The New York Herald Newspaper, February 27, 1859, Page 1

THE NEW YORK HERALD. WHOLE NO. 8211. THE NEWS FROM EUROPE. val of the Mails by the Fulton and Canada, VILL THERE BE WAR? he [Questions Affecting the Peace of Europe. upposed Necessity for Another War and Another European Congress, &., ce, ‘The maile of tho Canada reached this city from Boston rday evening. ‘The United Siates mail steamship Fulton, Capt. Wotton, om Havre and Southampton, arrived here at two o'clock esterday afternoon. Tae Fulton lett Southampton on the h inet. Our files are dated in Paris on the 11th and London on e 12th instant, and contain gome very imteresting de- is of the telegraphic report from Halifax which ap- 4 on Friday morning. ‘The return from the Bank of England for the week end- ig the 9th of February, gives the following results when ompared with the previous week:— lic deposits. ,£7,329,287 Increase. her deposits... .14,484,986 Decrease, ft eseeeeeesss 8,386,600 Increase . ©n the other side of the account:— ov't securities.£10,696,147 Unchanged. er securities. .16,512,809 Decrease. jotes unemploy’dl2,625,085 Increase . ‘The amount of notes in circulation is £20,618,485, being decrease of £381,205, and the stock of bullion in both rtments is $19,461,012, showing an increase of £166,- 33, when compared with the preceding return, Her Britannic Majesty’s frigate Curacoa, 31, Captain on, sailed from Spithead for Plymouth to embark Lord Lyons and guite on Thursday, 8d of February. At 3 |. next day, twenty miles off Durlstone Head, she e in contact with the schooner Fleta, of Shoreham. be Fleta received covsiderable damage; she arrived at ortsmouth on the 4th instant. Captain Field, of the eta, reports that his vessel was close hauled on the board tack, heading south, wind west southwest. The Daracoa sent a boat to offer assistance if needed, and erwards proceeied on her voyage to Devonport. A correspondent of the London Chronicle, writing from Naples on the 6tb of February, says:— Among the unfortunate victims of the King’s vengeance re the gifted Poerio, Settembrini, &. One of the prison- re was a German, whose daughter bad married a Nea- litan lawyer, and this lady made such interest with the pg of Bavaria for her father that he was permitted to turn to bis own country, instead of accompanying the Of his fellow captives to the A . The re- der, with the exception two or three, rendered rhelly vnable to travel from fllness contracted during ar incarceration, were conveyed on board a vessel com- pletely disarmed, but closely followed by another, armed all pomts, in case of a revolt or attempt at escape. were bound first to Cadiz, and thence to the A lic, where they are each to receive one hundred ducals landing. The parting from the families and dearest relatives and connections of these unhappy victims of a 1 and odious tyranny is said to have been heart- fending im the extreme, and such as no pen can depict, _ Lord Clyde has met witha painful accident in India. (On the 26th of December, outside of Nanparha, he had a running fight with the rebels; and when he was directing the movements of his army, his favorite charger, which [was going at full speed over eome broken ground, fell, shrewing his lordship with great force on the ground, distocating his shoulder and hurting his face. Up to Jan. 11, the Commander-in-Chief had consequently been unable ite move about, except on a palanquin. ao, The Atlantic Telegraph. In the House of Commons, on the 8th inst., Mr. H. Be: keley put the following question to the Chancellor of the kxchequer:—If it were tree that her Majesty’s go- lvernment was about to grant a guarantee or subsidy to the Atlantic Telegraph Company; and. if 80, upon what leonditions? ‘The Chancellor of the Exchequer said that several ap. plications bad been made for a subsidy, but the govern- mext bad not come to avy resolution on the subject. THE ITALIAN QUESTION. Napoleon’s Speech—The Sardinian Loan— Count de Morny’s Specch, &., &. {From tbe London Times, Feb. 9) Our readers bave now had before them a most authori- tative and most claborate answer tothe question every- ‘body has heen asking everybody else for more than a month past—‘‘Is it peacer” The man who held peace and ‘war in the balaoce and long poised the dread alternatives has pronounced the sentence The man who held the dogs of war in bis leash tells us whether he will still hold them ler send them bounding on their prey. Zhe man whose morbid restlessness, or selfish ambition, or dire necessity urged him—to it’ was said—to sake his single fortune legainst the interests of the whole human race has himself cummented on the unexam; situation. It washe who ‘uttered the words, which, too resembling other ejacula- tions once uttered in the same place and felt by their re- suite all over Europe, showed at least what was in the ind of the speaker, He bas now interpreted them. All tion should therefore be at rest before so high an au- hority. Yet never was there so obscure an interpreter, or gioss that 20 encumbered the text. The various readings lad the battles of commentators vu} ‘® corrupt passage {im an old Greek play have at least this to redeem then— that they are not in league with the original obscurity. ‘But here the commentator and his author are the same, land equally ambiguous. They whose place it is to elucidate, to the best of their ability, the dark psyings ‘and questionable acts of political per- pouages are charged with saying and unsay- {ing in the same breath; with naltcommaltiing themselves, land then leaving loopholes; and with finding out atleast lwhatever can be said on both sides of the u this has been exhibited by an 1) COM: 1g his half.column on one of his own Who jsball ae that which to the speaker himself is so un- jaccountable? Fortunately, the affair is not quite so anxious las mysterious. We may com; our nervos, even though leurksty fatished. "When in the course ot is not entirely = dozen short raphs we seem to have as many con- Micting intentions, we recognise a decreasing value it resolutions only made to be immediately wit wo or en. French Emperor begins as though all the world had been under a strange hallucination. There has been i** much ado about ni g-’’ In the midst of a general jcalm there has risen, somehow, a ‘ ie joty, a hollow agitation,” without any well d cause, It has Faber orgs bom pede | disturber of a peace en pul confidence. ‘no one sad chin, weak tremor and causcless alarm Teva much {He sees in it, however, nothing more than the occasional memento of former calamities, the evil legacy of revyolu- on, and the smoulderin; of long-mastered fires. Timo alone can heal the sores of a State, and induce an, obli- on of sad annals. So far we might su; that Inothing had occurred, what nothing had beon said, not even a pretence could be assiqmed for any new xiety. Weare to infer that it has come as wholly un- 3 on the Emperor as on the rest of the uninitiated ipubl. All the interest, then, that can attach to so ovndless, though so general an uneasiness, is to explore undeserved mistrust which it betrays. Will Europe It refuse to trust the Emperor of French? Have bey eo soon forgotten his declarations, his constant line policy , his firm alliance with Kagland, and his settled tice of requiting to all nations their several measures friendship? Tbe era of peace which he had the ppiners to announce cannot yet be ended. To 'y it through its destined period he has treated ‘ith scorn those recollections of the pas. which na. yurally suggested a different demeanor. Ho has de ppised calumny, and braved even the excusable prejudices his own country. Such a policy has been rewarded by ommon triumphs of war and of peace, in Europe and in ia, and even by the admiration of a magnanimous foe, cordially co-operating for the common good of Europe. , then, we have only to regret that the Emperor 1d have been called from his peaceful studies to moet ea Timer a flying shaft or an indefinite alarm. ‘e remember that little more than a twelyemonth band of an aseasin naturally quickened his suscepti- ities, pe Go somewhat exigent o x popalar conti. ne Honal sym: ' called for ° tay eel ‘was all from enbt, The had b the passive, unsuspecting and undeserving object o atrocious attempt. But now that the poniar ine been opped, and the infernal bomb has exploded in vain, In- htive Tumor may do a more effectual mischief in aacrib- ing to ite victim ag only existing in the imagination pf his worst foes. ich is the lang: of about the peech delivered on the opening of the French Chambers. But hay a : poy ht gould not be wholly og m entirely suppreas- , the Imperial speaker confesses to ometaiag wore than tation, In a more solemn and whom they are at ity, unlees to Prepare them for the interruption of this . Whatever Napoleon Lil. has to commnnicate to his phambers, ‘‘with regret,” be his causo ever so just—in- , all the moro on that account—must be a ressouablo ureo of distrust, foreo of the feoling thus - ed betwoon the governments of Paris and Vienne fe to measured by the value it imparts to other events, and (a such as to make the Emperor congratulate France on closer intimacy with an old ally—that ‘Piedmont, © proved herself 69 devoved during the war, #6 SUNDAY MORNING, FEBRUARY 27, 1859. ‘wring peace.” The nothiog, except that faithful to the Imperial policy Yate auspicious event means the two countries are united in policy and in iriendehip. In the stave of Italy there is nothin to warm, inasmuch a6 France itends to persevere in her presont position there, nd, notwithstanding tu» threat of a new coalition, to r main firm ia the path of rigbt, and justice, and bonor, Peace, finally, the Emperor hopee will never be disturbed; and so, with a grave, malediction on the vulgar interests and the toagay which would ascribe them where they cannot exist—viz : in the bearts of Eraperoré—be coacludos this manifesto. How will this be read at Turi? What comfort will it Epeak to the once drooping, just now sangutne, hearts at Milan? Will Austria find herseif the dupe of a faise alarm; and will Russia feei herself mocked with approaches tis! Cisappear tn verbiage? All that can be gathered ie, that iu’ common with other mortals, the Emperor of the French ig equally alive to conflicting considera tions, War with him, as with others, bas its delignts, its pains, its prizes and ‘its risks. Certainly, to dispiay the tremendous armaments on which France bas exbausted ber strepgth and her science, if ouly to prove her power, were it even barren of resulta, would prove Louis Napo leon no unworthy occupant of ‘bis unclo’s throne, A cru sade for Italian Batioaalily would be more than glorious; it might heal the wide breach that now severs the most restless and ambitious of Continental Powers trom the high privciples and brignt recollections typi fled and entombed under the effigy of Rome. ft might gain the assistance of those reckles: thusiaste, and those bitter foes, who would etill c: once the Cagger of a Brutus and tho sceptre of a Cee: War would flash many glorious lights uoon affairs otherwise eink into pageants or dwiadle into coavevience ‘The recent marriage is but a very ordinary moident with- out some political consequence. “Spanish marriages have Jed to nothing—why chou'd. not Piedmontese?” On the other band, war has risks which we need only all to. Tne Emperor of the French has duly weighed this side and that, and the conclusion probably is that, withont re- pouncing a sentiment or recalling a word—without loving Austria more, or less appreciating the glory of an {talian appanage or ally—the Emperor of the French is not at pre- sent Pe epee to do balile with half Europe, even with the aid of the remaining half. DIPLOMATIC EXPLANATIONS OF THE KING OF SAR- DINIA. The annexed circular has been addressed by the Sar- dipian government to its diplomatic agents at foreign courte:— Tort, Feb. 4, 1859, The goyernment of the King has asked the sanction of Parliument for the contraction of a loan of 50,000,000 lire, destined to meet the exigencies of the events that might come to pase in Italy, and the nature“and extent of which it is as yet impossible to foresee. As thia measure, which prudence has suggested to use, may give rise to erroneous commentaries, I have thought it fliting clearly to explain to you the thought that dictated it, im order to enable you torectify whatever error there might be in the judgments it may provoke on the part of politicians and of the organs of public opinion in the country where you reside. Three years will goon bave elapsed since the King’s go- vernment, while calling'the attention of Europe, by the organ of its plenipotentiaries at the Congress of Paris, to the grievous state (état facheuz) of Italy, protested against the extension of Austrian influence in the Peninsula be- yond the stipulations of the treatics, and announced that, if a check were not put to it, the reault might be serious dangers for the peace and tranquillity of the world. representations of Sardinia were favorably received by France and England, and were reproduced in some gort in asolemn manner at the Congress itself. Italy then con- ceived bopes, and men’s min is ssemed to calm down. But the hopes to which this manifestation of interest on the part of the Western Powers gave birth have litte by little been dissipated. ‘The state of Italy has not been modified. The prepou- derating ipfluence which Austria there exereises beyond the limits that treaties have assigned to hor, and which constitutes a constant menace for Sardinia, has rather augmented than diminished. On the other hand, the other States of the Peningula bave persisted in a system of government the result of which could only be discontenting of the population and @ provocation to disorder. Notwithstanding the dangers wherewith Sardinia was me- naced in consequence of such a state of things had become more serious and more imminent, the conduct of the King’s government has always been regulated by a spirit of propriety and reserve which men of good faith cannot refuse to recognise. , If bia Majesty’s government loftily repelled the preten- siops of Austria, which demanded modifications in the in. atitutions of the country, it did not assume a hostile atti- tude towards her when the Cabinet of Vienna thought proper to seize a pretext, judged futile by almost all the statesmen of Europe, to breale off with éclat diplomatic re- lations with Sardinia. Sardinta confined herself to reminding from time to time thoge governments with which she entertains friendly re- lations of the sad predictions which facts daily verified, oe wy invoking their solicitude for the condition of the Pe- nipsula. She has never concealed the avxieties and the sym- pathy inepired in her by the state of the greater part of the Italian provinces. But when ehe has deemed it her duty to manifest them publicly, she hag done it with as much moderation (mesure) as propriety. By her example, by ber conduct in the lat war and at the Congress of Parie, by the manife tation of her interest in and com- miegeration for the Italian populations, Sardinia has striven to bring back hope, patience and calm in the midst of despair, impatience and agitation. She has ab- stained, with the greatest care, from playing a part in any degree ‘provocative, and, if public right has been {n- fringed, it is certainly not Sardinia that can be accused of the least infraction of existing treatics. ‘This spirit of moderation, of which all the acts of the King’s government have hitherto borne the stamp, has been appreciated by all impartial men and by public opinion in Europe. But now the extraordinary military measures which the Cabinet at Vienna has justtaken, and which are evidently directed against Sardinta, whose military forces are relative- ly very weak, sf compared with those ro * Austria, force the King , without abandoning that reserve, to pre- pare itself against a danger which may become imminent, @ measures are known to Europe. I think it right, nevertheless, rapidly to recapitulate them. In the first days of January, before the King had pro- nounced the opening speech of the new legislative session, the Vienna Cabinet announced in its official journal the sending of a corps d’armée of 30,000 men into Italy. This corps, udded to three others which are established there ib & permanent manner, would increase the strength of the Austrian army to an extent out of proportion to what the maintenance of order and of internal tranquillity could require. At the same time that these troops were sent into Lom- bardy and Venetia with an extraordinary rapidity, fron- tier battalions, which leave their country only in case of war, were seen toarrive. The garrisons of Bologna and Ancona were reinforced. But, what is most serious, Aus- tria concentrated considerable forces on our frontier; she Fiero between the Adda and the Ticino, and especially ween For some days the left ban! a at tae hal out ‘Tho villages were occupied by detached corps—every- where quarters wero and measures were taken to form stores. Videttes wero of But which marks the of the two countries. Isay nothing of the language used publicly at Milan and in other towns by greater of the Aus- trian officers, without excepting those of eminent rank, for I know that one must notal' render governments rm ible for the language of their agents, it T think it ni to call attention to the recep. tion given at Venice to the to break and to the ostentation with w! vast preparations have been made at Piacenza, by occupying forts constructed in contempt of treaties, which have appeared to lect for some time country has been moved. Confiding in the patri the King and of his government, it remains calm, but it should be given to putting it ina the eventualities of which sucn a dis- the part of Austria may be taken asa decided to call into Piedmont the garrisons established in Sardinia and beyond the Alps, and has asked the Chambers for the sanction to ahi” lant req hich request, which will, I expect, be adopted, while proving to the nation that the roment has the consciousness of what the security and honor of the coun- try impose upon it, will maintain tranquillity in the public mind, and will permit us calmly to await future eventualitics, I hope you will have no difficulty in convincing tho political men with whom you are in relation that the measure above indicated, with an exclusively defensive object, far from containing a menace for the tranquillity of Europe, will have the result of calming the agitation in Italy, and reassuring men’s minds, by giving birth to the feeling of confidence that Piedmont, strong in her good Tight ‘and aided ‘by the alliee qrhich the justice of hor cause can © procure her, is ready to combat every cle- ment of disorder in the Peninsula, from quarter i may come, from Austria or from a pA 4 et to ae this same a to the Minister ‘oreign: ire, ly you to keep me informed of the judgments White end paane in that country on the measures in question, I offer you, &c. ¢. cavour. ‘PEECH OF COUNT DE MORNY ON THE CRISIS. sed (Feb. 9) correspondence of the London Times.) event of the day is the following speech made b the Count de Morny to the Corps Legislatif :— Massrrvns:—I had intended to speak to you of your selves; I bad prepared ‘® statistical table of your labor during the time that } have had the honor to be you President; I pel ioeagnens [A aoe y showin you the proofs value wi @ governmen Always attaches to your suggestions, by recapitulatin all work done in your bureaux and committee which escapes public attention, by enumerating the many amendments due to your initiativo—how real and efficacious is the influence which the consti- tution assigns to you; and I should have ven- tured to say, in conclusion, that, having regard to the divided state of our society, a Corps Logislatif which freely examines all questions on their own merits alone, better serves, perhaps, the goneral interest than the old Chambers, whose Hamentary stroggles trans- formed the duty of voting laws into a political woapon—a strategical party mancuvre. But this cold analysis would, as itappears to me, be ill-timed at the present moment; you still too much moved by the noble which you heard yesterday for me to venture to divert the cur- rent of your thoughts. Let us woll th those words, gentiomen; and In the first place let us, who aro the dele: gater of the country, repose in the Emperor that unlimited confidence which ten years of wise governmoat, modera- ton, devotion to the interests of France, and religious care PRICE TWO CENTS. for ber bonor, have implanted in our minds. Be confi dent when the Emperor “s to youn—*Resume with calm your habitual labors. hope that ‘will not be troubled. I sball remain immovable in the path of right, justice and national honour,” and when repeating thous famous words, “ [’Expire, c’est ia paix,” he adde that can only be disturbed for the defence of great national interests. How many other coo- eiderations are there which ought to Sep our anxiety? Religion, philosophy, civilization, credit, manufactures, have made tue first neccesity of modern times; the blood of people can no longer be lightly ehed—war is tho last resort of injured right or wounded honor. Almost all difficulties are now golved by diplomacy or pacific arbitra- tion, Rapid internationa! commanicagjons and publicity have created 4 new Luropean power with which all govern. mente are obliged to reckon: this Power is opinion. Opwion may for a moment hesitate or be rmisled, but ft alwaya ranges itself ultimately on the side of right and humanity, Let us hope that, under ex- isting circumstances, the gencrous ideas, the loyal and disinterested Intentions of the Kaperor, will make their way in the world, aud that, being adopted by the sympathy of peoples and supported by the credit of eovereigns, they will succeed in bringing about a pacific solution of all’ difficu't questions. Whatever the future may reserve for us, let us act as we bave done m the past. Let us take counsel only of our patriotiem. Tet as draw closer and closer tothe throne. Defections and mistrust never save any country or any individual. Our res! support to the Emperor will add weight to his negotiations, case of need, it would give Him greater strength to conquer, ge Morpy was interrupted more than once in his fpeech by strong marks of approbation, and its close was Tecetved with & round of applause. T do not know that I can add much to whatT sald yorter- day toucbing the impression produced by the Emperor's speech. If apy slight change bas supervened on reflec- tion, it ie perhaps more in favor of a paciic than of a war- Itke interpretation. It is said, and I believe with reason, that moet of the ministers, if not all of them, look at it in a pacific light; and even & rumor prevailod to-day, how far correcé [ do not affirm, that they had resolved on resign- ing because certain words which they suggested as haviug a still more pacific tendency were not introduced. It would certainly huve been better if @ specitic declaration about the treaties, for instance, stood in the documeat. On the whole, perhaps, nearly the same uacertainty pre- vails, though I cannot say the alarm is increased. We are still a little in the dark, though it is admitted that, if the speech contains matters which would inspire fears of war, it is not without those which would aiso justify hopes of peace. One word would put an end to all this doubt; but will that word be spoken? [Paris (Feb. 10) correspondence of London Times.) From the manner in which M. de Morny’s speech yes- terday, in the legislative corps, was received by all the deputies, without exception—the unanimous aad entha- siastic applause and cries for peace which hailed the pas- sages I have already quoted—and the fecling of the coun- try 80 unmistakeably manifested, there can, I believe be no longer a doubt in the mind of any one of the dislike which the very thought of war inspires, It is natural that the reckless coterie who would for a phantom pluoge the nation into a conflict with Europe should be furious against all who have, directly or indirectly, ebstructed them. The paper which serves as the organ of this clique, whose schemes have already done so much injury to the country, continues its mission. It is, of course, furious ogainst M. de Morny and the whole legislative body together—against the former, that he should have presumed to go beyond the Emperor himself in bis declarations of peace; against the latter, because they applauded him. ‘They complain of the hardihood of tbe President of the Chamber in having drawn up his ad- dress without previous consultation with the Emperor, just as if his Majesty would not have approved every word of a speech in support of a pot on which M. da Morny and the warmest friends the sovereign believe that tho Imperial régime depends. Whether bis Majesty was consulted I cannot say, but the vehement spplause—so vehement as even to astonish M. de Morny, who is not, I believe, accustom- ed to such demonstrations—which greeted the words of showed how different his reception would have Been it they had been otherwise, and prove beyond all doubt that what the country wants and demands is peace, and not war. As to whether peace or war shal! prevail there is still a diversity of opinion, and, though I do not subscribe to all he says, yet I cannot but repeat the opinion of a per- ‘son who ia entitled to respect, and who much experience in pohtical life. He is not inclined to think that the present difficulties are suchas are likely to be resolved by diplomacy. He thinks war inevitable, but that the date depencs on circumstances (this must admit to be a safe margin); but he believes before the year is out hostilities will commence. As for the negotiations which Austria would consent to open, he thinks that she may do so to gain time, either for wilitary preparations, or $o secure the alliances af which she stands in need. In any case, the said es eee tions can only have reference to the evacuation of the Roman States by the Austrian and French troops. This evacuation, he says, is precisely what would suit the Em- peror of the French, whose plans would be promoted by ‘an insurrection in Italy. Now, so long as his troops are at Rome the Emperor would be obhged to put down a seditious movement on one point which he would see with secret pleasure break out in Lombardy. Austria has motives of quite a contrary kind to remain in the Roman States. To quit them would be to fall blindly into a snare. She will perbaps appear to lend herself to negotiations on this point, but, as I have already said only to gain time, THE EUROPEAN QUESTIONS. The Itallan Question—The Servian DiMieulty— Germany and Schleswig-Holstein— The British Protectorate of the Ionian Islands, What are the vexed questions in Europe? What are the causes of the great war excitement in England, France, Prussia, Austria, Russia and Italy? There are four questions which now agitate the public mind of Eu- Tope:— , 1, The Italian difficulty and the attitude of Sardinia and France towards Austria. 2. The Servian question, though partially settled, indi- cating the intentions of Austria, became the key to the opening of the Italian troubles. 8,—The British protectorate of the Ionian Islands, which the Ionians wish to get rid of, and intend to appeal to the five Powers. 4.—The annexation of the duchies of Schleswig-Holstein toGermany. Although this is purely a German question, it may have to be submitted to a Congress of Nations. These being the leading international questions, absorb. ing the attention of all Europe, we submit sketches which will tond to ventilate the subjects to the people of this country. THE ITALIAN QUESTION. The absorbing subject of interest at the present time in Europe is the difficulty betwoon Austria on the one side, and Sardinia, supported by France, on the other, No ag- gression or outrage has been committed against Sardinia or against any government or persons in Italy by Austria recently to serve as @ foundation for the present quarrel. To comprehend, therefore, their troubles, i is necessary to fall back on history, and by 80 doing our readers will better understand the elements presently at work in Italy: by the one party—composed of Austrfa, Rome, Tuscany, Naples and “ the Powers that be ’’—attached to things as they are: by the King of Sardinia and his party, who seek the annexation of the Iombardo-Venetian pro- vinces to Sardinia now, and ultimately the establishment of a constitutionalmonarchy over all Italy; and by the party of Young and progressive Italy, accustomed to bar_ ricades and revolutions, who aim at Italian independence and the establishment of a national republic. THE LOMBARDO-VENETIAN PROVINCES, The Emperor Charles V., of Austria, was the first monarch of modern times that succeeded in establishing a foreign kingly right of governing the Lombards. His suc- cessors, however, never enjoyed the sword acquired pos- session in peace. France, Spain, Austria and Piedmont ‘were never satisfied, and have frequently met in the bat- tle field for this samo Lombardy. Finally it was secured to Austria by the treaty of Utrecht, April 17,1713, which ended the war for the famous Spanish succession, ‘The same treaty gave to the Prince of Piedmont the Island of Sicily, which he afterwards exchanged for the Island of Sardinia, and took the name of ‘ King of Sar- dinia.”” The Lombards were better satisfied with the Austrian. rule than that which they had experienced under France and Spain; nevertheless they have ever had a strong aver sion for their conquerors, and look upon them as they are—foreign despots. Sardinia, even as far badk as that date, viewed with envious dislike the Austrian pos- session of Lombardy and Venice, and longed for the establishment of her own authority there; the quar. rel is, therefore, old enough. When Napoleon crossed the Alps into Italy, and conquered the Austrians and the Sardimans in 1796, Lombardy rose against Austrian rule, and became a republic. The following year, at the treaty of Campoformio, Austria acknowledged the republic of Lombardy, and received Venico and its territory as a compensation, Lombardy continued « republic till 1804, whon Napo- leon, having become an Emperor of France, established the so-called kingdom of Italy, and gave it to his step son, Eugene Beauharnais, of which kingdom Lombardy formed part. At the downfall of Napoleon, the Congress of Vionn a in 1815, gave Lombardy and Venice to Austria, which then became the Lombardo-Vonotian kingdom, over which an Austrian Archduke, with Aus trian Ministers, have ever since been appointed to administer the affairs of the provinces, Almost inya- riably Austrians have filled every civil and military office in Lombardy and Venice, and have succeeded adm'rably in makmg themselves exceedingly detested. The Lom- Dardo Venetian provinces have, on an average, been burthened with 80,000 of the Avetrian troops, while 40,0¢0 Italion conscripts, dcawn from these provinces, are obliged to serve Austria ia Hungary and in Croatia, THE MODERN TROUBLES. In 1820 and 1821 the d'ssatisfaction of the Italians led to the organization of the secret society of the ‘Carbonari.’’ Charies Albert, of Cavignano, a relative of tne tnen King of Sardinia, and helr presumptive t that throne, placed himself at the head of the movement in tended to free Lombardy and Venice from Austria, and to unite Iisly in “a constitutional monarchy. ‘The movement was, however, a failure, and Charles Albert was accused of treason to the Oarbonar!, but his guilt or imnocence was never estabiished. About ive hundred of tho leading men in Italy were thea executed, and many were imprisoned and endared horrible sufferings—among the latter, Silvio Pellico, Gonfaloniert, Forest), Castil'a. From that time insurrectionary move- mente haye been attempted to free Lombardy and Vonice, ‘but they have been easily crushed by Austria. In March, 1848, when revolutionary sentiments had fully ripened hatred of Austria, and the spirit of freedom was abroad in Ewope, the republican movement burst out and was successful in establishing republics in Milan and Veuice, The Austrians remained in possession of only three fc tresses, and their communication with Germany was en- tirely cut off. The before Carbooari, Charles Albert, be- ing now King of Sardinia, entered Lombardy at the head of his troops, proclaiming tuat he was going as a brother, to aid his brethren. By universal suffrage the Venetians and the Lombarés received the King, wno at once united Lombardy and Venice to Piedmont, and formed a cousti- tutional government, which he called Regno dell’alta Ia- lia, (the ktogdom of Upper Italy.) ‘The King of Sar- dinia was soon Vanquished by the ‘Anstrian troops, gave up Lombardy and Venice, and abdicated on the ‘battle field to his son, Victor Emmanuel, the present King of Sardinia, Charies Albert’s heart was crushed by this reverse, and soon after he died an exile in Opporto. The young King Emmannel, during the armistice, had hopes of the assistance of France aud England, but was disap. pointed, and had to conclude peace with Austria. He nevertheless still cherished the policy of his father, in seeking ‘sgion of the Lombardo-Venetian provinces; and has kept that policy in the miuds of the peopie by the adoption of the tri-color flag—the emBiem of national unity—and hag, likewise, been particular in his attentions to political exiles from Lombardy and Venice, which has led to the charge against him of aiding and fostering the dis- contented. He has governed well his own subjects, and in this gronurees bope in the suffering citizens of other governments. He has raized a fine army for such a small Ration, and took part with England and France in tho Crimea, with a view to carn their assistance in the present movemcnt—at least he is so charged. The charge looks well founded, and the King has rather encouraged its sen- timents than opposed them in Italy, as it has rallied around him many who look for the regeneration of Italy to Sardinia, supported by these Powers. ITALY BEFORE THE LAST PEACE CONGRESS. At the Congress of Paris in 1856, the French Minister, Count Waleweki, introduced the condition of things in the Papal States, and spoke of the readinces of the French government to withdraw their troops from Rome when the Pope was ready to dispense with their services, and hoped that Austria woujd pursue the same line of conduct and withdraw her troops from the Papal dominions. Count Cavour, the Sardinian Minister, broadly hinted at Austrian oppreesion in Lombardy, and the Minis- ter thought that the Congress inight give a hint to Bomba of Naples about her despotism. rd Clarendon was for a change—withdrawing troops and better government. Count Orloff, the Russian Minister, had poivatructions, and Count Boul, the Austrian Minister, did not think himself atiliberty to discuss matters belonging to independent States not there represented. The Sardinian Minister again spoke, and com- lained of the constant increase of Austrian troops in Northern Italy, which obliged his government to main- tain a large army on a war footing, to watch their frontiers; aud besides, the mismanageracnt of the King of Naples and the Pope of Rome, in their respective dominions, was creating a rebellion dapgerous alike to Piedmont and to the peace of Europe. The reault of that debate was : Ist, that the plenipotentiaries of Austria joined in the wish ex- pressed by Count Walewski, that the state of aifairs in the Gomains of the Church might soon be such as to permit the withdrawal of the Frenth and Austrian troops; and 2d, that the majority of the plenipotentiaries didnot dia- pute that milder measures in the Italian peninsula, and in particular in the Kingdom of Naples, might be effl- cacious. THE PRESENT STATE OF THE DIFFICULTY. From the Peace Cong: ces nothing of any particular im- port bas occurred between France, Sardinia and Austria, ina direct manner; but the Pope and Napoleon have been lees friendly, and Austria and the Pope have, in the opposite proportion, become more friendly. From the re-establishment ig oe Holiness on the Papal throne by French bayonets, the Emperor of the French has been marked out for theg aséassin’s pistol, stiletto and deto- nating bombe, w! has led him frequently to remon- strate with the ei ssor of St. Peter upon the oppres- sion of the people in the Papal States, as he justly con- cludes that the Italians hold bim responsible for their present condition, The Pope turns a cold shonider upon him, and tells bim to take away his.troops from Rome whenever it pleases him, which France is only willing to do on the assurance of ‘Austria doing the same thing. The Emperor of Austria, by signing the Concordat with the Pope about three yoars ago, by which he favored the wishes of the clergy, has become the darling son of the Church and of all the Catholic monarchs—he has the greatest favor at Rome, The French Emperor cannot thus see Austria’s favor and preponderance growing in Italy without alarm. His deep affection for his uncle and bis cherished plans tor Italy arouse the suspicion that he aims at making Italy subservient to France, as his uncle did, He is suspected of having no objection to making the Pope his chief chaplain; giving soutbern Italy ‘to bis cousin Murat; to joining to Piedmont Lombardy and Venice, and in this manner attaching the kingdom of Sar- dinia a8 an ally to the French empire. Be these his plang or no, he is so suspected by the kalians, who view tho present difficulty and talk of war for liberty asa mon- strous deception. The overthrow of Austria by theso Powers would only be a change of names and masters, and the freedom of Italy postponed for a score of years. Loy this agitation many of the moderate republicans in Italy have approved of the course of Sardinia, hoping to afterwards profit thereby; but the leading revolutionary spirits stand aloof and wait for the chances, determined to have nothing to do with either of the monarchs in the struggle; but, if favored by fortune and the confusion of wat, are ready toraise again’ their tri-colored flag and the cap of liberty, and trust to their own defence of their rights. In every portion of Italy is there fermentation of this republican character, and should the present growling come to war, Europe will in all likelihood see more stir- ring times than apything that has been witnessed during the present century. THE POSITION OF THE OTHER POWERS ON THE QUES- TION. England, standing aside from the disputants, watching the troubled waters, has probably done more to prevent acollision between Austria and Sardinia than any pru- dence of their own. Who will strike the first biow is therefore, the all important question with them, and until that blow is struck, if fight it is to be, none can tell what part England will take in the Italian affair. At present the jovernnent and press of Great Britain are singularly Earmonous in condemning the course of Sardinia and in their warnings to that Power against an appeal to the sword. Sardinia alone, under any circumstances, would never think of measuring 81 with Austria. There is no comparison between the forces of the two Powers ip point of numbers, That she has ited on the assistance of France is everywhere and in every! evi- dent; but the other Powers have with France and obtained—so the English Premier ie assurance from that government that unless Austria over- steps_treaies and meddies with Piedmont, Napoleon’s troops wili remain on the northern side of the Alps, and amuse thenselves with whatevor he can find for them to do. Austria has every reason, therefore, to be prudent, and to cauiously guard her own possessions; and from all appearaice she is not likely to step out of her own ter- ritory to commence the war—the Emperor Francis Joseph has go dechred. The only hope of war, or ehension of it is in Vetor Emmanuel irritating the quick tempered Emperor of Austria, and in the latter, in a moment of pas- sion, to which he is nostranger, giving the order to march into Sardinis, Now that affairs are on a war footing in northern Italy, on the part sf Austria, with (as reported by German jour- nals) 160,00) men, Sardinia sie prepared. with (accord. ing to Turin journals) 120,000 men to do battle, France with everytiing in readiness to assist the latter, the other European Pewers hat question. Not a single word of symy has preseed by hem in favor of France and Sardinia. ting aside Bonba and the princes of Italy, whose cause is one with Aueria, their protector, the whole of the Euro- pean potentate regard alike the difficulties—simply that ot jealousy tetween France and Austria, In the "event of Sardinia oyening the war, there is greater probability of Austria beng supported by them all than by taking sides with her opponents; but when itecomes to Tgutings right and sense of duty {8 so often made subser wo the policy of advantages that each may hope to gain by taking part inthe struggle, that there is no telling where either of them may be found before the war is ended, A CONGRESS PROPOSED. Before signing the treaty of peace at Paris, on the 14th April, tg Lord Clarendon proposed, in the name of Eng- land, that, in case of future jont between any two Powers, these Powers should have tecouree to tivo arbitration of a friendly State before ling to forcs.’” To this all the Powers there represented gave their sup- port—save Austria, who was strongly to the pro- position. This opposition prevent ite adoption, the lenipotentiaries, however, finished with ig emg their or that the Powers there » likewise those pe who had not taken in the would have re- Trurseo ihe good oftow of friend Power before having ee mara edie med trek ge ask for a Congress. com) 01 . fand and the other Powers are dissatisfied eth the cares ot Austria, both in her oppression of the Lombardo- Venetian in small much as Austria has, by legitimate treaty, Pposaession of the Lom! inces, they cannot do more than offer friendly counsels and si tions in favor of milder treatment of her subjects, land and tho others are willing enough to meet in to confer on what measures would benefit Italy, and in recommending those measures to Austria, to the to King Bomba, and to the little dukes princes scourge the (air peninsula; but they are exceedingly ee on the treaty- made ‘divine right” of monarchs, and will not listen to a Congress on any other tions. Lord Clarendon’s proposition of friendly arbitration was understood for cases of disputed right; but this, they maintain, coud by no means apply to anything covered by sacred treaty. Once that thoy questioned treaties, they would all nd themselves in a ¢#emma, and subject at any moment to be questioned on the legitimacy of their acquired possessions. This dhecursion opens the eyes of Tepubheans, for they therein bave every evidence that no change of government ean ever be accomplistied by mo- narebiea) nasistance, for the crowned heads are pledged to defend treaties: and to their own revolationary efforts, therefore, can the republicans alone look for the overthrow of the oppressor. The Italian question is at the present moment fraueht with important consaquences to both roy alieta and republicans. Let the Lombardo-Venetian pro- vinces be wrenched from Austria, the treaty-made divine right of Kings is then exploded, in even old Earope, and thrones will totter at the convenience of whoever has & Kivong will and strong arm. Treaties again reapected, and their sacredness again pledged in Congress, the revo lotloniats will know the worst and be deiivered from the false hopes of constitutional monarchs, THE SERVIAN DIFFICULTY. ‘The proximity of Servia to Turkey, or the “Sick Maa’s”” dominions, has made ft in the eyes of the great Powers of Europe a very important country. Govgraphically it is the most western of the Danubian Principalivies. Ite area is estimated at 12,600 square miies; populatioa up- wards of a million, of Slavonic descent, and cuilefly Christians of the Greek church, Ou the norta we Danube separates it from Hungary; it is bounded on the east by Wallachia and Bulgaria, on the south by Macedonia, and on the west by Bosnia and Albania, Belgrade, the capital of the country, and the bone of contention and jealousy between tie Powers, is an important fortified city on the right bank of the Danube, at the couiluence of the Save. It is the entrepot of commerce be- tween Turkey and Austria, and is the seat of the principal authorities of Servia, Politically the couotry is divided into six provinces and thirteen districts. The government is vested in a prince elected by the people, and a Senate of twenty-one members named by him. BER RELATIONS WITH THE POWERS OF RUROPE. Servia was conquered by the Turks in 1335, and held by them till 1806, when it became independent, under Czerny George, and 20 remained till 1814, when it revert- ed to Turkey. The following year the Serbes revolted and achieved a kind of independence. It is nominally, how- ever, included in the Turkish dominions, and the Porte has zomething to do in acknowledging the reigning prince, and, besides, garrisons the Fort of Belgrade with Turkish soldiers, for which he receives an annual subsidy. Thi is all the direct and positive interference with their coun- try and their liberty; but the indirect interference with Doth has led to the present difficulties between the great Powers of Europe. vs At the Paris Conference of 1856 the great ors there represented undertook the surveillance of Servia’s inde- pendence, with the Sultan's relationship, as above stated, to it understood; and it is this treaty obligation that war- ranted their meddling and the recent difficulties, that threatened as much! as anything the peace of Europe. ‘WHY SERVIA I8 AN IMPORTANT COUNTRY. In endeavoring to carry out the schemes of Nicholas, ‘the late Emperor of Russia, Servia became a very impor. tant stepping stone to the attainment of Constantinople. Asis customary in the operations of such governments with small States, every corrupt influence that could pur- chase the good relations of Servia and Russia was resorted to, so that Russian influence has always prepondorated in that country, to the no small annoyance of Austria, a atill nearer neighbor, and likewise to the angmentation of Jealousy and apprehension in France and England. When Austria joined these two Powers in the Eastern war, the former managed to make out her part in the Struggle to be the occupancy of Servia and other portions of the Principalities, under the pretext of overaweing the Serbes and keeping them from assisting Russia by autack- ing the Turks. It is very doubtful, however, that the Berbes had any such intention. Austria accused them of preparing to rise against Turkey; and that was pretext enough to get into the country, and as good a reason for staying there, of fighting with her allies in the Crimea. When the war terminated the Austrians were slow to vacate the Principalities, which occupied consider- ably the attention of the Paris Peace Conference, and finally the adeption of the 20th article of the treaty, which runs thus:— ‘The right of Belgrade) of the Sublime Porte will be pas arlboderntgrnl bins rer § prior regulations. No armed intervention can take place in Servia witbout a previous agreement (accord prealable) berween the high contracting Austria was anything but active in vacating the Danu- bian Principalities, and numerous notes were addressed to her by France and England. She managed to find excuses for lingering behivd, and has succeeded up to the present in rendering the free navigation of the Danube, agread upon, a fact on paper only. She, however, vacated en- tirely Servia. With this summary of what Servia is geographically, and what iofluences have been at work poiitically with her, our readers can readily arrive at a clear understan i- ing of the difficulties between the Powers on her account. HOW THE DIFFICULTY BEGAN. The Sultan’s right of garrison in Belgrade was confined to the fort. For some years back his representatives gave evidence of considerable anxiety to encroach upon the liberty of the Serbes, an‘ recently they 10 post the Turkish soldiers at the gates of Belgrade. The reign- ing Serbian Prince Alexander, was accused of favormg Turkey @r some personal family interest. The Skupte- china, or Genera! Assembly of the nation, met on the 12th of December at Belgrade. The Prince and all the chief authorities were present at its formal opening on the 15th, and all the attending ceremonies with their paraphernalia went off quiet enough. Next day the European Powers were thanked for their protection of Serbian liberty, and the Porte was assured that the Skuptschina had met oaly to attend to the internal affairs of the coun- ‘try. Prince Alexander’s conduct during his reign was the first subject for investigation. A com- mittee was appointed to inquire {nto his course, and to recommend a remedy for the evils com Plained of. Ninety counts of accusation, the greater linked to treason, were preferr ‘ince, and finally the representatives unanimously de- manded his abdication. A committee was ted to ‘appoint ‘wait upon the Prince, and request his obedience to the will of the people. He had twenty-four hours to consider, be- fore the expiration of which, ators toned Pp planned a counter revolution for the restoration of Prince Alexander, Next cong, arms, to arms,” was the cry, the citizens rall ‘The military in the orders; but when the troops saw nized, and nota drop of blood was spilt. = submission, and began to work with the As- sembly. THE PARIS TREATY VIOLATED BY AUSTRIA. When Austria learned of the dethronement of Prince Alexander, an order was sent to Count Coronini, the Co: mandant at Semlin, to despatch troops to Belgrad once, if required by Osman Pasha, the Turkish General commanding in the fort at Belgrade. While the General had this order the re tative was in the fort endea- voring to get the Pasha to secure him the invitation. The ropean Powers at once Austria with vio- lating the treaty; but Austria sulked, dodged and explain- ed, and tried to get out of the difficulty by saying that the order to the General was simply to go at once after all the Powers had consented according to the terms of agrce- ment. The Powers insist on Austria countermanding that order, but Austria stands on her dignity, refuses says it ig unnecessary, as the Porte has expressed ita resolve not to demand the assistance of Austria. The whole course of Austria has been dodging and double dealing, and she has for herself good reasons. Tho secret is, that if Austria admits to the Serbes that she dare not under any pretext whatever send troops into their terri without the permission of the most distant of the signing Powers, then Austrian intrigue there is at an , the menaces of her representatives a mere farce, and the prox- imity of her troops a lifeless scarecrow. Austria perceives that, and claims that she haga right to assist her ally, Turkey, in Bel le fort; but the other Powers deny her right to enter Servia, and as Belgrade is in Servia, Austria has no business there. This difticulty is not settled; but ag the Serbian revolution has been quietly accomplished, ‘and the aged Prince Milosch has by this time been re” stored to the Serbians, and hig election acknowledged by the Sultan, it is overshadowed by the greater difficulty in the Italian peninsula, It will, however, be a legitimate subject for discussion and sottiement in the noxt Congress. THE DUCHIES OF SCHLESWIG AND HOI- STEIN. In spite of differences of language, customs, occupations and circumstances, there is somothing like a brotherhood of sympathy among the nations, Whenever the revolu- tionary spark bursts forth in France or Italy it sheds abroad its influence in all the nations, and wherever there are grievances to redress, tho fighting mania at once de- velopes {tself, and barricades and muskets become the order of the day. Profiting by the universal confusion of 1848, the Duchy of Holstein and part of Schleswig had their battles with Denmark, which, after about throe years’ war, ended in the Interference of the Powers, The difdculties were for the time settled, but with the next re- volution or war between Austria and France, and other Powers joining in, Holetein is expected to engage atten. tion, ag #he is accused of entertaining to-day, as in 1848 the determination to wrest Schleswig from D » mri, The difficulty between Hoistein and Deumirk remount to the twelfth century. The Duke of Holstein—Adolpheug HL—plotted with Bishop Valdemar for the acquisition of Sehleawig. The Bishop was guardisn of frince Vaide- war, Duke of Schleswig, then in his minority, Prince Valdemar being brother to the then monarch of Den- mark--Knut VE—brought the latter into diflculty. Knut and Avolpheus went to war. The Kiog was victorioua, the Duke was imprisoned, Schleswig was safe, and Hol- stein was annexed to the Danish dominion, Since that time the ruling monarch bears the title of King of Den- mark and Duke of Holstein. From the proximity of Holstein to Germany the Inhabi- tauts have become entirely German in laoguage, man- nere, politics, aud io eympathy on al! subjects wat inter- est the German confederation, of which it ie a member, henge still uncer the protectorate of the King of Den- mark. The relationehip of theso Duchies to crowned heads ig both curtous and interesting, and when trouble arises ren- ders diplomacy with them no simple business. Should the German confederation conclude to go to war with ® foreign Power, the King of Deninark, as Duke of Goisteia, isunder objigation to furnish a Stipulated tgmber troops from Holstein to aesist the Confederation; bat if the difficulty stiould arise be.ween the Confederation and Depmark these same Holstein troops would turn against, the'r own Duke—preferring their political relationship to Germany rather than its submissic Schieswig, lying direct stein, ig in a very awkward posi The southern por- tion ‘of that Duchy is, like Holstein, thoroughly Ger- man, while the northern portion of it is as thoroughly Danish. When Holstein and Denmark came to war in 1848, families in Schleswig were fairly divided. Members of the same family wero frequently arrayed against each other in the battle field: the patriotism of the one for big country and the home of his fathers, and the devotion of the other to German politics and sympadisies, being stronger than their sense of obligations of consan~ guinity, When the revolutionary spirit was rampant in other nations, Prussia, to divert the attention of her young men from passing scenes abroad, without the Cet ney for mingliog in the quarrel, took sides with Holstein agaipet Denmark, and marched her troope into Jutland. The King of Prussia but a short time before had beem visiting the King of Denmark, and wason the most terms with him; but it was better, he concluded, to warn the nation with zeal for the success of their arms abroad than to brave them with another zeal behind barricades at home clamoring and fighting for a republic. Russia, pret the sone of es sent Prussiaa note wo e away her troops, which being attended to, Denmaric had then only 10 do with Holstein, and goon onded struggio” nearly ee years. Sen SS perce concluded between Prussia (as protector of the Schleswig- Holstein insurgents, as Denmark cailed them,) and Den. mark, at Berlin, in July, 1860, which was signed by Eng- Jand, France, and later by Austria. By this treaty the Svein panes, of Schleswig was secured to Den- mark, ‘rial modifications were made in the Hol- stein constitution. The trouble between Holstein, however, and Den- mark cannot be definitely settled by any he So same grievances exist. Denmark ‘senda all the als into Holstein for the administration of affairs, and the complaint against Austria in Lombardy ig repeated in Holeteiu—strangers rule over them. Tha weight of Danish and Austrian. authority is, however, vastly different, yet Vg sberie it's thesame—the rule of the stranger—and the Holsteiners want, naturally enough, the offices for themselves. This fecling is increasing and must increase, and ripen again into difficuities. Denmark ig supposed to be 80 severely tired of Holstein’s grumbling and Keryee pyc Nicer would peve ne phones, to let her go entirely; but tein wants wig to go along, and the population, as already stated, is 80 divided that come cling to Denmark, and Denmark clings to them, Without Holstein Denmark might Ce ma/niain her tion ; without Schleswig it would be an utter impossibility. In the endeavor to keep Schleswig in time of war, ‘would be assisted by the King of Sweden, as Schleswig is the key to Denmark, Sweden and Norway. In the event of » European war, it ig more than likely that the Hol- steiners would add to the interest of these times by endea- voring to again wrest Schleswig from Denmark. In the pre- sent state of affairs in Europe the sympathies of Denmark. are against Austria, but by her relationship as a member of the same German Confederation, on account of Holstein, the King is in an awkward fix. He must not asget France, or his Duchies would be taken by Germany. If everything remains quiet, Eogland and Russia are alike interested in maintaining Denmark as at present for the maintenance of the balance of power in north, and nothing is likely to succeed against her; but the tocsin of war ence eounded, the confusion commences, and when and where it will end none know, but all fear. THE IONIAN ISLANDS. Another subject now forcing itself upon the attention of the European Powers is the British protectorate of the Tonian Islands. Though no rumor of war is associated with the question, it has every appearance of assuming considerable importance and interest. From the scatter- ed position of these islands along the westooast of Greece, their possession has ever b en coveted by the great ab- sorbing Powers that bave sought advantages on the Me- diterranean. Since 1815 this group of islands—seyen in number, and of which Corfu is the principal, as being the Seat of government—has been under this protectorate; but previous to that date the inhabitants had considera- ble experience in the exchange of protectorates and masters, THEIR FORMER RULERS. When Alexander the Great reigned in Macedon the Tonjan Isles formed part of his realm. They afterwards passed into the hands of the Romans; and subse- quently, when Constantine the Great removed the seat of government from Rome to Constantinoole, they formed part of his empire. Naples obtained possession of Corfu in the thirteenth century, and in the following century all the islands belonged to Venice. When the Venetian republic Was dissolved by the treason of Napoicon and Austriayin 1799, the islands paged into the bands of the French; and in three years after, during the disasters that followed Bonaparte’s campaign in Egypt, a Turco- Russian flect took possession of them. In 1800 Russia and Turkey con- cluded a convention, by which the islands and the coast dependent on them were constituted into = republic, The treaty of Amiens, in 1802, placed the Russian su; and in the follo em, and maintained 807, at which date the maagers of Corfu and the neighboring islands. THE BRITISH PROTECTORATE. came 1818 & constitution was English ath grmonay long peg ag te Lap be ™ }, when ve thought, Iberal constitution, but with which the wore m dissatisfied. At that time they expressed their wish to be freed from the British ‘a (retorhodbwnt cg ba complished nothing. time, however, the an- nexation of the islands to Greece has gained important sup- port and influence in the labors of the clergy. The move- In the ment probably commenced, as the English press alleges wae po Of the inhabitants to whom no government would ; but it has entered another phase, and Sate ee interest every class of persons. THELBRITISH COMMISSIONER FAVORS THEIR ANNEXA- TION TO GREECE. In a private despatch addressed to the English Colonial Minister at London by the Lord High Commissioner, Sir Jobn Young, dated Corfu, June 10, 1867, the troubling situation of affairs in the Islands is set forth. After main- taining that the Ionians were benefitted Ls a English protectorate, yet could not appreciate it, the Uom- missioner ventures to suggest, for the eration of ber Majesty’s government, the abandonment of the southern islands and the retention of Corfu and Paxo as important naval stations. Referring to a saying of Napoleon, ‘What a nation hates is another nation,” ha “If this doctrine be true as to provinces acquired and raed as an int part of an empire, it is doubl; 80 of di dencies held by such a tenure as hol these islands; the sooner, she her pry te government could find or make an oppor- tunity of di jing the subject with the other Powers that were parties tothe treaty of Paris, hou! ost earnestly recommend its being done.’’ perienced— Yielding to any pressure from the discontented. A few weeks after, on the 2d of July, before the Commis- sioner’s di h could have been well digested by her Ma- ben advisers—and certainly before any answer could e returned to Sir John—the Deputies of the people assem- bled and demanded ‘‘the abolition of the British Protecto- rate, and the union of the seven islands with the kingdom of Greece.” The Commissioner had revealed his convic- tions to his government, but being without had to conceal there convictions from his petitioners. de- mand was then bluffed off, and some of the leading tators were sent from Corfu; but with their departure agitation lost nothing of its carnestness and enthusiasm. From that time to the present the inbabitants of these islands have taken every occasion to exhibit their devo- tion to the new movement, and as time advances they ive ereey —" of increased determination to obtain ir deman APPOINTMENT OF A LORD HIGH COMMISSIONER EX- Hi Tonian Islands. The choice of Mr. Gladstone gave satisfaction to all _. both in England and Islands. His well known sympathy for Greece and thing Greeian pointed him out as the best man in Engl to be entrur with the mission of examining 1 causes for the discontent of the lonians, His high stand. ing at home as an iudependent statesman, though thug entrusted with important business, yet not @ blind i 5, Begs follower and supporter of tho ministry, raised the highest h ‘tbat he would do the very best for the Island and for Britain, His mission WAS ©: ination, not negotiation, From a recent speech of Lord Derby, an opposition paper draws the conclusion that Mr, Gladstone sought the mission simply to examine