The New York Herald Newspaper, January 24, 1859, Page 2

2 NEW YORK HERALD, MONDAY, JANUARY 24, 1859. And generally throughout the it any, change in her own policy, those to whom she gets an example ‘This is more visible, perhaps, in the Papal States elsewhere. The government is as bad as a govern- ment can be. It does not protect lif or allows bandits to pillage the population almost: it squanders money; it, represses “all life, hope rand thought; it subjects all families of respectability to a constant, pet- | ty, tyrannical interference; it makes life a burthen to all who are fitted by nature, by sentiment and education to turn life to useful and honorable ends. This state of things is maintained solely by the presence of forel troops. It is said that France has recently offered to with- draw from the occupation, and to insist on some conces- sion being made to the just demands of the unhappy in- habitants of the States of the Church. But Austria would not agree; the French may go away if they please, but she will stay there and keep things as they are. Austria, in fact, has no answer to any demand or entreaty, but that she will not yield or alter, avd that if sho is attacked she will defend herself, And if this is thought a dangerous and short-sighted policy, it must be remembered that it is not very casy for a nation like Austria to make the change that is required. She is bound up with the extreme Ca- tholic party. To support clerical government, or even | clerical misgovernment, is not only regarded as part of ‘a traditionary policy, but as a private religious duty, by those who govern Austria. They would be yield- ing to the Evil One, favoring heretics, infidels, and all the wickedness of the world, if they allowed Iaymen to vern priests, and revolutionists to beard authorities. pcb ng are so entirely without these feelings, they 50 utterly disbelieve in the claims on which clerical usurpa- tion rests, they are so accustomed to speak their mind freely, that they hardly make due allowance for the sin- cerity ‘and earnestness with which the dominant party in | Austria clings to its belief. Even when we look merely to the secular policy of Austria, we may see how danger ‘ous any manifestation of vacillation must be to her; her empire rests on success, There is nothing to bind be heterogeneous clements together, except the consciouanes of each of them that she is their stern, unalterable, uscon. querable mistress. [nu 1848 the Sclaves saved the empire Decause they thought it was a great thing and worth saving—a source of glory to them and to their race. But if the Italians were humored, they would be supposed to be dreaded; and if the empire was afraid, it would sink in the estimation of its supporters. If war breaks out in Italy, what is England to do? We think her course is plain. She could not think for a mo- ment of actively aiding Austria, so long as the only ques- tion at issue was the freedom of Italy. ~ As little could she think of taking a part in the war as aa ally of Fran A) have had quite enough of alliances in which France rea; the glory, and we have to find the money and do the hard work. The notion, also, of fand and Fr: joining together to promote liberty is a chimera. If liberty tu France means the empire, we cannot help to spread abroad a liberty so unlike what we mean by liberty. Nor can we again jom France as champions of iaternational law and of the rights of nations. Louis Napoicon has chosen to trample ‘on international law ard to violate the first rights of inde- ndent nations, by her conduct towards Portagal. What England must do is to stand strictly neatral. If the Aus trians, as is possible, provided they are not threatened by Russia in their rear, succeed in holding their own in Italy, | ‘we shall pity the Italians most sincerely, but we sball have no call to intervene. If the Austrians are driven out of Italy, then will be the time for England to come on the Stage, and to insist, in conjunction with Pruseia, that the war shall not be carried {oto Germany, and also that Italy shali be left to her own princes and governments, accord- ing to her unfettered choice, and that she shall not merely change her masters, and become the tool of France in- stead of the slave of Austria. We most heartily wish that the struggle between Austria and the Italians could be delayed until France is tree. We dread the effect of im- Pperialism on the Italians after they have assumed a no nal independence. But we cannot disguise from our- selves that it is bard for desperate men to wait with the patience of a long sighted policy. The struggle may come sooner than the best friends of Italy could wish. If it does come, it will be the part of those friends to counter- act the evil effects of this precipitation to the utmost of their power. laws of conscri ingula she anys nor in the policy OPINION THE ISOLATION OF AGAINST HER—EN MORE REVOLUTION: [From the London Times, Jan. 6.] * * * * * * * Still, when all those allowances have been made, the public’ manifestations of displeasure against the govern ment of Austria the other duy, by the Emperor Napoleon, give but a mouruful presage for the destinies of the year on which we are just entering If we put aside all Momentary topics of irritation, and look merely at the po sition and interests of the great Powers, there is no little room for apprehension. The result of ‘the Crimean war bas been undoubtedly to place Austria in a position of much isolation. She has little claim on the good offices of the Allies, whose outlay of blood aud treasure she might have saved had ebe been so minded; she had but to speak the word, and the swords, already half drawn, must have been returned to ‘their scabbards; and yet she took part enough in the subsequent eedings thoroughly to alienate Russia and make her ly repent the assistance of 1849. The memorable events of that year left no doubt as to the vulnerable side of the Empire, and pointed out Hungary and Galicia as fields for future operations, where, if the opportunity is well chosen, the-attack'is easy and conquest almost cer- tain. On the other hand, the traditional policy of France, which dates from the invasion of N Charles VI now almost 400 years ago, naturaliy leads her to consid the po-sessions of Austria’ in Italy with incurable envy. France, within living memory the Queen of ail Italy, can- not view with compiacency her occupation reduced to @e narrow precincts cf Rome, while Austria, in addition to her own dominions, occupies tne Papal Legations, and reaches her hand to protect the odious domination of Naples. Nor is an excuse waoting. It seems to be the character of the Lombards to be tame and gentle in war, but noisy and turbulent in peace; and just now, perhaps owing to the confidence in. spired by au attempt of the Austrian Court to conciliate their good will, they are more than usually violent in their demonstrations, and have done enough to cause from a more warlike race the apprehension of a serious outbreak. ‘Then there is the kingiom of Sardinia, with its hopes, its ambition, and its revenge, ready on any intimation of sup- port to throw the die ouce more, and strike boldiy for the crown of Italy. Such being the position of Austria, placed between the too greatest military empires «f the world, both avowedly hostile in feeluny if, not in act, it does not appear in what quarter she is to look for allies. There is, indew Prussia, which would natarally be unwilling to see Fran commence that career of conquest which might lead to another Jena. But there are powerful considerations oa the other side. The frontiers of Pruseia are exposed bot! to France and to Russia, The Italian dominions of Austria are to Prussia a matter of indilference, and she might view without dissatisiaction the humiliation of a Power which has so arrogantly asserted her superiority in the internal politics of Germany. There remains, then, Eng- land, whose relations towards Austria at this moment are of a friendly nature, and who certainly could not wish to see the partition of Poland acted over again by France and Russia at the expense of her firmest and most persevering ally in the grout struggle against Napoleon. But Austria must well know that from England she can expect no help 1n a war waged for the maintenance of her Italvan dominions, and (hat n» stateeman, whatever might be his views as to maintaining the balance of power, would venture t make such a proposition to the popular branch of the British Legislature. From this review it would appear that, should France ‘and Kussia come to an uuderstanding with each other as to a concerte ou Austria, Austria must look for. ward, at Jeast in the beginning of the war, to au isolated positon and the defence of her extended dominions, with no ally on her oum vide, and with large masses of pomtar disaffection on the vide of her powerful assailants. tis the knowledge of the dangerous position in which Austria is placed, between powe: nemies abroad and disaffected subjects at home, that gives to the iangnageand demeanor of the Emperor of the Frenc! which they would not otherwise possess. We see the au, opportunity of gratifying it. We see, both in Russia and nce. animosity strong enaugh to tempt them to act if there ‘were no opportunity, and opportunity easy enough to suggest the enterprise if there were no animosity. Yet, well and wisely cousidered, the part of true prudence would assurediy be, on the part of France and Russia, not to yield to the temptation which offers itself. A hundred Years ago France and Russia combined with Austria to Part among them the dominions of he Great Frederick. Yet it wus their destined victim, and not they, who came triumphant out of the seven years war, Austria has at this moment in Italy an army well disciplined, well offi- cered, an’ well equipped, fully equal, man for man, to any army iv Burope, u ted by very different heads from tbose of Beiutieu, Wurmser and Alvinzi. Russia is im the very crisis ot « great social revoiution, and has { more to hope, if she could only be brought to that convie- | tion, from internal progress than external conquest, The position of the Emperor of the Freach is, no doubt, fall of difficulty. His vast army presses for action. bat if he makes war he is taking reputation and popu larity for others, and must himself bear the din credit of its unpopularity and its burdens. He can- not, luke the first Napoleon, conceal the pressure of his go vernment unider a halo of military glory; he cannot male war maintain itself; he cannit offer emancipatiom; he can only proffer one despotiom instead of another. How long France would endure the weight of war taxes, the de- rangement of her industry, the ruin of her rising com- merce and mannfactures—bow long Europe would patient- ly submit to the spectacle of a new French empire recom mencing its career of conquest, remains to be #een. The Liberation of Italy might serve a8 a pretext to begin the war, but would be fo0n lost sight of in the dread of a war of aggrandisement, the effects of which Europe has not yet forgotten. Austria might make peace with one of her antagonists, and be found fully.a match for the other. War, as has ben truly said, is like a ball: you know with whom you begin the dance, but feannot tell with whom you will eud it. However this may be, one thing we hope will be clearly understood: Let not those who are now agitating the mind of Italy, and seek ing to plunge her people into struggle tw which when it as really come, they have always shown taem selves wholly unequal, either imagine themselves, or leat other to believe, tuat they have in the contest any assist ance to expect (tom this country. We have bonght our experience, and we mean to profit by it. We have sympa Unzed with many peoples, and lent more ov less active assist dance to many retolutume, but the result has. uniformly been the establishment of a government nearly as bai as that which A replaced, the borrowing of millions of our mmey, which are never repaid, and a species of rabid against us, their benefactors which no injuries could ever produce. Waly contains nearly as many people as these islands. If thay Wish to be free, lot thet unite,and, when united, let them | fight bravely for their liberties, ‘Bat if, for the sake 0 ational independence, ey will neither forego their | nimonities nor confront bravely their common enem’ ¢y must be unrearoable indeed if they expect us to in: 4 /Fupt the course of our peaceful progress to do on their %belf that which they have hitherto shown so little dis- Jen.dion to do for themselves, [From the London Star (Radical), Jan. 6.) or has put forth two reasoas for hier military ocea- of the city of Rozne; one, that she is bound to pro. the head of the chareis, to which the majority of her sions belong, against tie overthrow of his temporal sov-reignty; and the other, chat she cannot allow Aurtria Lo extend her military position in Taly without doing the sraein @ corresponiting degree, 'This secon’! reason was fever openly confessed, bnt it is now at least implicitly wed by the proposition that France and Austria show njointly withdraw theie troop from the Pope's terri- cory. This proposition at the same time has conveyed to | or satisfactory indications that the Freuch goyernment IN LONDON. AUBTRIA—THE COMBENATIO’ LAND WILL NOT AID IN ANY we ’ | rally supposed. Tho democricy in I is fully aware how untenable the present state of Italy has Decome, with this twofold violation of the principle of nov-intervention by herself and by Austria, * * * "ad There certainly can be no objection to France advising the Papal government to adopt such reforms as will se- cure to it a greater amount of good will on the part of its subjects than it hitherto has commanded; but to connect the continued stay or withdrawa! of the troops with gach advice, and make either the one or the other conditional upon its acceptance, will look like an extension of that in- terference with the independence of foreign States, to which the cessation of the occupation of Rome and Pologna is to put an end to in Europe, Let France catl upon Avstria unconditionally to withdraw her troops, promising to do the same, ant she will find England, and, wo doubt not, Russia and Prussia, and nearly all the rest of Europe, ov her side. [From the London Sun, Jan. 6.) But, certainly, we could not consent to a partition of the ‘Austrian dominions between France, Russia, and possibly Prussia. ‘That would be even worse than the proposed division of “the sick man’s” assets. Eugland may thus eventually be brought, on one side or the other, into the scrape. Indeed It would be almost impossible for her to hold aloof in anything like a European war. ‘There is a | chivalrous feeling amongst our people that induces them | always to take the side of “right against might”—a feel- | ing whi2h no Minister could withstand, If there should | unfortunately bo a war, we shall unquestionably have a share therein, and it is essential, therefore, that every | possible means should be adopted to obviate a calamity of such fearful magnitude. : I the clause respecting the intervention of a frieudiz Power, inserted in the treaty of Paris, be good for anythipg, it should now be made available. We Know that it was ignored in the case of Portu- gal, on the specious pretext that the honor of the French flag was concerned. ‘That cannot, however, be agserted in the present iastance, It is a mere question, or questions of policy, and possibly Austria might have greater objections to British interference than even France liself. If the judgment of Great Britain were resorted to there would be some degree of freedom conceded to the peoples, but between France and Austria it would be but a choice of evils, and there woul be but little to gain between Austrian or French despotism. We do not believe that the Emperor Napoleon will go to the extent that has been dreaded, He understands his own interests too thoroughly, He may take a leaf out of the American book, but he knows where to stop. We have seen several instances of this, and we believe we shall witness another, We trust that the threateuing aspects will be dispersed, and that the peace of Europe may be permanently maintained, {From the London Telegraph (radical) Jan. 7.] ‘There are two diplomatic secret societies in Europe, distinct and independent, sometimes opposed, but often working in harmony. The one has its seat at Paris, where projects of war and revolution are devised; the other ramifies from St. Petersbarg among a hundred affiliated associations scattered throughout Germany, Italy and the Baltic States. At present, how the Parisian plot is the more formidable. It has entangled Sardinia; iss emis suries are spread among the Italians aad Huagarians; its suggestions have circulated beyond the Slavonian bor. ders; it resists an Austrian occupation of Servia as it pro- tests) against an Austrian occupation of the Roman Lega- tions; and its objects is, if not to convulse, at least to un- settle Europe, and place everything at the feet of the French Emperor. We can only hope that na.naticmality will be $0 iy infatuated as to trust for Freedom to the invaders of Rome Gnd the authors of the December fusillaries, that the King of Piedmout will not be allured into becoming the Murat of another Bonapartist empire; that the Milanese, Venitian and Neapolitan liberals will reflect before they welcome that tricolor which so often has sedaced its fol- lowers into cainmity; aud that, above all, England will sand aloof from intrigue and conjtict until tt appears neces sary, as an'armed neutral or as a belligerent, to her stand upon a principle, In the meantime, however, mach depends cn the conduct of oar ministers.’ A wise and mo: derate diplomacy might even now abate the military enthusiasm of the French; while, so far as Piedmont is concerned, it is evident that had not Lord Malmesbury’ betrayed an_ offensive dis- position to sce ber degraded, her Napoleonic sym- pathies might have been less absorbing than, unfortunate ly, they at present are. But under existing circumatances it would be optimist rashness to count on the immaculate wisdom of any Power tn the Old World, for seldom have the temptations to political piracy been’ more powerful. Ttaly is in the conuition of au untamed horse, ready to bear away its rider in whatever direction caprice or des- peration may indicate. Of this disposition Louis Napoleon is a man to take advantage should his calculations induce in his mind a preference of the war alternative to that of peace. We have here one main element of danger, but the worst peril lies in the fact we have already indicated— the personal character and antecedents of the Fronch Em- peror. From all that he has been during the successive epochs of his life, would any rational man conciude him incapable of convulsing Europe by a war did his interest appear to be identified with such « policy? {From the London News, Jan. 7.) In the apprehension of a calamity'so terrible as a gene- ral European war, it is natural for ull the friends of bu- man happiness and human progress to desire that every available means should be exhausted before resorting to the actual arbitrament of arms, No doubt if the passions of princes were amenable to reason, and subordinate to an eplightened sense of their own ‘intereat and that of their people, the question of Austrian domination in Italy might be an'eminently Ot subject for a European Con- gress. If the condition of Italy question, as submitted to the Paris Conference by Count Cavour, had really been entertained by that Parliament of’ the Nations in a spirit worthy of its paramount importance, much evil that now preases upon us might bave been avoided, and many imminent dangers have been averted or postponed. The mode in which the subject was introduced to the notice of the Conference by the representative of Sardinia was worthy of the im portance of the theme and the gravity. of the It was earnestly submitted to the collected Powers 0 Europe that the etate of the Italian Peningula was tho common concern of all, inasmuch as itinvolved a standing menace to the general peace of the world, The Ministers of Epgland and of France were not inisposed to support the reasonable and farsighted views of Coun: Cavour. But there was an insurmountable obstacle Austria would not allow for a moment any proposal to b mooted which in any degree tended to interfere with th: unimpaired ascendancy of her detested rule. And 50 i would be always. Austria is not to be protocolied out 0 the Lombardo-Venitian provinces. Inheriting the tradi tions of the old German Kaisers, and counting back some centuries of her own dominion, the Imperial House cau only be uprooted from the land in which her supre macy is feltto bea blight and a bane, by successful insurrection or victorious war. Jt is one af those cases usurped dominion which still merrssilate an appeal to the ultima ratio of arms. It is an op jon ox- ercised over an alien and reluctant race, asway which nothing but force could have imposed, and nothing but stronger force can sweep away. It isnot a thing of ys terday. It is closely interwoven with ull the traditions of a proud and dominant aristocracy. It has loug been a constitntive portion of the modern State system of If, ag we firmly believe, the time has come when Italy, under the constitutional headship of Sardinia, is ripe for national independence, it must be obvious to all that the days of this foreign oppression are numbered suppose that it will he surrendered without a st imagine that good offlees, aud moral suasion ani matic intervention will sap the base of this old proad fabric of imperial domination, appears to us dream of the closet than a reasonable anticipation of the council chamber. * * * . * As far as the internal condition of Italy is concerned, almost any change would be a change for the Letter; the substitution in the north of Italy of Sardinian supreraacy for Austrian domination would be au infinite improve hor can it possibly concern the taxpayers of i! that » Murat, in the south, should ta we should lose nothing by observing a wise newiralily while the contending Powers were exhausting their reources in the coxtly struggles of an internecine war, Until agland’s in tereats or Europe's freedom are endaugered it is our policy to be neutral; when either is imperiiled, then—buat hot till then—it will be time to strike the blow OPINIONS IN MANCHESTER. {From the Manchester Guardian, Jan. 8. . * * * * « * * No statesman can be supposed to think of aking as to go to war for the purpose of directly or indirectly uphold ing the hated rule of Austria in Lombardy and V. On the other band, our faith in the liberal sentiments of the present French government is assurodly not strong enough to induce us to enter into the war as the ally of Tanis Napoleon in the cause of freedom. We have no obligations towards the Italians, nor, pernaps, any bolief in their capacity for national independence, to urge us to risk a gratuitous expenditure of blood and treasure in their “quarrel e only exception to this rule is in favor of the Siciiane, on whose behalf, in consideration of the encouragement we nelf out to them in 1812 and 1848, we might be called upon to interfere, simply to protect the istand from the convulsions of the Continent, the ina ritaats of which must be simply exhorted to make the best of the great op: portunities which the strife of the rival empiros will afford them. When this straggle sha'l ln hod its patoral termination, the time will have arrived oat Britain to interpose with irresistible authority to forbid the scene of war being transferred, as, ac to pro fing cedent, it otherwise might be, toqnarters in which the original cause of quarrel woitld speedily be lost aight of, and where the interests of the whole of Barope would inevitably be involved. With we may await the advent of war between France and Aus tria with the calmness inspired by knowing that it is, sooner or later, certain to come, aud with coulience that there cannot be evolved from it a worse con m of the Cont nent than that which we daily witness au’ deplore [From the Manchester Times (liberal conservative), _ ian 8.) * ze roaolutions, . . * “ From Lombardy to Rome there is not a government besides that of Sardinia which enjoys the conti tenes of 1 people over whom it rules, A war in Italy is therefore Hable to affect the permanent interests of inonarche and princes who stand in such a false position. 7 vill bo | A ranguinary struggle is certain. Imaginaiion can scarcely realize the horrors which the contest, whether dyaw or revolutionary, must entail. We therefore hops th the reasoning of a correspondent in Fraves may prove correct. He toll us that the state of France ia rich as to vender it next to impossible for the Emperor to follow the course which his ambition appears to suggest. There is force enough in this view to sustain a he at the Sept imbroglio will end more satisfac f gen noarly as keen as their transalpine brethren; opportunity were aiforded, risings wo take place in that country. Louis Nap | Cortain that his Majesty’s language is usually clear and those who saw in the alliance of France and Austria a of in and the most AMEN" guafants gated. revatio. 1 doubt ruck if this disapprobation, though coming from so high # quarter, will suttice to neutralize the effect of the original incident, To co @ the Moniteur must speak. It is not always so taciturn, Only on the 4th of December last it gently checked the effervescing discussion, oa the very same subject of Austria, between a couple of Paris news- papers. It declared its regret that their controversies 0- | ewoned a certain disquietude, “which our relations with foreign Powers by no means justify,” and added, that “the government of the Emperor thought it its duty to warn the public against the effects of a discussion which would be of a nature to alter our relations with a Power that is the ally of France.” One need make no apology for asking whether the newspaper artic'es of the 4th of December and the language spoken not a month later do not present a remarkable contrast? And if the public exuggerate, as We are told by semi-official organs, the drift and meaning of the Emperor's words, why does not the oracle of the Quay Voltaire say something? It cannot be alleged that the effect produced by the newspaper discussion is ag deep or as extensive as that which followed the incident of Saturday. The effect of that incident was a panic, which still continues atter three days. It 1s in vain to say that the intention of the re 3 ror was not such as is represented. Perhaps not. No doubt his “intentions” are the best in the world; but it is expressive. Iu the present instance we cannot say, * Ver- ba wlant, scripla manent;” it is the verba which have re- mained, ‘and the scripla which are the volatiles. What effect is it supposed will be produced in Italy by these words, which people assure us are not of the slightest im- portance? Nothing can be easier, however, than to show that the uninitiated are all mistaken. Let the Afoniteur but utter a word. It is often loquacious enough when there is little occasion for it, Let it dissipate the gloom which, since Saturday, bas hung over the commercial world, the feers which are likely to arrest commercial enterprise, and the uncertainty and disquietude which perhaps have alrealy spread throughout Eu- rope. If the Moniteur answers, as it ought, to public expectation, it may as well be as frank as possible. Let it declare, for instance, if it be true or not that a note was despatened’ one day last week to Vieuna, on the subject of Servia, couched in rather signi- ficaut terms—viz: that the passage of the Prath by Russia, had been considered by the allied Powers as a casus belli; that there was, in point of fact, no difference between it and the crossing the Servian frontier by an Austrian army; for, in the ove case as in the other, the integrity and’ independence of the Ottoman Empire would be menaced, It is actually affirmed that a note of the kind has been sent to Vienna; if the statement is unfounded the Moniteur will, of course, contradict it. The continued decline in public securities, in spite of every effort to check it, is a fair proof of the state of public opinion, at least of the commercial classes, The Patre publishes a letter from Milan of the Ist inst. which, it observes, contains a statement so serious and 60 strange, that it publishes it with every reserve. Ib is to the effect that some bodies of the people passing by the barracks crying * Viva U“alia,” were responded to by the soldiers within the barracks with a similar cry. General Gyulai had returned to Mi NAPOLEON AND THE AUSTRIAN MINISTER, (Paris (Jan. 4) correspondence of the London Times.} At the official reception on Saturday night it was re- marked that the Emperor was most particular in his at- tentions to the Austrian ambassador, as if he wanted to show that it was not any feelizg to him personally that provoked the unwonted warmth of his expressions at the levie in the morning, but rather from strong disapproval of the policy of his goverament. This was noticed all the more 4s M. Hubocr does not appear to be very popular ‘at Court—why or wherefore it 18 not worth while to in. quire. It is of little importance, however, what care may be taken to soothe the private feelings of the envoy; itis with the government the public have to do; the words uttered have not been unsaid, andthe version given in the Constitutionne!, though with very slight verbal difference, is precisely the samé in substsnce, and coufirms the correctness of the first. The panic at the Bourse has not abated, though there appeared somo slight symo: toms of reaction at one moment, bat towards the close large sales were effected and depreciation continued. Commercial men and speculators are alarmed; enterprises that were preparing ure likely to be stopped, and men of capital do not conceal their determi- nation to lock up their money. In a word, the feeling among the commercial classes generally, and particularly among those who have large interests in Austria, is oue of irritation; i 4s also one of dismay at the prospect of the peace of Europe being disturbed. A8 matters stand, these Tew words have produced the worst effect, and may’ be fol- jowed by disaster to individuals. It is in vain to explain them away as really meaning nothing which could give reasonable grounds for apprehension. No such explana tion is admitted, and there are people who carry their ex- ultation or their fear so far as to affirm that the Emperor never would have uttered them were there not al this mo- ment an alliance between Russia, France and Sardinia agains Austria. Some who betieve the ostensible cause of this til feeling between the two Powers to be Italy and Servia are of opmion that Austria will have to yield oa all or near'y all the points on which concession is demanded. The Moniteur will be anxiously consulted for the next few days. OPINIONS OF THE PARIS PRESS. [From the Paris Patrie, Jan, 6.) * * * * * * These words, commented on at the Bourse, produced a certain sensation and caused a fallin the funds. Asis always the case, they had been misrepresented and exag- gerated, and the comments made certainly went beyond their reai bearing. Public opinion will now form a more correct judgmeut on these words, which announce offi- cially @ State of things already known, and which recon- cile eo well the sentiment of national dignity with elevated sentiments of propriety. Every one, in fact, was aware that our relations with Austria were not as friendly as formerly. The important poiut 1s, that the Emperor considered it necessary to say so on such @ solemn occasion. But any persons who imagine that they can detect the indication of a rupture in such language are, in our opinion, quite mistaken. All that can be found in it is @ regret inspired by the moderation of the policy adopted in France, anda reserve commanded by her feeling of honor, {From the Paris Union, Jan. 6.) Ata time when the public expression of a predominant idea is extremely rare, it is necessary for us to remark what a commotion may be caused in Europe, first at Vienna, and partienlariy in Italy, by the knowledge of words 30 siguificant, it they realiy’ were uttered. Far be from us the desire to exaggerate anything. The event, besides, if it be true, is too remarkable not to lead to comments, and not to be exposed to assume by particular tater ations still greater proportions. We cannot, how- ever, avoid thinkivg and saying that more authentic in- formation than that of the Constttudtonnel 18 necessary, in order to enlighten the public mind and to make it sufil- ciently acquainted with the real state of the case, rom the Paris Siecle, Jan. 6.) We hi ays been of opinion ‘that frackness is the best policy, and we are nowise inciined torfind fault with the ebie! of the government for expreasing in plain terms f the relations existing between France aud a The Ewperor’s words differ essentially note inserted in the Moniteur of December 4, 1858, and on referring to it our optimists will find it 1m. possible to deny that the state of our relations with Aus- tria has taken an unfavorable turn within the last month, OPINIONS IN 8ST. PETERSBURG. | From the Abeilie du Nord of St. Petersourg, Jan. 2 | he agitation in Italy, as well ag the attacks in the French journuls against Austria, have given rise to dis- cussions on the possibility of a war in Europe. These reports are chiefly propagated by persons who find alarm- ing intelligence useful for stock jobbing purposes. At the present moment there is no real motive for a war bo- tween the principal European Powers, Tbe Italian ques- tion is not yet in a condition to render war indispensa die to either Austriao or Sardinian policy. ‘The organiza tion of the Danubian Principalities has been effected by_a_ convention forming part of the treaty of Paris of 1856, and its violation by either Tarkey or Austria would be alike fatal to both. As for Great Britain, since the pregent ministers bave been in office, she has evinced, in all questions of foreign policy, a degree of disinterestedness and impartiality quite unusual for » long time past. The present British cabinet has bitherto systematically abstained from all interference wich foreign politics; aud this line of conduct bas given universal satisfaction abroad; it is true that the cabinet has many weighty affairs in hand, the settlement of which requires its uttuost attention. Now, this disposition of the English Ministry with respect toqueations of foreign policy is, we think, a sufficient guarantee that England will not lightly enter upon a war, and that she would even be in clined to make concessions, rather than to expend some tens of millions. If we turn to Prussia, we see that, during the war of 1853-8, she showed @ decided aversion to wars, either without an object, or solely to serve the ambitious views of some particular Power. As for Austria, she did not declare war in 1885, when she had four allies on her side; and now that some of these late friends might very probably assume a hostile attitude, Austrian policy would necessarily look out for some other issue. France has uot yet bad breathing time, after the late war, us. Hla, on her side, being occupied with internal reforms, ix not inclined to armen intervention in questions of foreign policy. We therefore probability that the existing relations of European Powers wiil be disturbed, unless by unfore- Seeu events, #uch as political revolutions accompanied by great commotious. WHAT PROSSIA THINKS OF THK TROUBLE. {From fthe Journal de Fraakfort (organ of Count Buol), Jannary 5, Austria is strong enongh in Tealy td meet any eventual ity, and showed {t in 1848: nor has she lost anything of her strength, as backing her is all Germany , Prasaia atits how! Yes, Prussia at its hi Neither journals nor eventa wiil belie this assertion. ‘That power neither wishes nor can wish @ remodelling of Italy, out of which a general war must rise, in which Germany itself would ‘have to be re- modelled—our common country. It was Prussia’s King who addreseed the first thanks to Radetaky for detending the cause of order, Earopean equilibrium and the intogr!- y of Germany, which cannot be upheld on the Rhine if abandoned on the banks of the Po. THE FEKLING IN VIENN A+ [Vienna (Jan. 8) correspondence of London Times. | Great depression prevails here, and disquieting ramore are rife. During the last day or two information has ro- peatedly been given me that there have becn serioas ir srbances at Milan, and it is now rey that an Acs trian brigade is about to cross the Save, and Wy enter Luc lortress of Belgrade. The rumor relative to Milun is in correct, but a person who quitted that elty three Gays Ago gives @ most unfavorable account of the state of pub © feeling. Whenever it is feasible, the civil an’ military wuthorities are treated with contumely, and the latter are of opinion that there will soon be a reguiar “utorenk. A the stat foreign from th man of destiny, but he is not a blind ftalret, possibilities are not likely to escape his ole fow momenta thought will show the Fu1p i besetting his imperial throne, and will, We trust, him from engaging in « reckless enterprivo. THE FEELING IN PARTS, [Paris (Jan. 6) correspondence of the Landon Times.) The coutinned silence of the Moniteur, anit th» nusatie: tory and I may add verbally inoorrecy verrion of tho or’s brief and sigaificant remark to vie Awstrlan eador, together with the comments of some whose language, if it were listened to, would probatsi | to a8 their fortunes, have not ten to the financial public. Tha trie t ot delivers, in to-day’s Untvers, his at would lead not merely to au Asimple cstravgement, with Austria. M Veniliot qhoter the fon of the Constitutionnel, anit adds, The regret which these wo ess Will be felt by all ad tO vertora tra tM. Louis re of few days ago the Archduke Ferdinand Maximilian was ro- ceived with acclamations at the Scala by a part of the nudlence; but when he walks out with bis aid decamp the majority of the Itallans not to seo him. An impression prevails here that the Governor General will seen be recalled, ant ft would per- haps have been better for ali parties if he had ne sent to Italy. His Imperial Highuees isa very kindhearted moan, but is deficient in experience and im flrmners of character, Actuated by a desire to make himself px valar with the ftaliang, the Arcbdnks has oo more than one O° cnsion openly expressed his disapproval af the measures the Vienna goveromont, and by 0 doing pireed tho Emperor in a very tinplewant position, Vanity is tho foible of the Governor General, and designing men bays not failed to take advantage of t. During the last weok considerable sutns in silver have been sent to Lombardy, but bo more reinforcements. In fact, the mecosanty pre- purations for maintaining peace in the Lombardo: Ver tan kin, completed a fortnight ago. ig said th Bie nent wl Go to Trieste in Pastas ie ‘we have not heard the Archduke Ferdinand Maximilian is to ‘mect him there. THE FRELING IN (From the Corriere Mercantile ot Gonos, Dec. 27.) * * Ican give you a piece of news which, under presea' circumstances, cannot fail to strike you ag important, AD extraordinary ‘levy of 3,000 men has been decided on here. I have the news’ from an excellent source. 0 much the better! It will be an additional force of 3,010 men to be used against the foreiguer, ided the great hour of rising ‘be at land; for, although Linsueces General Fenari di Grado, or, a8 be ls called here, Goneral ‘Tacete (hold your tongue), tries hard to Austrianise our Little ariny, rely upon it {tis Italian to the backbone, and will remain 0. Although since 1848 the ranks have been nearly entirely filled with uew men, yet, depend upon it, the traditions of Curtatone and Montanara still live in the minds of the soldiers;, they reast all the attempts of tho Austrian general to drive into oblivion, though he uses every means in his power, and even would have compelled several officers to wear Austrian medals and decorations, but they preferred retiring from the service for u time. ' The enthusiasm for Piedmont and its loyal prince increases every day, to the great grief and evident annoyance of the Palazzo Vecchio and Pitto. ‘The favorite cry at present is ‘Viva Verdi,” which refers not to the well known composer, but to Vittorio Emmanuele Re Ttalia, the initials belng V. E.R. D. I. EXCITEMENT IN THE LOMBARDO: [Turin (Jau. 3) correspondence of London Tim: The garrison of Pavia having been augmented, as already stated, by four guns and 700infantry, it is now said, although not officially announced, that the University is to be re opened, since a prolonged ‘interruption of the studies would be a confession of a bad state of things in ‘he country, 2nd might be construed into apprehension on the part of the authorities. If the report prove well ounded, and the students return, !t will not be surprisiog f unpleasant collisions take place. It appears that every precaution is taken; that the police aud military are ex- \remely on the alert, and that the condition of Pavia is not very dissimitar to that of a town in a state of siege. At Milan, according to letters of the Ist imst., in to-day’s Turin papers, agitation, sligbt squabbles, and conse quent arrests, coutinue to occur, aud there is scarcely a large town in’ Lombardy, where somebody has not been arrested on charges of disturbing the public tranquility. ‘The troops bave orders carefully to avoid affrays, and one letter says that most of the officers abstain from smoking in the streets, or elae throw away their segars when summoned soto do. If this be true, the orders must be very strict. The wildest reports have been car- rentin Lombardy during the last few days—spread, as eome believe, by the police, for the purpose of producing doubt and confusion in the minds of the Italians. For instance, two or three days ago a merchant, here re- ceived a despatch from Milan anxiously inquiring if it were true that an attempt had been made on the life of Count Cavour. A lotter says that this report had obtained such consistency as to produce for’ a mo- ment a suspension of affairs on the Milan Exchange. Avother rumor was that the Piedmontese govern- ment bad commissioned Garibaldi to raise a corps of volunteers, and this caused quite a ferment among the youth of Milan. Again, it was said that Mazzini had re- nounced his republican’ principles and adhered to the poli- cy of Piedmont, but this was rather too extravagant to Guikndta toh credence, Here, during the last few days, a report has been current of an intention on the part of the Sardintan government to sell the Genoa railway. The same report bas on former occasions been circulated, but this time it was connected with the recent visit of M. Lafitte to Turin, and some people went so far ‘as to say that the fale was actually completed. This was untrue, and if the government has any intentions of selling its railway it keeps them to itgelf, Of course people said that the eale was to raise funds for the ap. proaching war, the belief in which still continues Strong here, and even stronger in Lombardy, and thas not been lessened by the recent visit and move- ments of the Archduke Constantine. It continues to be very positively asserted that considerable reinforcements bave been seat to the Austrian troops in Lombardo: Ve- nitia, This is highly probable, but the fact is difficult to ascertain, and at any rate I should very much doubt if the accession’ of strength amounts to 20,000 men, to which bigh figure rumor has made it ascend. If omethi serious is to occur in the spring, itis not to be sup) that the Austrians will again suffer themselves to be taken off their guard, as in 1848. From Milan we further learn the natural death of the Bilancia newspaper, and the sup pression by government of the and the Panorama, two chariveresque journals, whose editor, a Jew named Fortis, has been ordered to take up his residence in his native town of Trieste. THE VERY LATEST. {From the Paris Moniteur (official), Jan. 7.) For several days public opinion has been agitated by alarming reports, which it is the duty of government to put a stop to, in declaring that nothing i diplomatic re- latiovs authorizes the fears which those reports tend to provoke, TELEGRAPHIC FROM LONDON TO LIVERPOOL. [From the London News, Jan. 9. The note in the Monitewr occasioned general buoyancy the commencement of business yesterday morning. News of renewed weakness on the Paris Bourse tended to confirm the apprehension of those who cannot discern in the vague future any amelioration in the position of affairs. The funds finally closed the same as yesterday. English railway stocks retain marked firmness. A permanéht check to confidence is involved in the periodical transmis- sion of sounds of alarm from Paris. There is a growing conviction that under the present French régime the peace of Europe hangs ona very frail tenure. In the discount markct to-day there was a steady de- mand, but in some instances a fractional reduction from the bank minimum was conceded on choicest bills. No bullion operations at bank to-day. {From the London Times, Jan. 9.) As regards the Emperor Napolcon and the Italian ques- tion, the Times feels certain that the Emperor's ° speech was made with a view of learning how the great Powers would receive the project of a French interference in Ttaly. The result of the appeal has happily been most decisive. This notion of proposing himself as the cham- pion of Italian independence is one of the greatest of his latest failures, through the increasing suspicion with which the Imperial policy is regarded. ‘The produce markets opened this week witha more animated demaud for some of the leading staples, but prices, with few exceptions, have presented little ge. There has been a steady inquiry on the part of consumers, and an absence of speculation to any extent, THE CUBAN QUESTION. ‘The President's Message in Madrid—Speech of Marshal O'Donnell and the Action of the Cortes—What Territory Spain Has Lost. ‘The Madrid journals of the Ist inst contain a bricf re- port of what took place in the Chamber of Deputies on the receding oay relative to the Message of the President of the United States about Cuba, of which proceedings some mention has been made by telegraph, and a shorter report woblished in the Heratp of yesterday. The report is as follows:— Mr. Uitoa said:—T ask the government if it intends to reply to the Meesage of Mr. Buchanan, fnasmuch as in that meseage {8 4 paragraph on the project of annexing Cuba to the United States, which contains a new and really grave insult to the Spanieh nation. Marshal O'DoNNRLL declared that the government was disposed to demand due satisfaction for such an insull; and then said—I can assure the Chamber that during the six months we have been in office, our relations with the government of the United States have not ceased to be marked with the greatest cordiality. Accordingiy, | was surprised to read in the Message of the President of the United States that those relations were in an unsatisfac- tory #tate, In the few conferences I have liad with the worthy representative, in this city, of the Anglo- Ameri- can republic, sich a cordial spirit 'was manifested that T felt convinced the relations between the two governments were perfectly amicable, and that they could ran no risk of being troubled. This confidence of the Quoen’ vernment still subsists. In its relations with the States. ag in those with all other countries, it has always endeavored to be circumspect, moderate, reserved, b always dignified and firm, as the government of a people ought to be. ‘The period of discouragement caused ‘by war and disunion hag ceased in Spain. Our conntry is now positively in an era of developement and veritable restoration. If tie powor of Spain be not great enough to mew: itis strong enough to defend the integrity of the territory of the monarchy, and to preserve the dignity of the Spanish name without stain, In whatever circam panish nation may find itself, it will in the future, og in the past, neve insensible’ to never ‘will it abandon the smallest portion of tory—and a proporition having that te be considered by the government as an the Spanish people, — (Approbation.) ‘Tho ment of nationality, which wae supposed to be weakened, and which’ unhappily was slightly weakened ¥ Our intestine discorde—this sentiment, the source of bigh deeds, and of yenierous ant heroic inep dis plays now new vigor, and ie increasing in such a way That, whilst we will never be aggressive, and never aspire to dominate, we will never allow any excroachmont to be made on the !pheritance left ut by our fathers, (Approba tion.) Inthe name of the Queen's goveenment, I must and do declare that in any dissension which tay ati iwoen the two governments, the spaniel government, if it be forced to take a resolute attitude, will Lnink only of one tuing—to mainta o the rights of the vation. We will a ways endeavor to maintain, intact, pure and immacuiate, Spanish honor, and after the satisfactory issue of any dif frence ree walk not ook any sord of aiteantage. Such ts he pakicy we have followed with regard to» Mexico; sich 8 the policy we shall follow in all the questions thiat nay are, ond we are fully assured, gentlemen, that the day on wiseh itmay be necessary to make an ‘itppeal to the public eentiment, and on which the national honor may be compromised, there will be any dilferenece of opinion. All minds will unite and all hearts will join in one effort to protect the national honor ant the integrity of the Spanish monarchy. (Applanse.) These fvelings of justice, moderation and dignity are calculated to give now strength to the Queen's government in directing the dos Linies of the country, aud will increase the coniide inepired by ite devotion to the welfare anc honor of a country » which country I worthy of all our sacrifices and of the Inipptest fatnre,” (Apptanse.) M. Orozaca, in hie own name ‘and in that of several or Cninent members reproeuting the different polith parties, then propowed this rovoiution "The Gone gress deciaren that it has received with satisfa icelwration of the Minister of Foreign Affairs te digpoged to ive to the government its constant D order to maintain the integrity of the Spunish do- Tho resolution waa unanimously adopted, and ordered to be Ingerived in the archives. The Pipane, though a violent adversary of the Cabinet, expresses: tion of the patriotic declarat! n of the Minister, @tates that in a question which, like ‘that of Cuba, affects the national honor, Spaniards, what- ever their differences on other points, will always be united. The other journals employ similar language. {From the Londen Post, Jan. 7.) It is pot more than ten days or a fortnight ago since we gave to the public the very. ny document which pro- ceeded from the American President, and which is gene- ben called the President's Message. Few of our general readers have, we dare say, gone regularly through this diffuse document, the interest of which is bot very great for us Europeans. But there were certain questions touched on, if not fully discussed, in this State paper, of more than ‘common. interest to all iplomatiats, and more especially to Spanish and Mexican diplomatists. One of these was the question of the Island of Cuba—an island which it is known the United States government has lovg been desirous of Considering that the actuai President the United States is an eminent lawyer and a diplomatiet, who acquired considerable reputation in his embassy to St. Petersburg, the views put forward on this Cuban question by Mr. Bu: chanan “are ‘we say astounding. Coming from an extreme democrat, who is also, Sane to gay, friendly to, if not a partisan of, the execrabl slave trade, such views become more dangerous as there may be a possibility of their being reduced, or attempted to be introduced, into actual practice in our own day. Be this as it may, ever, these cardinal facts appear cer- tain: First, that the United States eagerly, we may say tnteneoly, covets the Possession of the island of Guba; , that with a view ratify this longing, the gov. ernment of the United States ts Prepared fonchar ieee egotiation with Spain for the purchase of the island; and hurd, that if this proposition of purchase be not favorably considered by the Spanish government, the United States government Will leave no means untried to gain a territory necessary , it is alleged to her security, toher developement nd her proper extension. We profess not to citethe many words and muititudiuous phrases in which this monstrous doctrine is sought to be veiled and veneered over while it is in process of being elaborately developed. With the dexterous periphrasis and circum(ocution of Mr. Buchanan we have nothing to do, We merely give the sum aud sub- stance of this new (heory of national law; and, consider. ng that the President (Mr. Buchanan) and his principal ecretary of State (General Cass) are both distinguished American lawyers, and men who have filled first rate diplomatic situations in European countries, more dan- gerour—we had aimost said more detestable—doctrinescan _ Ecarcely be conceived. In truth, if the principle and sys- tem of this new American reasoning were allowed to be acted on unchallenged, there is no island, or no land, or foreground, "contiguous to the’ United States which might not in like manner be cov- eted, be sought for by the operation of a forced sale, and, failing this altervative, by forcible annexation, by forcible seizure, or the right of the strongest. In this wise our own or the Danish West India islands, or parts of Canada, or of the territory of Russia bordering on Ameri- ca, might be longed and’ lasted for till filibusterism bad prevailed, not merely over international law, but over every possessory right of the first principles of equity and justice. As Great Britain and Russia are strong, those who are disposed to take, having the power, are pleased also to remember that they should keep’ who can;’ and under these circumstances our and Russian territory runs no risk whatever. But with Spain, which is nota first rate Power, either by land or by sea, it is different. Accordingly we are not surprised to find that the message of the American President has ex- cited much commotion at Madrid, and that on New Year's day, at the meeting of the Cortes, Senor Ulloa required explanations from the President of the Council and the Minister of War and the Colbnies (Mar. shal O'Donnell) of what he called ‘this new and grave in- sult put upon the Spanish nation.’’ Marshal O'Donnell, who is not much of an orator or a diplomatist, and who tuil within the last six months has been wholly unused to official life, appears to have spoken on this occasion and theme with great spirit and vigor. He at once stated that the government of her Catholic Majesty was disposed to de- ‘mand explanations of the government of the United Slates, ‘whose proceedings were the most extraordinary ,as,during the six months the actual Spanish government had been in office, their relations with mr. Dodge, the American Envoy at Madrid, had been of great cordiality, “This fact,” said the Marshal, ‘has caused me to read the mes- sage alluded to with great surprise, more especially asour intercourse with the United States has always been concil- iatory and circumspect, and at the eame timefriendly, dig- nified, yet firm.’’ These observations, delivered with a certain goldierly energy of manner, were warmly receiv- ed by both sides of the House. Encouraged by this unu- sual unanimity, the Marahal went on to state with patri- otic, if not somewhat pardonable, exaggeration, that the period of discouragement and despondency in Spain had ceased, and that the country was now enabled to stand erect. If Spain was not great enough to menace, she ‘was at least strong enough to defend what belonged to her of right. In her worst and darkest days Spain was never insenible to honor, and it was an essential principle of national honor never to abandon the smallest portion of territory. The proposition indeed was, according to the Marabal, in itself an insult—an insult against which the national sentiment would ever protest with new vigor. “Spain,” said the Marshal, in con- clusion, ‘bas no desire to be ressive—she does not desire to dominate, or to assail the inde- pendence of other countrit ut while thus resolved to continue within ee ap er she will ae ae oe an encroachment on her inheritance, or permit her posses- sions to be torn from her without a struggle. If forced to maintain her rights, she will do so earnestly and man- fully in a just and honorable and self-defensive cause.’’ ‘These words, equally aj iate, dignified and firm, were received with loud applause. When the enthusiasm of the Cortes bad somewhat subsided, Senor Ok , who some sixteen years ago occupied the position of chief minister of the m, now held by O’Donnell, and who bas twice filled the Paris Embasey, also addressed the Cortes in a brief and effective specch. He expressed his eral adhesion to all the sentiments uttered by O'Donnell, and, as the ackpowledged leader of the progresista par: ty recently returned for Madrid, as well as for two other electoral districts, intimated how gratified he was by utterances at once so patriotic and national. Not content with this expression of opinion, Senor Olozaga con- cluded with a resolution expressing’ the satisfaction of ‘the Cortes with the declarations and explanations of the en rea not fail to gratify the friends of cant q order and a td in and out in every of Europe, Ideas of general justice, equity and safety, Such as were proclaimed by O'Donnell, are ia harmony with natural law, and ought to be writen on the hearts of all the nations of the earth. When any one Power rises to a point when it is prepared to perpetrate spoliation under a milder and more innocuous name, the danger to the independence of weak States becomes so imminent and real that all nations have a right to unite to defond their common independence.’ This doctrine was maintain. ed by the gentle and Christian Fenelon in that beautiful tract, “Examen de Ia Conscience sur les Devoirs de Ia Royauté,” written for the instruction of his pupil, the Duke of Burgundy. , Annation has, 00 doubt, also a right to everything ne- cessury for its preservation and for its perfection. But no nation has the right to absorb, to annex, or to force a sale of the territory of an independent State. Cuba no doubt commands the entrance to the Gulf of Mexico, and_pos- sesses one of the noblest harbors in the world. Cuba ts at once the strength and the wealth of Spain, without which she would be poor indeed, But it is not becavse this fs the most precious jewel in the Spanish diadem that America is to put ber own price upon it, saying, if you do not sell the island we shall fiich it, or filibuster it, Or take it by main brute force, Such an international code as this savora rather of Hounslow heath than of Huber—rather of Dick Turpin and the Sallee rovers than of Puifendorf, Grotius, Vattel or Wheaton WHAT TERRITORY HAS SPAIN LOST. [From the Peninsular Correspondence. j ‘The message of the President of the United States does not appeur to have occasioned any kind of alarm in the Spanish public, the newspaper guides of whom persist in covsidering itas an issue of political capital in paper. ‘The only journ ich have expressed their indignation tn good set terms are the M ia. and the Feniz. The latter, which has already made it the subject of two or three articles, has the following observations on the Isle of Cuba:-—When the greedy hands of the North American Union are ready to be stretched ont towards our precious Antilles, which is nearly all that remains to us of the Spanish empireinthe New World; when the United States are openly ing to add at our experse one more star to those with which their flag is studded, it will not be inexpedient to iook hack upon the Spain of our forefathers, when it occupied the eighth part of the known world, when ita inhabitants were 70,000,000, and its dimensions comprised a space of 800,000 sqhare miles. Of these vast territories more than two- thirds have been lost; can we permit another jewel to be svatched from the splendid crown of the two worlds? In 1505 we gave up the Isle of Maita to the order of St. John. Jn 1620 the Lower Navarre and Bearne was yielded to France, and in 1649 the Rousselon, In 1640. we lost Por. tugal ahd hee colonies, Tn 1648 we recognized the sove reignty of the Netherlands. In 1626 the English wrested the Parbadoee from ug, in 1665 Jamaica, in 1704 Gibraltar, in 8 the Lucvas, in 1769 Dominica, and in 1797 Trinidad, 1 the geventecnth century France took possession of Mar- tinico, New Granada, Guadaloupe and the half of the late of San Domingo, and in 1800 Louisiana, Tn the eighteenth cen- tury we yielded up Sardinia to the Duke of Savoy, and to Moroceo our rights on Mazalquivir and Oran. We ceded Parma, Placencia and Lucea, with other dominions in the north of Italy, to prinees of the house of Bourbon, and in 1769 Naples and Sicily were emancipated from Spanish gove In 1819 we sold Floriita to the United svates; mw » lost onr balf of the isle of San Domingo, and ve the vast coutinent which our giorions aa- ° ud acquired was lost to na forever, Of ail this we have, as a remembrance of the past, the wand Porto Rico, the distant Philippines, ‘wad our African porsets/ons ; but the Spain of the nineteenth con tury is not (hat of the seventeenth and eighteenth centw ries er consent, under any pretext, that these jewels shail be snatehed from her crown, and will, in case fen’ them with the blood of her united sons. Time has not passed in vain for us, and neither caresses bor threats wif! prevail upot any Spanish goverument, Le its opinion upon home affairs, to give up for gold that whieh tovehes to the quick tho honor and the decorum of the country; nor, in_ the midst of the agita- tion of political paswions, will the Spanish flag which waved over the throne of leabel I, loge any of its splendor un- der the reign of her worthy successor, Isabel II.”” {From the Liverpool Post, Jan. 8.) Mexican polities are really nearer Engliah interests. President Buchanan presses for the £8,000,000 owing to United States citizens by the Mexican government; and as he is willing to take payment in kind, in the shape of annexations, the leading journal asks:—Is not the right of England to interfere and ‘eize much more evident, in the measure of the £12,000,000 claimed by British residents; and ae we will not annex, but will rather let our subjects be robbed, ought we to permit the Washington Cabinot to proceed further? Tt is a delicate question, no doubt; but clearly Mr. Buchanan gees his way , and will not be estopped by our diplomatic scruples. To our apprehension it ap- pears that the British and American intercats are identi- cal, and that the sooner Mexico, as a government, is “im- proved off the face of the eath"’ the better for civilization m general, and the Mexicans m particular. Manifest desti- ny is takiag the Yankees southwards, and it isin vain iat our official statesmen attempt to arrest it, Balwor: Olnyton treaties inevitably turn ont sheer waste paper, and tho truth seoms to be that oar diplomacy in that quorter of the world is based upon nothing sounder or honestor than a prejndice against and a jealousy of the eivilizing and trading American. ‘Tho Mexicans have had a fair trial before ail the world; they cannot govern them: selves, a8 they confys, in endlgae civil war; and tho only Fational question is—shal! a country, which was one: le inte: 4 e people such as those of the United States—thus tar”, Ye go, and no farther? The Ilinols Central Railroad, MEBTING OF THE SHAREHOLDERS IN LONDON, | {From the London Times, Jan. 7.) ‘A mecting of English shareholders in this company bold rome lay at the London Tavern; Mr. G. Moffatt, ‘The chairman stated that the committee appointed the shareholders at the meeting in July last had devo themselves to the interests con! to them, The m: object was communicated with the Board at New Yo respecting the financial affairs of the company. Some d lay occurred in forming a deputation from the commit to proceed toNew York and confer with the directo on the company’s affairs. The committee felt it nec that a frank and full investigation of the accoum should be made, and Mr. Smith, one of the deputatio had devoted himself to that subject. ‘The extensi and elaborate statements he had pre and given committee on the financial state of the company show how completely he bad devoted himself to the wo| confided to him. It had taken him (the chairmal two days to master the voluminous accounts of various matters connected with the company. Th were three points which involved irregularity in their counts, It appeared tbat three of the directors had p calls on their shares by promissory notes instead of cash, which wasa highly irregular course, while the oth shareholders had paid_in the usual way. ‘The total those sums was about $360,000, or £75,000. He had be informed that those notes would be met, and then t three directors would be in the same position ag ot) shareholders, ‘They found that the land sales departm required some alteration. ‘The interest accruing on lat sales had been applied to the extinction of boads, where hat interest fairly belonged to the shareholders.’ On ex mination of thoge accounts, which were prepared for information of the shareholders, they would flad the e: State of their aflairs. With regard to the value of the 1 heid by the company all doubis had been removed by friendly offer and subsequent opinion of Mr, Caird, MY who was perhaps the highest authority on the subject. proceeded to Itinois, examined the land, and revurng with @ very favorable impression as to its'value and productive nature of the soil. ‘The land was exceeding} | fertile, and would ultimately be of great value. tenantry on some of the lands were sullering great distre in consequence of two bad harvests, and were thus unad to continue their payments regularly. The directors New York, on the representation of the committee, once recognized the right of the European shareholder inquire into the affairs of the company, with a view to prove their position, He was glad to say they were m very fairly, and that there existed at presenta perfect ui nimity of action between the committee and the directo He then adverted to the retirement from the Board of Mf Osborne, the President of the company, and stated that H resignation, dated the 20th of December last, bud not y| been accepted by the directors. Mr. Smith had ascertam that there would bea deliciency of about $1,000,000 meet liabilities, and some of the money ‘woul be required in the early part of the year. question was as to how it should bé raised whether by calls or loans. If by calls, they would requ five dollars a skare. Seeing that fifty per cent of the cal had been made, amouting to £1,000,000, and that in man cases they bad caused great sacrifices on the part of tl who held shares, the committee thought that a loan of; requisite amount would be far preferable to another cpl Negotiations for a loan ha: been entered into by tho cdq mittee, who had reason to hope they would succee 1 in ol taining the moncy on favorable terms. He should ha mentioned that both Mr. Wheeler and Mr. Smith had ported favorably of the whole machinery of the lin that the railway was in good order, and thiere was not better managed railway in the country than was the Iilino Central. He bad found great difficulty in solving the qu tion with respect to the depreciation ef their shares considered that the vicious system originally adopted raising capital for the company was the chief cause. Tix commenced, not by paying up their shares, but by beit borrowers of everybody who would lend them money. 1856 and 1856 their land eales were immeuse, but they ht since been subjected to two successive bad harvests, an the result had been to seriously reduce the receipts their railway, and to diminish the ability of the purchaser to pay for the land. This was a contingency that could n be foreseen, and had placed them in their present positig Fe thought that, after having had two bad harvests, t) may expect a return toa more fortunate state of alfai He thought, under all the circumstances, that a divid in the course of next year might be expected. Tne creased produce of the land, economy of working, and in provement in the sales of land, owing to ite incre: value, wouid all tend to augment their receipts, and duce a surplus which would be available for divident He concluded by stating that some of the gentlemen q the committee had travelled 200 miles to attend it, they had exerted themselves in every way to promote interests of the company. (Hear, bear.) ‘Mr. Avsny proposed @ resolution, to the effect that —— of Mr. Osborne, the president, be accepted. ir. BROWNE seconded the motion, aud in doing #0, along statement. A discussion ensued, in which Mr. Gilpin, M. P., Mr, 8. Eilis, Mr. J. Ellis, Mr. T. Smith and other sharchold took part, as to the capabilities and qualifications of President, who had recently tendered ‘his resignation, the course of which it was contended that he had done best he could under the circumstances. Mr. J. 8, Exus stated that he had gone over the [lino line, and the President had given him every facility to ¢ amide and inquire for. himeelf.. He found they Bad miles of railway completed, and a stock of ¢ and carriages enough for double the traffic. They h notes in their strong box for $13,000,000, which cou be paid at , but no-doubt would be paid, und thi had 1,300,000 acres of land to dispose of.” That was. the ition af present. ‘Their line had cost $30,000,000, os! , ‘which $20,000,000 consisted of debt, and their share capil was only $10,000,000, which was now depreciated one-baif, go that when they talked about the depreciats of their property thes should remember that it’ was on to the extent of $5,000,000 out of $30,000,000 small amount under the circumstances. He thought th prospects were good, and that they should not things worse than they were by needless apprehensio If favored by a good harvest they would soon experien a change for the better. Mr. Convey explained that the President had resigned consequence of his objection to reside in Illinois, which was necessary he should do as President of the compan He hoped Mr. Austin would withdraw his motion. If th had had two good harvests in Illinois and the two b harvests in England their property would have been hat position that, instead of finding fault, they wou have been voting testimonials to the President and dire tors. (Hear.) He believed the gentlemen on the co mittee held one-third of the whole of the shares of tH company held in England, and he believed that they no held a greater number of shares than they did when th were appcinted. Mr. Moxnice thought it wonld be much better for stability of the company that the money required to m44 their abilities should be raised by calls on shares inste of by loans. He proposed that instead of a loan a call ¥ made to the extent the committee might deem adyisabl Mr. Conpen thought they had no idea of the vast ext of their property; they had had 2,600,000 acres of lan granted them. ‘They had commenced operations Dorrowing money, and, in fact, it was intended by projectors to borrow the whole of the money requir for the railway, aud to pay it off by the sale of land. they were now tocall up the whoié of the share capi they would confiscate the shares of the poorer shi holders, or force them to sell their shares for small aut tothe weaithy shareholders in the company. The rid man and the strong man would be enriched and benefit by the proposed call, while the poor and weak maa woul be sacrificed. Before inaking a call they should ascer the opinion of the shareholders at large. and not be guidd by the opinions of a small number, ‘It was, in fact, great land company. They had an immense territory, ¢: fending over 2,569,600 acres of rich, fertile, and vain land. This was confirmed by the abie report of Mr. Cai An eminent agricultural cuemist had ascertained that Soil contained all the requisites in the highest degree f the production of grain, and that if such land we situated in Scotland it would be worth £100 an acre, d £260,000,000, He mentioned that to show they Property’ in Tilinois totally distinct from the railway ‘They had sold a certain portion of the land, and had aside 260,000-acres to meet the interest on loans: but, stead of Selling ‘t for cash, they had been selling it on ct dit, and, consequently, a’ large amount was now due the company by persons who were unable to pay at p sent. His advice was to realize all the land they could fd cash, and after they had provided for every contingend there would remain a sufficient quantity of land to p them at a future period a very large sum. He would se Portions of the land as soon as possible, and realize all could to place the company in a sound position, and with a view to protect the interests of the sharehold He would convert the company's extensive building in Chicago into cash, and realize all the available lands meet the liabilities ‘of the company. It was cntirely shareholders’ question, and the sooner they realized certain amount of their assets the better. After some further observations the motion proposed b Mr. Austia was withdrawn, and it was agreed to leave question of resignation aud of raising the money by or loan to the decision of the committee of sharchoider Singular Disclosures in England. OVEREND AND GURNEY, AND THE NOTORIOUS BAI RUPTS, DAVIDSON AND GORDON. [From the Manchester Guardian, Jan. 7.] Mr. Commissioner Goulburn’s judgment in’ the case q the notorious bankrupts, Davidson and Gordon, cannot t ead without diemay by aay one who, in apis of the 4 closures of the last few years, retains old fashioned ni about the epotiess integrity of British merchants. Oo, mercial morality must, indeed, be at a discount, when is possible for m man who was till lately managing ner of one of the greatest houses in London to be d nounced from the seat of justice as an accessory after fact ina felony, and when the unanimous voice of th outside public ‘regretfully aimite the truth of the Gletment. Mr. David Barclay Chapman, formerly seting head of ihe firm of Overend & Gurney, now stan tn this fearful and degrading position. Out 'of ‘his 0 mouth—for the charge against him rests ontirely on bi evidence against Davidson and Gordon—he stands co vieted of having concealed what the Commissioner call “a most gross and wicked fraud,” in order to save th credit of his firm. The story he told in court of his d ings with the bankrupts unbappily leaves no room td mistake in this matter. ‘The facts of the case lie iu a nut shell, Davidson and Gordon, with the assistance of third worthy, named Cole, bad, during the years fro 1849 to 1863, inclusive, obtained’ money from Civerend Gurney, on the security of dock warrants; and go ¢: sive were their dealings that the whole amount of t securities deposited with the latter firm is cstim ‘at £370,000. On the 18th of October, 1853, ‘Chapman discovered that these warrants for the most part fictitions—that is to say, the spelter or copper, or whatever it was they were posed to represent to the purchaser, and which was to be lying at one of the wharfs, had in reality been 6 ried off by Cole and his confederates, or perha had any real existence. Just before the 13th, Mr. © man had sold and received the money for some of th fictitious documents, representing 400 of “spell which were declared to bo at a certain whitt: Ly eer was anxious to have the metal delivered, and Mj Chapman then received the information from Cole th there wore only 80 tons of spolter at the wharf, 80 that @ demand were made for the whole tho ans would be that there were no effects, and Joss . would fall upon Oyerent and Gurpey,