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4 NEW YORK HERALD, SUNDAY, JANUARY 16, 1859. NEW YORK HERALD. JAMES GORDON BENNETT, EDITOR AND PROPRIETOR. OFFICE N. W. CORNER OF FULTON AND MASSAU STS TERMS, oxsh in adoance. Money sent by mail will be at the cosh of the sender, Postage stampe mot ‘as subscription Tile DAILY HERALD, too cents p $1 par annum. THE WEEKLY. HERALD, cory Raturday al etx. conte tents per COPY, anmen art in, or B85 to any parley Ors Continent both tF tnchide. postage: th California ‘a ee Sth and Wh of each month, at six cents tg annum. THR FAMILY HERALD, every Wednesday, at four conte per , OF BZ per annuin. NO NOTICE taken of anomymous correspondence. We do not return jected commuunteations. JOR PRINTING executed with neatvess, chenpness and de- AMUSEMENTS TO-MORROW EVENING. BROADWAY THEATRE, Brosdway.—-Rockwoop—Ros 19SON CRUSOE. BOWERY THEATRE, Bowery.—Tue Tunex Fatt Mex. BURTON'S NEW THEATRE, Broadway—O'Nsit, THE Reset—Nick or tus Woops. WALLACK’S THEATRE, Broadway.—Tur VETERAN. NK'S THEATRE, No. 624 Broadway.—Oua AMAURY Sounrcran Carratn ts Nor a Mus. S$ AMERICAN MUSEUM, Broadway—After- moon and Evening—A Lavy 4ND GENTLEMAN IN 4 PERPLEX: 1G PaepicamEntT—LOAn or 4 Lover. WOOD'S MINSTREL BUILDING, 561 and 563 Broadway— Eraorian Songs, Dances, £0.—New Year Cais, BRYANTS' MINSTRELS, MECHANICS’ HALL, 427 Broad- way—Nxceo Songs aND BuxkLesques—SHYLocg. SNIFFEN’S CAMPBELL MINSTRELS, 444 Broadway.— Me.ovies, Burtesques, &c.—Pxour-t-THieves. New York, Sunday, January 16, 1859, = The News. Most important action took place in Washington yesterday in relation to the question of the pur- chase of Cuba. A caucus of the democratic Sena- tors was held, and it was determined that the Com- mittee on Foreign Relations should report a bill similar to that presented by Mr. Slidell a few days since, authorizing the President to purchase Cuba, and placing thirty millions of dollars at his disposal toward that object. It was agreed that the demo- cratic Senators might vote as they choose when the bill should be broughtup. This was forthe pur- pose of accommodating the abstractions of several Southern Senators, as all tie Northern democrats would vote for it. The House Committee on Fo- reign Relations have also resolved to bring in a similar bill, and a lively discussion is expected when it is brought up. The steamship Philadelphia arrived at this port yesterday evening from Havana, with files and let- ters dated on the 9th inst. She experienced heavy weather in the Gulf of Mexico. Politics were quite dull at Havana. The negroes were somewhat unruly, and many of them had been arrested and imprisoned. Two thousand five hundred knives had been sold to them during a few days. Twenty- seven thousand boxes of sugar remained on hand The bark J. J. Cobb, of New York, had been le- gally cleared with a proper charter for the African coast, the seamen to have $25 per month as wages. By the arrival of the Philadelphia we have de- tails of news from Mexico giving the particulars of the recent changes in the government of that re- public, from the overthrow of Zuloaga to the ele- vation of Mitamon to the Presidency. The Cunard screw steamship Jura, which left Liverpool on the Ist inst., arrived at this port yes- terday, and the European mails to the same date, brought by the Niagara, reached this city about twelve o'clock last night. Although these advices have been anticipated by our telegraphio report from Halifax after the arrival of the Niagara, we find much interesting matter in our files, which we publish this morning, including the names of the Irish revolutionists committed at Cork for trial, and an extract from a letter of Smith O’Brien on the subject. Earl Carlisle's (Lord Morpeth) speech on the prospects of the abolitionists in the United States is very frank. Lord Clyde’s (Sir Colin Campbell) father had died in Scotland. The United States Senate was not in session yes- terday. In the House a call was made on the Se- cretary of the Navy for general information con- cerning navy yards, the object being to facilitate the labors of the Naval Committee. A resolution was adopted directing the Naval Committee to re- port what legislation is necessary to reduce the ex- penses of the navy, and whether any yards and docks can be abandoned. The consideration of the House French Spoliation bill was postponed till the Ist of February next. This does not affect the bill which recently passed the Senate. In Commit- tee of the Whole the bill codifying the revenue laws was again taken up, and Mr. Cochrane an- swered tlie objections of its opponents and advo cated its passage. An interesting episode occured during the session, in which Messrs, Giddings and Cox had a colloquy regarding the local politics of Ohio. Mr. Cox sought to compel his opponent to define his position upon the question of placing Hegroes upon an equality with white men at the ballot box in Ohio, but the veteran abolitionist evaded the point. But little of interest transpired in the Legislature yesterday. Bills were introduced in the Assembly giving the New York Fire Commissioners power to appoint bell ringers and telegraph operators, also exempting New York firemen from taxation on property valued at $1,000 or under. According to the report of the City Inspector there were 366 deaths inthe city during the past week—a decrease of 25 as compared with the mor- tality of the week previous, and 59 less than oc- curred during the corresponding week of 1853. The following table shows the number of deaths for the past two weeks among adults and children, distinguishing the sexes:— Men. Women. Boys. Girls, Tutal. ‘Week ending Jan. §.....69 20 1 12300 «(891 ‘Week ending Jan. 15..... ol 88 118 9 366 Among the principal causes of death were the following:— —— Week ending—— Jan. 8. Jan. 15. + 18 6 38 2 13 2 Diseases. th. Gonvulsfons (infantile). in the head, Inflammation of the bowels ee | 6 Inflammation of the lungs 17 PY Inflammation of the brain. 8 7 Marasmus (infantil 2 15 Scarlet fever.... 15 8 There were also 5 deaths of apoplexy, 6 of can- cera, 14 of congestion of the brain, 14 of croup, 10 of debility (infantile), 4 of erysipelas, 4 of typhoid fever, 5 of disease of the heart, 9 of hooping cough, 3 of teething, 8 premature births, 32 stillborn, and 8 from violeut causes, including 1 murder, and 4 from burns or scalds. The annexed table shows what portions of the human system have been most affected: — Bones, Joints, ke. ee Brain and nerve: ’ Generative organs... Heart and blood vessela &e 7 7 10 122 Mu 40 40 41 6 6 366 The number of deaths, compared with the corres- ponding weeks in 1857 and 1858, was as follows:— ‘Week ending Jan. 17, 1857 ste Week ending Jan. 16, 1858. . ‘Week ending Jan. 8, 1869. Week ending Jan. 15, 1859 The nativity table gives . States, 65 of Irela d, 17 of Germany, 4 of England, 2of Scotland, 2 of France, 1 each of Austria and British North America, and 1 unknown. The British so:ew steamer City of Manchester, Captain Kennedy, sailed yesterday afternoon for Liverpool, with eighteen cabin passengers und one hundred and twenty-three in the steerage. She took out $170,000 in specie. The United States storeship Release, forty-two days out from New York, bound for Paraguay, was spoken on the 18th ul in latitade 1S., longitude 35 W., by the ship Norseman, which arrived at Bos- ton on Friday. The N. received a letter bag from the Release. The steamer Metacomet haa put into Key West for repairs and a supply of coat. Judge Russell disposed of a number of prisoners yesterday in the Court of General Sessions. Chas. McDermot, indicted for the murder of Carson Costar by stabbing him with a knife, in a grocery store in Henry street, pleaded guilty to man- slaughter in the second degree, and was sent to the State prison for five years and three months. John W. Chase, the noted forger, who was convicted on Tuesday of forgery in the second degree, was sen tenced to imprisonment in the same institution for nine years and nine months, being the extreme penalty of the law. “Iam much obliged to your Honor,” said he, as he left the bar. James Latten, who was convicted of passing counterfeit bills, was sent to the State prison for five years and three months. There were three indictments against him, but as the jury recommended him to mercy, the City Judge could not give him the full penalty. James Mann, guilty of burglary in the third degree, was sent to the Penitentiary for two years. Mary Mea- ney pleaded guilty to grand larceny, and was sent to Blackwell's Island for one year. John Miller pleaded guilty to forgery in the fourth degree, and Was se\.t to the State prison for two years. Tho- mas St : ley, guilty of an attempt to commit grand Jarceny. was sent to the City prison for three months. James Brady, Patrick Clancy and John Sullivan pleaded guilty to an assault and battery on John Burke, and at the earnest request of the com- plainant judgment was suspended. Thomas Law” ler and William Johnson, indicted for larceny, were discharged at the request of the complain- ants, and were cautioned by the City Judge, who held the judgment over them. The cotton market was more active yesterday, with sales of about 8,500 bales, about 2,000 of which were sold in transit; the market closed without quotable cbange in prices, The flour market was again firmer and more active, with tolerably free sales at better prices, especially for the common and medium grades. In wheat the firmness of holders checked sales; Western winter red was held at $1 80, while $128 a $1 29 was bid, and a small lot of Western amber colored was reported at $135. Corn was quite firm and more active; old Western mixed was sold at 86c., and ‘was afterwards held at lc. a 2c. higher. terday, was maintained, with sales of about 550 bhds. New Orleans. New Orleans were made at 40c. a 40}gc. Coffee was firm, with sales of 2,500 mats Java at 1434c., aud 400 bags do. at 4c. a15c. Freights were dui! and nominal, while en- gagement were quite limited. ‘The New York Herald and the Democratic Party. We are gratified to observe that the news- paper organs of the demoralized democracy are beginning to be seriously annoyed with our strictures upon the forlorn condition of their party, party managers and party leaders in reference to the next Presidency. Among the latest of these peculiar manifestations is the ful- lowing, which we clip from the Detroit Free Press:— We do not know how many times during the Lear dozen or twenty years the New York Heratp has the democratic party up and broken in frag- . Itisour voip however, that it bas been in bit of ann aa OR og co toe eg democracy’’—this is about the language it is fond of em- on bo is completely and finally overthrown, from ine to California.’’ We have now its first semi-annnual announcement of the sort for 1859. ‘The prospect,”” it says, ‘of the broken rank and file of the national dem oeratic party is gloomy enough ; the party has run to seed, an lead vines, weeds , and goouer or later, like a flold of and rubbish, it must be removed from the ground.”’ This ig very melancholy. Our Detroit cotemporary next observes that “the Heraxp sees but one way of escape for the country”—to (wit, the union of the opposition upon General Scott for the next Presidency. Now, in answer to this facetious democratic organ, our attention is first called to “the many times during the past dozen or twenty years,” in which “the New York Heratp has had the democratic party smashed up and broken into fragments.” We must also, to some extent, plead guilty to this indictment ; and to show how far our predictions have been sustained by the great political events of the last twenty years, we are drawn to the following specifications:— We predicted, in regard to the Presidential election of 1840, that the democratic party would be “smashed up.’ and we presume that on turning to the figures of that election our De- troit philosopher will be satisfied that that pre- diction has been literally fulfilled. We predicted, in reference to the close and doubtful contest of 1844, that Polk would be elected, and that the democracy would thus regaia the government. In 1848 we predicted that the democracy would be “smashed up” again, and that General Taylor would be triumphantly elected. In 1852 we not only predicted the recovery of their lost ground by the democracy, but such an overwhelming electoral majority for Pierce that not even the most sanguine of our democratic organs and po- liticians could believe us. And yet we were again completely borne out by the result. In 1853 we predicted that the administration of poor Pierce would be a miserable failure, and would “smash up” the democratic party, and in 1854 the prophecy was fulfilled in the election of an opposition Honse of Representatives, which elected a Massachusetts republican Speaker, In 1856, at a crisis of demoralization and dis- organization of the opposition elements which had created a very general belief that the demo- cracy would walk over the course, we actively co-operated in the popular movement to bring out Fremont. He, too, might have been elected, with three hundred thousand opposition votes to spare in the general result, but for the blanders and treachery of the Seward managers in the business of the Pennsylvania October election. As it was, notwithstanding the great personal popularity of Mr. Buchanan, and the dead weight of Fillmore upon the back of #remont, the demo- racy escaped an absolute “smash up” by the narrow margin of some two thousand votes out ofhalfa million in that decisive October Penn- sylvania contest. It was not the party in 1856 that saved Mr. Buchanan—it was Mr. Buchanan who saved the party. So low had it fallen ia the public eatima- tion, from the follies, imbecilities and blunders of poor Pierce, that with any other candidate than Buchanan it would have been “smashed up’ be- yond recovery. With the promulgation of Mr. Buchanan's cou- servative inaugural and Cabinet we predicted the success of his administration, and thus far ithas succeeded against democratic treachcries, defections and conspiracies, without a parallel in all the previous vicissitudes of the party, and in spite of the expensive legacies inherited vom Fillmore and Piorge, and the beavy finan has ceased to be indispensable to the success of Pork was firmer, with sales of old mess at $17, and now do. at $17 50a $17 624, and prime at $13; free sales were made for future delivery at full prices. Sugars were firm, and the advance of gc. per Ib. on the week's sales, noticed yes- Molasses was higher, and free gales of cial embarrassment resulting from the Late uni- versal revulsion. With the rebellion of Douglas and the other fuctious movements: of selfish aod unseruputons leaders an@ eliques of the party atthe Last session of Congress to break down an admiuistration which they could not | control to their own selfish ends, we predicted anther “smash up” of the party, without rious damage to the adininistration, aad ti filment has been furnished in ourdate Nov: elections for the next Congress, We now take the ground that while the party the administration, there is no hope fur the party in 1860, exeept upon some popular outside candidate, uncontaminated by the dirty work of the aspiring leaders and reckless demagogues of the party in Congress of the last two years. We adhere to the idea that theparty is “smashed up” into sections and factions, and cliques and coteries, among whom there ean be no agree- ment upon the candidate of any of these cliques, and that the prospect for a democratic scrub race in 1860 is much stronger than any prospect of democratic harmony, Similar causes of disruption and divisions have produced the same effects among the ele- ments of the opposition; and thas, in the same way, they are threatened with the doubtful game of two or three scrub candidates, Thus, on both sides, the tendencies of the party demoralizations of the day are towards a scrub race, which will throw the next Presidential election into Con- gress, where the struggle may precipitate us headlong into the gulf of disunion. We wish to avoid this danger—we desire a fair and square election upon the practical questions of govern- mental policy—and thus we appeal to the people to take the matter into their own hands. The opposition hold a popular majority throughout the Union of three or four hundred thousand votes. This majority was thrown away in 1856 upon sectional, sectarian and personal antipathies. It can only be consolidated in 1860 upon some such staunch and universally accept- able national and conservative man as General Scott. We invite our cotemporaries on all sides to a thorough discussion of the above subject in all its bearings. Our party politicians and ma- nagers are steering the ship among dangerous rocks and shoals, and the people must come to the rescue, of ship, passengers and cargo will be- come the prey of the wreckers, The Balance of Trade—Fallacies in Finance. Among the anomalous effects of the revul- sion of 1857 we find the resuscitation of cer- tain ancient fallacies in finance, one of the most popular of which is the theory of a favorable or an adverse balance of trade, ascertainable to a fraction by financiers, through certain statistical tables, made up from official data. These tables in some instances are of use, because they ex- hibit the relative proportions of the many streams of commerce; but they are of no value whatever as an evidence that any particular trade is fa- vorable or adverse to the country. The following table of our export and import trade during the commercial year of 1857, which has been prepared by the Secretary of the Treasury, with several others, for the use of Con- gress, is interesting, because it shows at a glance the aggregates of our commerce with the other nations of the world:— STATEMENT OF EXPORTS AND IMPORTS FOR THE YEAR 1857, SHOWING THE NATIONS WHOSE TRADE I8 IN FAVOR OF THE UNITED STATKS, AND THOSE WITH WHOM THE TRADE IS AD- VERSE TO THE UNITED a gooas ‘Total ar eT aerire oie. 060 4,735,834 218,872 373 fe 1,058,461 9,675,018 192,868 1,626,003 3,818,061 f 689) 007 784,542 "46, 1008 87,619/008 16,430,587 204,049,595, 07,687 5 108,197 13,700 — __ 18,700 32,806,241 1,267,572 33,603,798 3,015,853 "596,655 4,512'508 2,279,310 1,257,873 3'696,703 54,614 — 4614 3,060 = 3,060 1,978,865 248,744 3,227,609 2/785,852 529,978 3,315,825 + 1480;583 1991084 1,688,667 608,827 82,082 "685,900 5 - 5,100 406,345 = 19,292 485,567 4,836,681 101,187 4,437/818 578,654 6,987 "585,641 22,052,827 8,178,184 25,210,961 2,779,388 188,685 2,968,053 112)427 6,001 118,428 ; 108 «118,229 719,883 582,596 8,500 590,986 525,374 401869 © 600,243 783,405 4.472 «887,877 Central Republic 115,611 19,851 (184,962 Uroguay....... 552,007 26,061 «578,128 Argentine Repub 705,083 139,551 904,504 Venezuela....... 1,194/294 73,682 1,267,926 Other ports in Afti 1,767,965 186,884 1904299 Other isiands in Pa 45201 10177 56,871 Whale fisheri¢ 261,300 4 266, $293,758,279 30,886,142 324,644,421 Trade Against Trade in the United Favor of States. U. States. 80, 808,605 902 ’249\085 = —_ 7535 aguas ‘888 48,760 ~ Argentine Repablic..: 2,725/18 1,820'0%4 - Venezuela...... 601,847 2,333,921 - Other ports in Africn., 1,597'249 — 307,050 Other islands in Pacific. 32,496, _- 22,892, Whale fisheries....... 86.028 = oanaia $282,619,159 43,710,442 99,741,719 RECATETULAMION. In favor of the United States $85,741,718 Against 43,710/442 42,091,271 824,644,421 2§2'613,150 Balance in favor of the United States —Or exvess of exports over importa, The believers in and advocates of “the valance of trade” are not at all agreed upon its properties, and they are di- vided into two schools, which are diamet- rically opposed to each other as to which is the adverse and which the favorable balance of trade. In the foregoing tables it is stated that our total exports exceeded our total imports in the sum of forty-two millions of dollars, which is equivalent to a balance of that amount in our favor, On the other hand, ex-Senator Cooper, | in a speech to the ironmasters of Pennsylvania, gave us the other day the following curious piece of information:— That large adverse balance of trade frequently oc- curring would be aufficieat to produ cl disasters 00 ove will be bardy enough to dewy, To show that such a Dalance existe pre has extsted for a. number of years, and 10 suggest a means for ita prevention for the iuture, will be the ohject of my further remarks. The whole value of Englaod—if uot to help to defeud ber against Russian invasion—speaks volumes for the loyalty of the Irish to British institutions, or at least for the domestic: produce of the United States e: duri the yar 184 wns $362,047. 800; foreign produce their good sense in submitting to their fate. If of 375,790,320, ‘The imports during the same*peties | fifty thousand filibuster troops were safely lauded amounted to $301 494,004, The difference between the aggregate amount of domestic aad foreign exports and imports 's $25,679,774. Here we find one of the believers in a balance of trade, who finds that balance to be adverse to us because our exports exceeded our imports. ‘These gentlemen do not treat the people of the United States with half the fairness of the show- man, for though they pay their money they can- not take their choice. The fact is there is no such thing as a balance of trade, in the sense in which these gentlemen use it. The values stated in their tables are neither the actual values of the artieles at the place of production nor those of the markets of sale; but they are fictitious valuations, or “official values,” as they are termed in the language of the Custom House. Numerous ele- ments besides the first cost, such as freight, interest, labor, commission and profit—all of which are of a constantly varying and inscrutable character—would enter into the composition of the true balance of trade, if such a thing really existed. But if commerce between nations is nothing more than the exchange of the sur- plus each has after supplying its own wants there can be no such thing as an adverse balance of trade; for a surplus over what is re- quired for use has no value until it can be ex- changed for something that we can use and do not possess, In this way the true values of trade are created by itself, and neither party can be a loser by the transaction; for each exchanges what he does not want for something which he requires, and which, consequently, has for him a value. It is for this reason that commerce is always profitable to a country, no matter what adverse balances may be deduced frem its ficti- tious valuations. to-morrow in Ireland they could not make a suc- cessful rebellion. A large majority of the popu- lation would resist them, and the expedition would be very speedily used up, even if Eugland remained only a spectator, instead of becoming an actor, in the drama. During the Queen’s visits to Ireland nothing could exceed the enthu- siastic demonstrations of loyalty evinced by the people wherever she went. But the second condition that would justify in- surrection in Ireland is equally absent, namely, that it would benefit the country when successful. Suppose the yoke of England were cast off, what would the Irish do? Would they set up an in- dependent kingdom, and make some demagogue their king? In that case they would soon find themselves in a worse condition than ever, Would they erect an independent republic in the face of the hostile monarchies of Europe? They would soon find it crushed out of existence, for it would be impossible for them to maintain their independence, unless by the possession of a fleet superior to that of England. And by what magic could such a defence as that so suddenly spring up? But further—the Irish people are wholly unsuited fora republic, unless when they are absorbed and assimilated by one already in ex- istence, as is the case in the United States. They the strong arm. Incipient Revolution in Ireland Nipped tn more, what has, been done with the fund raised the Bad, The recent news from Ireland of another me- ditated rebellion has excited some interest among our Irish population in New York, and the interest is somewhat enhanced by a secret meeting called in New York on Friday evening for the purpose of raising a fand to defend the unfortunate men under arrest for treason. The journals which profess to represent the Trish are very indignant at the course which the British government is likely to adopt in refe- rence to the prisoners who have placed them- selves in the power of the law. It is intimated that they will be tried by a special commission, instead of the regular periodical Court of Assize. The object of a special commission is to “ strike terror,”’ by making the punishment certain, and also to speedily follow the offence. Now, we think the English government in doing this will be only acting in obedience to the dictates of humanity, for such vigorous action will be most effectual in deterring others from falling into the snares laid for them by a revolutionary junta who are safely ensconced in New York, and who, knowing in their inmost hearts that any attempt at rebellion in Ireland must prove a miserable failure, are yet collecting money from simpletons here, for the purpose of overthrowing British dominion in that island, and at the same time playing on the cre- dulity of misguided young men at the other side ofthe Atlantic, who, by giving heed to their evilcounsels, are likely to lose what is of mora value to them than money—their personal liberty, in the very prime of existence. It is this feature of the case that renders the conduct of those who call themselves Irish patriots here so highly re- prehensible in the sight of God and men. The English and Irish papers say that the arrested parties are “the dregs of Young Ireland.”” Wheth- er they are the dregs or the cream we know not, but they are far less criminal than those who have abused the asylum they have received in tha United States by holding out false lights, like pirates, to their victims, which can have no other effect than wrecking them ona lee shore. The greatest enemies of the Irish are those of their own household. How far the Sixty-ninth Regi- ment of New York is mixed up in the affair, either by accident or by design, and with their eyes open, cannot be determined in the present state of our information. But it is evident there is a heavy responsibility somewhere. There are only two conditions that can justify insurrection in any country. One is that there is a very strong probability of success, and the other that the benefit to the country will be com- mensurate with the bloodshed and other calami- ties entailed by intestine war. As to the first, there is none but a fool or a knave will pretend to say that a rebellion in Ireland, under present circumstances, could have the slightest chance of success. Indeed, under no circumstances can that island, without a navy herself, and girt as she is with the fleets of England, be ever able to assert her independence, unless by the interven- tion of France or the United States; and neither of these Powers have any notion of embroiling themselves in the affairs of Ireland. In the re- bellion of 1798 foreign aid was relied upon, and to a considerable extent rendered by France. But even with feat assistance the insurrection fuiled. In 1848, when the triumph of the French revolu- tion set the continent of Europe in a blaze, Treland, too, caught the flame, and then her main hope was aid from the French republic, which was not given. Had the French republic stood firm—had it adopted the principle of pro- pagandism—and had all Europe become republi- canized, there might have been some chance of an Irish republic. But reaction set in, and the people of Ireland, under all the excitement of public meetings, inflammatory harangues, and seditious newspapers, would not rise—a determi- nation in which they were encouraged hy the Catholic priesthood. They let Mitchell, who urged them to rebellion, be arrested, tried, con- victed and “sent out of the country for the country’s good,” without striking a blow. A sin- gle company of dragoons was sufficient to escort him from prison through the streets of Dublin to the ship whieh hore him into exile. The only fight that could be afterwards got up was the memorable bottle of Ballingarry, fought in the cabbage garden of the widow McCormick, under the generalship of Mr. Smith O’Brien. If the people did not rise at a time of great excitement like that, and under the most stimulating ap- pliances, what reason is there to suppose they would do so now, when everything is quiet, and there are no leaders to inflame, organise, and marshal them for action? The country never was 80 loyal to England as it ix at the present time. During the Crimean war it was left almost without a soldier to garrison it. Why did not the patriots then strike, when that opportunity offered? The fact that fifty-two thousand militia were raised in [ during the war, and sent to keep the p thousand dollars, more or less? of “the sinews of war.” manner in which the whole, or any part thereof, has been applied; in what bank and to whose whether, in fact, there is any balance left of all those dollars, chiefly contributed from the earnings of mechanics and laborers. They have a peculiar and special right to call upon him, seeing that it was chiefly owing to the impulse given by the publication in his journal of the exclusive intelligence of the great and success- ful battle of Slievegammon that their dimes were wheedled out of their pockets; and even so wise amanas Archbishop Hughes, under the excite- ment of the news, was bled to the tune of $500. His Grace, we learn, got his money back. We think the flock have the same right to get their money back as the shepherd. The people have as much need of hard cash in these hard times as priest or bishop. Come, then, Master Horace, disgorge, and make aclean breast. It is not fair “to make fish of one and flesh of another.” Meantime, we advise all whom it may concern to keep their breeches pockets closely buttoned against appeals to their patriotism. In order to do sothey have only to ask themselves the question, what good has been effected for the people of Ireland by all the money collected for their benefit for the last fifty years, or frum the time O'Connell commenced his agitation up to the present hour? “Money, money,” has always been the word, and, like the leech, that never can have enough of blood, the patmiots still cry—“Give !” Mewruts Brancu or OveRLaNo Matt. Rovre.— On the 3d of March next it will be two years since the great overland mail route from Mem- phis and St. Louis to San Francisco was estab- lished by act of Congress. On the 16th of Sep- tember last the service commenced, and we now witness a line of mail coaches arriving regularly twice a week at their respective termini. Imme- diately after the accession of Gov. Brown to the Post Office Department at Washington, he en- tered upon the consideration of the subject, de- vised means to carry out the plan, submitted it to the President, energetic and responsible men offered for the service, their offers were accepted, and the thing was done. The great Russian Post route will not compare with it for regularity or convenience, and that across the Isthmus at Suez has been child's play in comparison with it, On looking at the map of our overland route, we perceive at once, however, that the Memphis branch is of paramount importance in many points of view, and must become the favorite route for travellers, as well as the shortest for the United States mails, In order to put it on the same footing of speed and certainty with the St. Louis branch, so admirably managed by Mr. light draught steamers has been purchased by the company to ply on the Arkansas river, semi- weekly, between Fort Smith and Little Rock ; and these boats can ply for nine months in the year. At the other end of the route the Mem- phis and Little Rock Railroad has been com- pleted for forty miles, to St. Francis river. Be- tween this point and that on the Arkansas, where the boats will land and receive passengers, is a distance of staging of only about one hundred and twenty miles. During the three months of the year when the Arkansas cannot usually be ascended in steamboats from Little Rock to Fort Smith, the road is hard, dry and in excellent or- der for travel, the whole distance being about two hundred and sixty miles. On the other hand, the Northern route from Fort Smith to St. Louis is four hundred and eighty-three miles, or two hundred and twenty- three miles longer than the other. In the former case the overland traveller can save nearly two- thirds of the stage travelling, and rest himself on board the boats; in the latter he will havea long, rough and unnecessary journey, with an in- creased expense incurred on the railway between St. Louis and the present terminus at Syracuse. The immense importance of this route to the government, also, is seen in the fact that by means of railways now in course of completion, Washington will be as near to Memphis as to St. Louis, and be largely the gainer by the Southern route to Fort Smith. Arkansas, one of the finest States in the Southwest, which only requires pro- per developement by mail and railroad facilities, cannot too highly appreciate the advantages of this route. Oa former occasions the Henatp has alluded to its fertility and cheapness of soil, which are now likely to be appreciated. We trust, therefore, the Poatntaster Genoral will adhere to his policy of the overland mail aystem, shortening it wherever he can, and giving it protection against the only danger it has to en- counter—the unfriendliness of the Indian tribes are not naturally a democratic race. On the contrary, their tendency is to kingship and aris- tocracy. Like the French, they could not hold together ina republic. They must be ruled by In conclusion we would observe, that it may be well for those hard-working poor mon, who are green enough to believe that Ireland can be “regenerated, redeemed and disenthralled” by money, to inquire, before they contribute any in 1848, amounting to some thirty or forty Let them ask Horace Greeley, one of the Executive Commit- tee, to whom it was entrusted, what has become Let him render in the Tribune a full, true and particular account of the credit the balance, if any, is deposited; or John Butterfield and his staff of agents, a line of ON INE We notice that large plans of colonization aad mining are now maturing, catirely owing to the facilities of the overland mail. The new Ophir, to which we called the attention of our readers about two years since has proved a reality, and the stream of emigration is beginning to set that way. So far, the overland mail has been a complete success—at least between St. Louis and Saa Francisco—and the proposed adoption of steam- boats on the Arkansas will bring the Memphis branch to an equally favorable result. The Post- master General deserves well of the country for what he has done, and the contractors deserve his continued and energetic support. ’ Not a Shot in the City Locker. The Common Council of last year having failed to pass upon the estimates furnished by the Comptroller, and the charter of 1857 specially forbidding any expenditares to be incurred by any of the departments, “unless an appropria- tion shall have been previously made covering such expense,” the whole machinery of our city government is brought toa dead halt, and pub- lic necessities, however urgent or imperative, must await the passage of the estimates by the Common Council, and the action of the Legisla- ture on the Tax Levy. Not a ton of coal can be purchased in this bitter weather for the public offices—not a window be mended, or a broken armehair be set to rights, until both the Com- mon Council and Legislature have taken definite action on the appropriations. Such appears to be the decision of the Street Commissioner; and, as an example of faithful’ adherence to law, we commend it to the notice of all other heads of Departments in the city government. If the inconvenience caused by it were merely a little freezing and scantiness of red tape in the public offices, many taxpayers, perhaps, would not regard the matter as an in- supportable calamity, But when we consider that at this moment nearly half the fire and hose engines in the lower part of the city are out of order, and in need of repairs, which cannot be made for the want of money, the affair‘ grows a good deal more serious. Most of the hydrants are frozen, and would require much trouble and expense to put them at once into good working condition. Our wharves, piers and slips, moreover, are suffering injuries from the ice, and nothing can be done to protect them. A thousand dollars expended this week in pre- vention might save the city fifty thousand which will be needed before next June to cure the in- juries now being sustained by city property. But the Street Commissioner does quite right, to stand within the limit of the law, and place the responsibilities of his course on the absurd and injudicious legislation by which his power is crippled and his utility as a public officer dy stroyed. The straight waistcoat of legislation, devised to prevent dishonest men from over- reaching their authority, has been drawn too tight, and now only acts tovrestrain an efficient officer from properly discharging the functions which are entrusted to his care. This evil of entering each new year with no appropriations made to meet necessary expen- ditures has become chronic, and, by the patent illegality which it has always heretofore forced | on the heads of departments, has done much to- | wards encouraging corruption and general con- | tempt of any law having for its object to keep | unlicensed hands out of the city treasury. It is met and successfully resisted in the present in- stance by passive Obedience to the charter, and a determination to abide by the law, at whatever cost; but it can never be radically cured until the commencement of the financial year is shifted, | from the 1st of January to the Ist of July in each year. This would leave abundant time for | the preparation of estimates, and any unforeseen } contingencies arising during the first six months of the year could be covered by the necessary legislation. Until this has been done we must continue subject to these annual fits of financial © marasmus, and run all the risk we at present en- dure from a city government made wholly pow- erless by the want of funds. We commend this matter to the early attention of the Common, * Council, and hope that our State Legislature will | act promptly on the tax levy assoon as itcanbe | brought before them. | Stare Prisoy Porrtica Ecovomy.—It is a, p well known fact in the history of our municipal | corruption, that many officials who have served for two or three years, on salaries varying from fifteen hundred to three thousand dollars a year, | retire from the public service with quite snug | fortunes, and from the period of their retirement | into private life cut a figure in the world. They keep fast horses, own yachts, country houses, and so forth—in short, live in the first style. Nor do they attempt to conceal or deny the fact of their sudden rise to opulence, but on the contrary boast of it, and make a dis’ play of the elegances and refinements that sur- round them. Some innocent people may fancy that they ought to feel ashamed, and enjoy their myste- riously acquired wealth in a less ostentatious fashion, But our city officials are above any weak prejudices of that kind. They are not a squeamish class. No doubt they look upon their extraordinary accession of fortune as avery , natural, not to say a very proper thing, In | fact, they argue in this fashion: “The public | money has to be spent somehow; and why not ; we have our share of it as well as others? Is it _ not just as well that we should have it as those 4. who might spend it abroad in other countries? As’ we generally continue residents of the city and its suburbs, it is some consolation to think that the money is kept in circulation here. Fast |. horses require grooms to keep their conts in’ order; yachts need men to sail them in the sum- mer and take care of them in the winter; and | country houses must be kept in good repair, and demand a large staff of servants to do the thing © up handeomely. In this way we give at least _ some share of the plunder, in the shape of indi- rect restitution, to the city, and the citizens have no reason to complain.” Such is the logic which they apply to their case; but in our opinion it is nothing more than State prison political economy. Scaxpatovs Learstatiox.—Thursday morn- ing’s paper contained, in our legislative summa- ry, notice of a bill by Mr. Johnson, of the Assem- bly, to repeal the law allowing parties to be witnesses. Saturday's summary informed us : that it had been favorably reported by the Judi- ciary Committee. Monday’s or Tuesday's Paper very likely will inform us that the bill hag passed the Assembly, F Now, what is this bill? It proposes to repeal the act passed in April, 1867, which permits a party to an action to give on oath, before a court or jury, euch information as ho may happen to Lave in relation to the watter whtoh they are ins 77