the New World. The donor of the cup was sini 4 taken up and subjected to a rigorous ox. amination. called himself Frederick Markosaki, and ‘was provided with a certificate, showing his quality as a citizen of the State of Wisconsin, and his good conduct as such, which document was drawn up by anotary public of the State of Migsouri. Te was soon recognizad, how- ever, as Frederick Sagosski; and, finding it useless to deny his identity, he confessed not only the more recent bur- glaries at Stallapohner and Guiniianen, but his former rob- bery at the Court House of Josterberg in 1855. He had gailed from New York a weck after the loss of the Austria; the ship he came in was wrecked in the Channel, himse and four other persons only being saved from the wreck. He then came by way of England, Bremen and Berlin to Prussian Lithuania, intending, he said, to take his wife and two children, whom he had left in the latter country in 1865, with him to America, ey however, ho has another wife living, to whom he had got married in Polish Lithuania before his flight from Europe, without being di. vorced from his first wife; and nothing ecems to give him go much concern as the idea that the real eatate which he bad purchased in Wisconsia with the balance of the money stolen at Jasterberg, and which he léft in the hands of his wife No. 2, may be claimed by the Prussian au- thorities to defray the expenses of the trial. When asked by his fellow prisoners why he did not try to revisit his friends in America, instead of running such risks by re-ap- pearing in a neighborhood where be was 80 well known, he replied, Stealing is @ bad trade in those parts; all the safes and strong boxes are of cast iron.” i will be tried at the nextaseizes held at Eide © bigamy and house- breaking, and will probably be condemned to imprisonment eitber for life or for a long term of years, so that there is little progpect that this enterprising individual will ever be permitted to return to your side of the Atlantic, e Princess Frederick William ani her new-born child are progrcasing so favorably that the balletins respecting their state of heaith, which had been published daity for the first week, have been discontinued since Saturday last. The fortunate individua's who have been admitted to a sight of the future heir report that he is a fine, sturdy boy—very much like his of course, As yet, I be- lieve, no time has been fixed for the christening, nor is it known for certain whether Queen Victoria will be present at the ceremouy, as this will depend in a great meagure upon the nature of the political events thay may occur pete the next few weeks. If the Queen should be pre- vented from leaving her kingdom, the Princess, who is naturally anxious to present her baby to its grandmother and great grandmother (the Duchess of Kent), may posai- bly take a trip to England in the summer; but this, too, depends upon circumstances which are difficult to foresoe ata moment when no one knows wha" chavges even a day may bring forth in the political aspect of Europ>. In case the baptism of the royal infant should have to take place without Queen Victoria’s assisting at it in person, she will Probably be represented by one of the Princesses of the royal family, a8 will the Queen of Prussia, who continaes to reside with her husband at Rome; the Princess of Prus fia and the Grand Duchess Dowager of Saxe-Weimer will, I understard, be the two other godmothers. NAPOLEON III. AND ITALY. Napoleon's Two Manifestoes—Hils Pamphlet Addressed to the Sovereigns and Peoples of Europe —Hiks Speech to the Senators and Depu- ties of France. THE MANIFESTO TO BUROPE. [Issued and 20,000 copies sold in Paris, Feb. 4, 1859.) 1 With the earnest preoccupations of the pablic mind be fo every one will think with us, that the question of Italy is one of those which it is as impossible to lull as to stile, ‘The most prudent way, then, is study it, to ma. ture it, to calm it by means of an impartial and sympa | thetic examination, in place of irritating it by disdain, or keeping it apart in obscurity by sileace. This examins tion we have just undertaken, with the siacere desire of being useful fo a cause which comprises the grostest po. ideal and religious interests of Europe. italy represents in history something groater stil! than nationality: she representa civilization, It is on this privileged soil that imperishable principles and the glorious examples which ¢ formed men and sosic- ‘es have taken birth. Italy is more than @ Sister for other nations—-she is a mother. Her genius, her power, her institutions, her conqueste, her masterpieces, and, later, her calamities, her ruin, her troubles—in a word, all in ancient or in modern times; her consuls, her tri bunes, her historians, her emperors, her martyrs and her popes, have contributed to endow her with in some sort « onorative tra hge In policy, in war, in civil and penal feeislation, 1m the arts, in eloquence, ia ry, as in reli toa, she Has been the’ coe cotmtry Of all clvilized ites, It may be said that her influence over the world has never ceased. After having subj she en- lightened it. When hor material domination foll her mo Tal domination commenced. Such is what history tells us. For Europe to forget her would be ingratitade; for Italy to forget, it would be resignation. Can we ask that sacrifice of thore who have kept of their past grandeur but the pride of having justified jt, and the hope of one day recovering some remnant of it? And if we did ask it of Italy, would she not have a right to answer us with theee words of Tacitus in the Life of Agricola, We should have lost momory itself with our voice if it was in our power to forget a8 well as to be silent.” Il. THE SYMPATIY OF ENGLAND POR ITALY. There are two ciements quite distinct ia the question of Ttaly—the revolutionary clement, which correepon Js to theories and violent allke inoompati- fap che ay of the Papacy; structive spirit of ‘elena even in Italy, where it and religious interests, i would 5 opinion, vanquished by force, its attempt woul1 be merely fan adventure; it would retreat, {t woul’, suocamb, i would once more saturate with blood the soil of Italy, and would only render the condition of that noble country ‘still more melancholy. ‘The national clement all that is most vita on Ttaly. It answers to the common hopes of the popu! oe Tsing dey nore, ' opens Papacy an imo ich fora moment te icy governments. It findsia them the moral support of the Anglo-French alliance, tormed be- tween two great States ‘ly with the object of pre- venting European comp! of settling the differences between nations, and of su; porting everywhere the cause of the law of nations and of civilization. England, in fact, cannot abandon Italy, for it is she, td mine her statesmen, pops pd pa sve cons encouraged and supported even beforo 1848, "We remember the etteoted in tho pol of the last régime in consequence of the 8; marr! . The rnment of King Louis Philip; committed the of sacrificing the ance toa family interest. Ita in consequence of it, and, as M. Thiers declared in a momo- rable debate, “It was found at the instant even depen- dent op Austria, and objiged to follow her inspirations in italy and Switzerland.” At that moment what did Eng land? She took the part which belonged to France—she tuk it even in bree ut. Lord Minto fulfilled the mission with which he had been charged by Lord Palmerston with an ardoar which went beyond the mark, by exciting impatience and illusion when it wi bove all, necessary to inspire moderation and oppee firmness. The promise of that protectorate of the Cabinet of London, conveyed to tho Peninsula at the very moment the Cabinet of the Tuileries seomed to abdi- caté that which history and geography gave her, must ne- cessarily have overthrown our influence on the other side of the Alps; but it should also have maintained the na- tonal impulse which manifested itself after the accession of Pius 1X., and which was so soon imperilled by the re- volutionary spitit. Italy believed no longer in France, and it was to England that she gave all her confidence. It must be admitted that this confidence was not deceiv- ed. England, as a maritime Power, could not take part in a continental struggle between Piedmont aud Austria; but when the revolution of the 24th February casued to prevail in France a policy which ought to be supposed fa- vorable to Italian independence, England did no hesitate to declare herself against Austrian domination. Tho en- tre policy of England on this point was summed up tn a doeumeni of high importance. On the 29th October, 1848, Lord Palmerston addressed to Lord Ponsonby, Ambassa- dor of the Queen of Great Britain at Vieana, a despatch in which he eeclared Maat “there is no chance that Austria can keep, ina useful and permanent manner, Upper Italy, the whole of whore inhalants are profoundly imbued with an invincible hatred to the Austrian army.” He adds that “it would certain!'y be more prudent on the part of the Anstriap government, more useful to the real and proper force of that Empire, to {ree the population from its domi. pation, which they will ever consider as a yoke ”” Lord Pa'merston thinks that that yoke cannot be main- tained but by agreat display of furce, at considerable cost, and he foresees that foreign aid ought to be implored and granted. What would happen insuch acase? flere the Cabinet of London does not Jeave to the Cabinet of Vienna apy illusion as to the feeling of Europe and the conduct of Eogland, We quote the words of the de- spatch:— Even thongh the war Should become European tictpation of other Po: who might find themee into it, yet there is no reason {+ believe that the Joal would leave Auttia lo possession of any ierriiory bey Alps. But Austria must consider, moreover, thit, however disposed the Powers her allies and friends may be’ to suzcor her if ane wae menanced in her own proper and legitimate existence io Germany. there exists on the subject of her pre- tensions to impose ber yoke on the Italians a feeling 80 uni- 9. veraal cf theirinjuetjee that this feeling might well hare the effect of leaving her with very little aid in case of @ war suca ag ‘hat I have spoken of. bd Is this clear? Is it possible, we ask, to disinterest more precively Engiaud, and to isolate more completely Aus- tria, by raising between her and Europe the universal sentiments of the injustice of her pretensions? Lord Palmerston does not evea admit that, in case of war, Austria could count upon Germany. “Is the Aus- trian government,’ he says, ‘quite certain that even the sympathy of Germany would follow it in its effurts to impore her yoke still more heavily on the Italian na- tion ”* This doubt is not expressed lightly, and that eminent Statesman accounts for it at once by a reason 69 politic, 80 evident and just, tbat it may be considered as decisive. ‘The reason is, The principle of pationalitiva, now the rallying cry of all Germany, would it not protest loudiy against Austria in such a struggle?’ ‘The acts of England were inaccordance with her words. Her diplomacy, so powerful, had supported Italy in her pretensions, as it had encouraged her in her impulse. ‘There was perhaps a moment of fortune for the Italian na- tionality. It was that moment, too rapid, when the Pied- Montese, Conquerors on the Adige, were masters of almost he whole of Lombardy—when Austria, dismayed at the- general rising whtch forced her to fall back, disquicced reverses, and not wishing to pl the end that terrible game with the despair and herotvm of a people, fearing on the one hand the revolution in Germany, offered the sacrifice of the final act of the Congress of Vienna as the price of victory, and @ concession to the re-establishment of peace. Austria proposed the independence of Lombardy, and a separate government for Venetia, on the sole condition of her suze- rainty. ‘These proposals were carried directly to London; ihey were only known ia France. It was then believed ia London that Italy might obtaia better terms, and the Eag- ish Cabinet did not use its great and legitimate authority © prevent the refusal which was made to these overtures at Milan, The discouragement of Austria did not last ong. Inthe month of May, 1848, she was disposed to treat on the bases just stated. Atthe end of July Pied- mont was already exhansted iv that unequal struggle, where her courage alone was inexhaustible. It then’ made an appeal to the intervention of France. The government of General Cavaignac replied by an offer of mediation, in which England was to join. England and France, com- pletely united in the same idea, assumed for their startin point of the new negotiations the bases which had been pit f ed at Milan; but Austria, victorious, deelsred peremptorily that she was no di to admit that which she had been reduced to propose. ‘Neverthelesa, it was decided that a congress should take place at Brussels, where France was to be represented by M. de Tocqueville, antl Eogland by Sir Henry Ellis, Everybody knows what happeucd— the Congress of Brussels was a mere plan—the Anglo French mediation could not succeed in constituting itsel'— the voice of cannon was heard tn place of that of Sioiom - cy. It was the cannon of Novara. Charles Albert, impa- tient at the delays, irritated by the difficulties, and con- fident in his cause, had riske! all in that glorious temerity. Italy succumbed at least nobly, and the chivalrous monarch, who had dreamt its emancipation, re- tired, vanquished, but not humiliated, leaving his crowa and his cause to his son, who ascended the throne throngh this field of battle, after having received sixteen bulle:s in his coat. Since that pariod Italian nationality has on!y lived in the patriotism and policy of Piedmont, sustained by the moral support of the Anglo French alliance. The flag of Novara was hoisted in the Crimea, where the Sardinian army had th ir share ia the contests, the trials, and the victories of the French andi Eoglish armies. In fine, at the Congress of Paris the Plenipotentiaries of the King of Sardinia came to take their seats beside those of the first Powers in Europe, and to coucur with them ia the regulation of the greatest interests in the world. Tuis rank, which Sardinia, vanquished at Novara in 1849, was able to conquer in 1856, in the midst of the great Powers, she owes no doubt to hereolf, but she owes it likewise to the moral and dir: ct support of the Anglo French alliance; she owes it particularly—and nobody in the diplomatic regions will deny this fact—to the peraevering and marked tendency of England to aggrandizo and constitute her importance. The English policy has consequently vot varied since 1847 with respect to Italy. It evon anticipated us; while the bn mnie King Louis Phillippe supported the Austrian icy, the diplomacy of Queen Victoria en- couraged the Italian policy. The tofluence of Engiand did not ceage to be felt for a single day during those cleven years in the affairs of the Peninsula. It is to be found in the first burst of nationality which hailed the accession of Pius 1X. as well as in the efforts at independence which at a later period concentrated themselves uader the Sar- dinian flag. Her hand is seen in the pretensions inspired by v , 48 well as in the negotiations which followed defeats. In short, when at the of Paris Count Walewski thought it bis duty to cali to the internal state of Italy the solicitude and attention of the plenipotentiaries ageembled to settle the conditions of peace, Lord Clarendon, with that authority ac quired by his rank and his great experienc ically supported the wishes expressed by the Minister of the Emperor of the French. It is true thot since that period the direc. tion of the Eaglish policy has changed hands, but the English Sealing is not changed. England is a liberal ‘nation, and her great aristocracy has maintained itself through all oar tocial crises and transformations only because it hay always marched at the head of civilization and progress, ‘There is not a statesman, not a minister, nota Parlia- ment in Great Britain which could support any other cause in Italy than that of which the Queon’s govern: ment has been, for the last eleven years, the firm sup. port. This cause responds to everything that England respects, to all that she has a mission to propagate throughout the world. She cannot make default in it without belying her history and nature. Ina word, the Talian question cannot but be one of national interest for the English governmentas well asfor the French, It is an Ttalian question—it cannot be anything else. It could not become French without ceasing to be Karopean, but in ro- maining in its proper character it is certain to flad in Eag- Jand the sympathies of a liberal nation and of an enlight- ened government. As for England, she responds to true Principles, to which she is bound by one of those alliances which bave their foundations in the morals of a poaplo, and their sanction in its conscience. Til. THE INTEREST OF GERMANY IN ITALY, We have demonstrated the policy of England with respect to Italy; now what is the interest of Germany in this question ? It ts useless to speuk of Austria, interested in maintaining a state of things favorable to her domina- tion. There remains Germany, properly so called, Eope Pius 1X., addressing himself to of Austr! at the tiine he was maintaining and Venetians a contest doubly painful to the patriotism of the Ttalian Prince and the heart of the Pontiff, defined in these terms the duties and tho mission of Germany :~ ‘We feel coofident that the German ni Bo generous prowd other own nailomnty, wi ‘not Cova rae honor i sangulnary attacks against the Italien Tater belteve ube is interested In ony acnowledging be! for A sister, both our daughiara, both #0 dear to our . senting to dwell exch in {ta awa natural , where will live an honorable life, blessed by the Lord, Thus spoke the great son! and the cloyated reason of Pius IX. The apirit of concord which inspired this elevated him to a political view worthy of a statesman. The Kiinperor Napoleon 1, in one of those glances which he Tock, had general it Bin ‘of my grandest ideas,” said to, “was Jomeration, the concentration, of the same geographi- cif tations ‘which had been divided and partitioned by revolution and ities. Thus, there are in pmeend ench, , more than thirty million ‘Afteen a and thirty million Germans. I each of these ‘one single body of anatiou. It is with such pawn! that it would have been grand to ad- vance to ‘and the benediction of ages. I felt my- golf ‘worthy of that glory.” What nation is interested mor tute its unity, Denmark. Weil, ‘2 cause of weakues, an al- iple; it is the elemeat which nature by attaching t> shred of Italian nationality. one of the most eminent i Serer emg it of view, necessary int O ited this opinion, that in any orp, a8 A Necessary cover, the that ree sae the rar i departure to propose Dida %, , Which at least manifested its sympathy for the Italian cause, and at the same time its According to this plan, de Radowitz, Austria was to keep the line strategic point, but the country which limits of the Augtrian Empire was to form part of an Italian Confederation. This plan was re- J ke’ the Diet, over which Viennese influence pre- vailed. In Germany, asin Italy, as everywhere, the re- volutionary spirit prevailed over tho national movement which had preceded or followed the burst of 1848. The Diet of Frankfort produced nothing. The Germanic Confedera- tion obtuined none of the guarantees of unity and jiberty of side to that opposition which is the condition of their im- portance. Prussia, which tends to become the head of the Germanic bedy, has an immense interest in keeping Austria tn check. By becoming her ally she would muke herself the accomplice of her own humiliation, aud she would thus disown the work of the great Frederick. In @ word, the Italian question, retuced to a national interest, ditengaged from the revolutionary element, Jimited and tempered in its pretensiona by tne moral pro- tectorate of Europe, could bave nothing menacing for Ger- many. Far ftom it. Its solution, if it was possible, would bea new force for German nationality, and a guarantee for the security and equilibrium of all the States thst com- pose it. oe WHAT DOES FRANCE WIS? After having demonstrated that Englaad was mora'ly engaged and Germany politically interested in a national solution of the question of Italy, we must examine how this question should be characteriaea with respect to France. What does France wish? Does she wish, as under the republic aad under the firet empire, w recoustitute Europe, to impose herself on her, to change her (rontier, to displace the nationalities, to depose kings, to found dy- nastics? or rather does she desire simply to consolidate, to ftrengthen, the present order in Europe, by applying her power to resolve the difficulties which may menace and endanger it? We believe the question to ba thus precisely laid down :— The first Empire, like the Revolution, bad a general ob- Jece in view, in comparison with which the interests of na- towulity were merely secondary. Europe was leagued against principles which bad just te:umphed in France, and under the influence of which an immense transforma- tion was about to be accomplished. We were condemned, for a long time, perbaps, to struggle alone agaiust all, in a double interest of — territor’ and political con- servatism, and cf moral expansion, for the benefit of other peoples. We had. then, to create for ourselves, everywhere—on the Rhine, the Scbeldt, the Pyro: nees, the Alps—fortresses or advaticed posta, ia order to support, according to circumstances, our policy, alter- nately offensive and defensive. When the Emperor Napo- pole I. caused himself be crowned King of Naly,and ‘proclaimed Protector of the German Confederation, he de- ‘sired rather to protect than eggrandize the French t'rritory, which was great enough in its natural limits not to go be- yond them. He thus constituted the independence at the same time as the influence of France, and his victorious eagles carried abroad with them, not servitude, but civi- lization. ‘In what concerns Italy particularly the Emperor ex. plained the motives of his domination over that coantry in one of the memorable conversations at St. Helena: —‘as for the Italians,” he said, “the agglomeration was al faradvanced. It was only wanting to become o!d,and eac! day ripened with thom the unity of princtple and of legiala- tion. ot thought and feeling, that cement, secure and infallible, of human agglomerations, ‘The union of Pied- mont with France, of Parma, Tuscany, Rome, had been only tesepeesty. in my thoughts, and had no other object than to watch, to guarantec, and to promote the na- tional education of the Italians’ ‘And let it not be said that this generous thought was in the conscience of the illustrious exile the excuse for his lost domination. It was well and truly the inspiration of his political genius; and what proves it is the official auswer which ho made in 18(8 to M. Melzi, who headed the deputation charged with offering bim the crown of a ‘That reply is a ray of light in this historic question, Here it is:— Lhave siways had the intention of creating tbe Italian nation- ality free and Independent. Laccept the crown; I will guard {t, but onty for the time my interests ehall require it. The campaigns of tbe revolntion, the conquests of the empire, were then a violent means, an extreme resource of struggle and of propagandism, but they were not a system. Zhe Emperor only made Germany and Italy French to prepare them some day to be German and Talian. Misfortunes surprised him before this object of European equilibrium could be accomplished; and what is most remarkable is, that to drive bim back from the other side of the Rhine and the Alps it was found necessary to excite ogairst bim the national sentiment, whch he un- derstood, aud which entered into his vast plan as an ele- ment of gereral pacification. It was by promising their independence to Italy ard Germany that the coalition was able to ral'y them round its flag. The state of France with relation to Europe is at the present day quite different. The French revolution hes Gone its work as 0 institutions, laws, and manners, and its influence is felt beyond our frontiers. ‘The empire, re estab lished after more than thirty years’ struggle, has gained the alliance of some of the oldest: monarchies, the friend- ship of others, the esteem of all, There és consequently no reasen to fear that our generation will see wars recommenced tuch @s those which have cost so much blood and given so much glory to cur fathers. If France, who wishes peace, was forced to make war, Europe would no doubt be moved by it; but it ought not to be diequicted at it. It is pot her independence which is in question. War, which fortunately is not probable, would hare no other object the day when it should become necessary than to prevent revolutions by means of the legit. mate satsfaction given tothe requirements of pupul % and the protection and guarantee of the recognized princi: ples and authentic rights of their nationality. The Emperor Napoleon I. thought himself obliged to conquer nationalit’es in order to freo them. If ever his successor had to defend them tt would be to free them without conquering them. Thus we migtt repeat to Italy what M. Thiers said on the 29th January, 1848, from the tribune, and with as much reason as justice—*When, fifty years ago, we wished to possess Italy, it was a wrong, but an excusable wrong, because to possess it was to save it, and the vast empire which stretched from Rome to Hamburg ‘was but the it reprisal for the celebrated Convention of Pitnitz. ose times are past. Italy must know that France wishes her to be (pdependent, free and happy.”’ v. IS THERE AN ITALIAN QUESTION? There are in Fratce and in Europe men of good faith, who atk themselves i there is realiy an Italian question, It is true that this question has not been created in these recent times either by civil war or by foreign war. Must we conclude that it does not exist? Such is not our opinion. The Italian question is created by the disquie- tude which it causes to Europe, by the uvoaginess it keeps bes by the false situation in which a!l the goveraments of the Peninsula are more or less engaged under the influ- ence of causes at once common and various. , Let us rapidly apalyze those causes, in order that the opinion of Europe shail be enabled to jadge if it is poms. ble to maintain the actual state of things in Italy, and if it be not more prudent and more politicto prevent great pertur- vations in it than to allow oneself to be outstripped by events, Vi NECESSITY OF FRENCH TROOPS IN ROME—THE RELE GIOUS AND POLITICAL POSITION OF THE POPE. At Rome the Pope is under the respectful and devoted guardianship of the arms of France, The military occu pation is at once abnormal and a necessary fact. Af t cease to-day we should see Austria or the revolution take our placeto morrow. The noble qualities and generous in- tentions of Pins 1X. seemed to reserve for him an excep- tional part in the history of the y. Italian patriotism is in him combined with every Christian virtue. He was worthy of regenorating Italy.” It was the firat inspiration of his accession ; the greatness of Rome seemed to revive for a moment under the figure of this Pope. Turin, Na- ples, Venice, Parma and Milan thrilled with a new spirit at the signal of nationality given by the boll of the dome of St. Peter's. Unhappily, the revolution came on, which drew the population , and caused princes to draw back, leaving him no refuge but exile, and no safety but the sword of France. it the fault of Pius IX. if the temporal authorits which Be denired to reform was again found in his hands such as he had received it from his predecessor. Con. vinced of the necessity of that reform, he has had, doubt- leas, the regret of hav failed in it; but he vever will for having attempted it. This with Christian ty the weight of a which he has vainly tried to improve, and the of which his perfect goodness would have correct- situation abases “tg ation paca the Po in of three real presence ree difficulties, pen We declare, oxpose Roriously to danger, according tour, the political power of tho papacy— a for ite independence and the grandour of is religious mission. * The first of those difficultics is found in the adminis. trative government of tho Roman States, which is but the Catholic authority applied to the interests of a temporal order. The laws of church are not propor for dissus- sion, and marit respect; they must be considered as an manation of the Divine wisdom; but civil society claims ite legislation as religious society exacts and preserves its own. The canon law—iniexible asa dogma, immovable amid the movement of ages—in essentially distinct from legal law, variable aa are the Mi le gard and the inte. rests of goclety, It could adapt itecif to the oarly periods to reconsti what ardor it claims the | from the temporal power of the Px 2 Tn fact, ph Frets, atnneetet men, inherent the nature of things, spring from thie confusion, abuses excite the Roman population a spirit w! would ay render them unjust and distrustful, anc which is only kept in check by the presence of our diers. Wo Become res} for what our very occupation, from the fact of being such conditions, would be worn out, and would en: the name and the influence of France. Thus, ing u more defined the Roman States is stil! loss 01 H i i — = é & 5 i Finally, a third difficulty, and this not the least seriou! is created for the Pope by the absolute impossibility he | in of forming, in actual circumstances, an Italian arm: All the attempts mado with this object have fuilod, Thas, in a word, in what concerns Rome there are thr: considerable difficulties, which correspond to these urge: necessities, viz.:— 1. To reconcile the régime of the church with a lege political and regular régime in the Roman States. 2. To render the Pope independent of questions of * Houality, of war, of armaments, of internal and ex! lefence. 3. To constitute a native army, and to substitute for o: eee the protection of an efficacious and real Ital: force. ‘This is a threefold necessity, which, under pain of cer and perhaps Spproaching disturbance, must be satiated, the interest of Italy, of religion, apd of all the Catho States. Vil. SARDINIA CAN TAKE NO STEP BACKWARDS—s1 MUST ADVANCE. ! Piedmont bas grown greatty in importance and in glor She has won a place in the affairs of Europe, and a part the destinies of Italy. But, in order to establish b power, as yet new, and to guarantee her security at hor and abroad, her government is bound to give satisfacti to two interests which are in a state of suffering—natior interest and religious iaterest. ‘The Italian idea is, since 1847, the moving cause and t necessary reason of all the acte of Piedmontese policy. is the passion of King Victor Emmanuel, as it is the flag the cabinet presided over by Count Cavour. Now, ti idea bas produced ail that in actual circamstances it w enabled to produce with regard to military acts, prepat. tions of armamonts, sy stems of defence, and political ma festations against Austria; in this respect it could go further without en.ountering war. Nevertheless, Piedmont cannot remain without great pe at the point at which it is ; it cannot have taken vainly t head of the Italian movement in order to draw back afv warda, It is absolutely nece means should found of satisfying the hopes which it bas exolted unc pain of losing all influence in Italy, and of being outstr mes by the passions which its present popularity keeps: check. ‘The intorests of religion suffor in Piedmont, we he saw, like the national interests, It is then urgent, many reasons, in a Catholic country there should | be prolonged a diasension with the Church of Komo,wh. is am encouragement to revolutionary passions, a cu’ of grief and an embarrassment for the }) BOE Berious danger for the governmont. ‘The Piedmontese clergy have no hatred against repros \ | tative government. In 1840 and 1847 they were near! in the liberal movement directed by Count Balbo Abbé Gioberti. Their atcitude changed when the } on civil marr! and that on ecclesiastical festivities p duced a dizsension with Rome. Itis no part of our bu ness to discuss these laws; we merely observe that all | enlightened Piodmonteso deplore that state of things, « earpestly desire to see theendofthem. We have much confidence in the high intelligence of the Prime nieter of Sardinia pot to be convinced that the obstacl« a reconciliation sodesirable would not be found inh ‘What proves it is his declaration last session on the se beso Lada etn Cie 7, which oe ically rejected for profound Tessons, as he sai But we must. not delude ourselves; that Tecenciliat fs uoteasy. There are engagements contracted, am propre excited, and an issue fe difficult trom ehis. dilen: ‘when the debate is carried on only under the protectio, some act which would be a pledge given to the ‘ional interestand a means of reconciliation with the i Lever idl ee ty te in If, im place the status Frolonged mont, it's fated to ehd, as the political result in wer, ? 28 the religious result in schism. These are the two dangers, not only for Piedmont, but for Gl Naty and’ Burope, and to which political wisdom counsels us not to . our. eyes. POSITION OF THE ITALIAN PENINSULA STATES } Can the satus quo, so difficult to maintain at Rome Turin, for the reasons we have just given, continue at} Jan, Ni Florence, Parma and Lucca’ At Milan the Emperor of Austria sent of the Archdv him who had most sympathy for Italy. The good in tions of the Archduke Maximilian are known. He v his power with a moderation which we are happy to mit; but is the domination of Austria in Italy the w solid for it? The qualities of a prince—time itself—car | nothing. As Lord Palmerston said in 1849, in the desp: pi in pe! ind yey be! bi Ata a ai manner ‘Thus, on that side, insurrection put down, often vanqu ed, but never discouraged. At Naples the government is isolated, not only in Ear by her Pcl with respect to France and England, aiso in Italy, by her rupture with the only State it which is seriously organized. King and he more tnan apy other, per! , Weakened as ‘Li by this double isolation, has to deal with a national opi which exists in the south as in the north of the Pening Mention has recently been made of a document of g | interest, and which expiains the resistance of the Kin Naples to the combined diplomatic action of tne Ar | French alliance. By the 8d article of the Convertio the 29th of April, 1815, the two governments of Au, and the Two Sicilles engaged to conclude a treaty of ance having for its object to ‘consolidate the state of p and tranquility, internal and external, of the Two Sic | and of Italy in generat.” That treaty, concluded in the of July following, stipulates, in a secret article, ‘tha | Majesty the King of the Two Sicilies shall notadmit cha which cannot be reconciled either with monarchic: { stitutions or with the principles adopted by hig m: and royal Majesty for the internal government of his It provinces.’ Jt ts imy to render move appare hand of Austria. ly, under such a i . may be said that it rules at Na, as at Milon, Bu King Ferdinand, who in 1847 freed himsolf from domination, always feel himself protected by it? permitted to believe that he feels tho humiliation ac a8 the embarrassment of it, and that he woud be to lend the hand to an organization which, withou { ete, prerogatives of which he is 80 jealous, v Permit him to bo an Teallan prince, and vo win bac | sytopathics of the intelligent men trom whom he c remain divorced the whole of his reign. j At Florence the Grand Duke Leopold has seen ec | the brilliant popularity which encircled him before { and the fruits ot which be gathered in bis sponta | restoration to the throne. Between him and hie} { stand the bayoncts Bs Austrian domi: on Tuscany fg also a co | ane coniirms of should cease, that Florence should again a8 in the times of the Medici, and that her Princes 1 recover their popularity, @ national government a Kalian army are as much needed ae man States. At Parma the Grand Duchess has resisted bette elsewhere the influence of Austria, which she has n:! mitted up to the present to have a garrison in hor { It is agood example; and it is worthy of remar! this inspiration of patriotism should emanate fry’ heart of a woman. Sut the Duchess of Parma, like Sovereigns of Central Italy, is bound by treatios a icy; she to Austria, and until Italy recove fe she cannot that As for the Duke of Modena, he is the admitted 1j nantof Austria; he makes of his position, 1 use he did not hesitate to call upon the not the revolution, which had not yet raised its hh the national movement, of which Pius IX. was the “I have behind the Po,” he wrote some timo prov: “a reserve of 300, men.” The 24th of Dec e of alliance with the Cab, article of that oy ho ;! the ire tt.?? governs by hor treaties, by hor counsels, which mands, and by her garrisons; revolt of the Ital ing, capable of degenerating into revolutio, word, an ftaly where the recollec| hi aro or blasted by the grea fortunes, where tho most essential Clety, religion, order, inc jence of rity of princes, are "ndaugloes of lont, aa wi Up 8 A reproach, and as ® permanent fo; and {te civileation—-guiterluge to which huma policy cannot remain indifferent. Such ie tho pic} Bentod to our view on the other side of the Alps,