The New York Herald Newspaper, January 16, 1858, Page 2

mame aad by the authority of the peopte of Virginia, sonti- | “mols contrary to (hose contaived in his resolutions. desire to know, sir, whether that portion of the resolution | *s intended to have reference to any particular individual, | Sod if 50, to whom * Mr. Coauei—I¢ there js way. particular individual to | eo the geatieman thinks they apply, he can apply chem Mr. Suna—i thought the resolutions were intended to have aa application, and 1 desire to know to whom they were intended to apply. | Mr. Coani4a—The gentleman can make them apply to | whomsoever he chooses. Mr. Lan, of Orange—I confess 1 do not fully understand the first resclution, not having heard it distinctly. 1 would ask that it be read again The resolution was again read by the Secretary Mc. Kura, of Madison—I do not concur with the gea- 2 from Amherst (Mr. Coghill!) very fully in some of scntiments which be expressed upoii this subject; but, wth a spirit of muta! conciliation between him and | we can come to a form of expression which can © both of us, and meet with the approbation of this | unanimously, 1 am one of those who believe that Kansas ought to be admitted under the convention as now provided by Congress, and that there is not room for any two opinions upon that subject. | am willing to go with | him Who goes farthest for the accomplishment of an ob- ject 80 devoutly to be desired by the South and the Union, | kaow very well to whom thé gentleman alludes in all this Dy-play, end | do not conceive it exactly agpropriate for @ grave and intelligent body like this to have recourse © aay covert or indirect means in their efforts to cast constire upon any one. I donot want to mouth any that I bave to say. Ido not hesitate to say that I stan: as wide ne from the Governor of Virginia, in hie late Jetéer to the New York democracy, as any gentleman in this body. But I do isist, that while I assert a right to ™my own freedom of opwion, I shall allow to every indivi. ual the same free and untrammelled right. iam not willing that the action of this convention of the representatives of the people shall reflect upon anybody. | co conceive that this meeting might express its senti- meats in a sufficiently vigorous and emphatic form with- oor offence hen id directly coatite anim- putation upon any eman in any position he might have assumed. » Lobject to another feature ot ihe geutieman's resolution. Where did he learn tho senti- ments of the peopie of the Amherst district in regard to the seutmments enunciated in the resolutions’ Where did I learn the sentiments of my district in regard to what they con- tained’ Where, in fact, did any man learn the sentiments of the people of his district in reference to a matter like this, which has sprung up so suddenly? I am uot willing to say what the people think upon this subject when I d> not know their sentiments. I am willing to say what] think myself: and 1 do not care mach whether anybody else agrees with me or not. I think it is eminently proper that the representatives of the people should express bere what they believe to be a sound enunciation of doc- (rine; but I would greatly prefer the gentleman's resolu- tions if they deckned to represent what sentiments the people of Virginia may think fit to entertain upon this subject. Let those representatives of the people an- mounce their position, and jet the world draw their own inference. Iet them presume, if they will, that the representatives constitute a fair reflex of the popular sentiments. I think it a very strange presumption, but it is one which is liahle to be made, and let it go for what it is worth. I think that a body convened with the speed with which this has been is rather too apt to arrive at a snap conclusion. I | think we ought to reflect and deliberate gravely and ma- | turely. We ought not to use any language which might | hereafter fail to be veritied by the result. I think, sir, that is i rapidly for a Convention which has | been called in the course of six or eight hours w sit upon @ subject sprung upon them, without allowing time for | proper deliberation, to undertake to say what the senti- | ments of the people of the commonwealth are, with whom | we have not been in contact with reference to the parti cular points now before this body. I want to co-operate with this Convention. There is no gentleman here more anxious to do 60, and I only ask that gentlemen will give me aa opportunity to act with them. Iam sure the gen- ‘tleman who has offered the resolution is disposed to do so, and that he will do it. If the resolutions offered by the Senator from Wythe are not sufficiently vigorous and lusid to meet the views of the gentleman, let them be modified. Ide not care in what form of expression you announce the principle; the more lucid you make it the better. But I think we ought to avoid anything from which an inference may be drawn derogatory to any body, and that we ought to stand in the attitude of hold- ang to 8 principle with true frmness, and at the same time with true dignity and moderation. All I ask of the gentle- man is to give me an opportunity of going with him, and I shall cheerfully do so. Mr. Beatx, Senator from Westmoreland, said—Mr. Chair- man, my object is conciliation, so far as ‘that coneiliation 42 pot inconsistent with principle. 1 confess, sir, that it is & matter of some surprise to me, when | hear the gentle- man from Madison (Mr. Kemper) ask for time. Mr. Kemren—The gentleman mistakes me. I did not ask for time. Mr. Baatr—T so understood the gentleman to mean when he asked where was the necessity for such speedy action. Mr. Kxwrer—The gentleman mistakes me again. | | | Mr Beaue—Then, sir, I have unfortunately mistaken ntleman has assumed. I pre- e is prepared to act now, and if so, we concur in that particular. But the ‘gen- tieman objects tbat the Senator from Amherst | should speak for the people: when, he asked, did that | Senator have the opportunity of learning the sentiments of the people of Amherst? Why. sir, is it not notorious that this question has been under discussion for six mooth+ at least?—and I think the gentleman might well | have learred the sentiments of his people before this time. My pu i& to express the sentiments of the Legislature of ia in respect to the pending question betore the Congress of the United States, touching the ‘Ranses constitution and the admission of the Hate under that constitution; and it is a matter of indifference to me ‘with whom the expression of theee sentiments may come in conflict. I presume that it is thedesigu of none of us to reflect upon any man. Iwill go further, and say that I presume it ta the design of no member of this caucus to reflect upoo the distinguished Chief Executive of the State. But, sir, while I concéde to him the right to ex- press bis opinion freely as an individual, I am not willing that the expression of his opinion should go forth to the world, with the mora! influence of the Chief Magistrate of this State, without a contrary expression of opinion from the Legislature of thie Sure. And, sir, if he bas a right, which | willingly concede to bim, to the expression of his opin- sons upon this question, we have a right to the exores- sion of our opmion upon the same question. Time is an important element in the consideration of that question. The Congress of the United States are divided upon this issue. In that body, mow as ever, Virginia exercises great influence: and if it geeseut to the world that the senti- ments of Virgie are the sentiments expressed in the let ter to which the genticman from Madison aliuded, the in- juence of that expression will be most erful ia the Congress of the United’ States; and I would prefer now to adopt & resolution whiok did not express in detail my in- dividual sentiments upen this question, rather than defer it until tt would be putin a form to meet my views. I ee, the resolutions offered by the Senator from Am erst, to those offered by the gentleman from Wythe; and I prefer them, sir,for I really conceive, with all due defer. ence & that geutieman. that his resolutions are expressed in language so geveral that they mean nothing. 1 do not «prefer the precise phraseology in which the resolutions are clothed, as offered by the gentleman from Amberst; and if an opportunity shail be presented, i will offer « substitute for these resolutions, which, I conceive, covers the entire ground which the others do, and are, perhaps, couched in language to which gentiemen could take no exception. will read them:— Resolved, as the sense of the General Assembly of Virginia, That her Senators and Representatives in the Congress of the United States should use all proper exer ure the prompt and unconditional (other than ion® as are imposed by the constitation of the *) admission of Kansas asa State into the + the constitution framed by the Lecompton the position which the axme, therefore, that Union Convention. Resolved, That any plan for the admission of Kansas @to the Union which imposes conditions unon her people after the acceptance by Congress of ber constitution, or which contemplates a resubmission of another constita- on to Congress for approval, is dangerous and alarming, in continuing the agitationof ‘the slavery question in the country, is utterly subversive of the principle of the Kan sas Nebraska act, end concedes to Congress a right to ex ercise & power uot granted by the coustitution of the | Union Mr. Umm, the member from Orange, said—I do not ap rove of the phraseology of aay of the resolutions that bare been read, whilat I concur in the objects of the movers of there resolutions. It does not seem to me that | these resolutions are couched in language which this con vention Ought to adopt. 1 understand them as designed to | xpress the sentiments of the General Assembly of Vir. | a Is this an adjourned meeting of the General Assem biy? Thad eupposed, sir, that this wae a caucus of the | temoeratic members of the General Assembly, convened | for the pene of giving expression to their sentiments in | requra we affaire of Kansas. [| was not apprised of its being @n adjourned meeting of the General Assembly, merely imagined that it was a meeting called to obtain an | expression of the sentiments of the individual members of the demooratic party in the Legislature in reference to a great end subject which was agitating the pub. le mind Ihave no odjection to such an expression of | euch sentiments, or to the afoption of language even stronger than that in which the resolutions which bave been fread are couched, but If do ob- ject t expressing them as the sense of the General ba iy Virginia when we are assembled as ry body. does seem to me that we should en- deavor to conciliate the oj ing sentiments of all the ' of this ‘body, and with that view go modify the r as te command ite general support. f can readily conceive that an inference may be drawn from the fret jutions offered that it war intended indirectly, to vase consare the distinguished Governor of thie monwealth. If that be the object, let us epeak out boldly wud leave nothing for inference. If it be our wish to ex prem the sentiments of the people of Virginia, or to take grounds not in conformity with the sentiments of Governor ‘Wise, as expressed in the letter alluded to. | am unwilling | by implication, or invendo. or inference, to pase the grave conwure implied in these resolutions npon the sentiments expressed ip that letter. They may be right or they may be wrong. From the opinion which 1 formed of these sentiments by the casual reading of the letter, I am free to confeas that T differ with bim. bat Jam not willing that the General Assembly in a grave and solemn manner should, without premeditation of withont previous notice, convene p eauets and expres: the sentiments, not of a convention gentlemen assembled from various parts of the State reflecting the sentiments of the democratic party. but of the General Assembly of Virginia, in the form of a solemn revolution, Sir, I know that, so far as my own people are concerned. there ie a diversity of opinion upon the ques on | know that while some approve of the conclusions the President, they object to his arguments, and, sir, if | understand the meaning of that letter, it is simply an expression of opinion upon an abstract question—that it Joe not affect the position of the democratic party upon that question | understand the Governor as expressing opinion about the adoption of the constitution by the oaas Convention, bat merely arguing the question whether it was fairly submitted to the people or beliewe that upon tha n there is some differ opinion and that there gentlemen in this Conv who believe that that constitution was not fairly submit to the people of Kar n onclusions t whith the President has to say that the democratic party of Virginia « by hie € * | object by mereiy endorsing the conclusions of NEW YORK HERALD, SATURDAY, JANUA offered by the gentiemaa from Amberat (Mr. Coghill) is couched: Mx. Waxp, of Boone aad 1. counties, éaid—It seems to me that the Coavention pin eee any tie dent of the United States. If he orang © bis reason- tng, that will not affect the question. fe are to look t his conclusions, and if they are in conformit; wishes, we need not hesitate to endorse wores are cot required in resolutions as guarantee that these resolutions will be carried is said that he who is still as the breeze is most apt to be as stero ag the storm when a necessity arises. necessary, as it seems to me, is to endorse the course of the President, and that endorgation is fully embodied in the resolutions of the gentleman from Wythe (Mr. Floyd). They contain ao himta to anybody, while they fully meet the requiremente and wishes of the Convention in its lead- ing object. Now, sir, there is one to which I would like to call the attention of the House; aud that is, that we are called upon by the resolutions of the gentleman from FS egrernlpe Coghill,) to speak on the powers of the federal government. Now, sir, this question bas agitated the councils of the nation almost from its earliest < dawn, Serious questions, requiring a long time and clear and deliberate minds to decide, ought mot to be passed over with a few hours’ delibe: . It is sufficient to say, without determinwg the reason why, that we si tain the action of the President of the United States upon this Kansas question. I beg to that T have not ex- amined this Lecompton constitution; I have not consulted whether this constitetion was determined upon correct principles or not. for 1 a it would take weeks to make the examination. Neither have I examined the laws in relation to the subject of constitutional power, and Tam not p to vote upon that of the uestion. Nevertheless, under all the cirow of e case, as they are kpown to me, I cap heartily suppor! the administration in i course with reference to Kansas. Mr Grecory, membé from Amelia—It is not my pur- pose to war upon anybody, nor do I suppose it is the pur- pose of a majority of this body to doso. As Tanderstand, their object in arg "ped is to F vor resolutions that would express the es of the democratic party of Virginia. And, sir, 1 the jadulgence of this caucus while I present my humble views upon this question. I conceive that the proposition presented by the Senator from Amberst, if carried out by this meeting, would not only be a direct attack upon a distinguished individual of the commonwealth of Virginia, but would imply, interms, 8 mistrust on the part of the Legislature as to our Senators and members in ess. If you will bear in mind that the last clause in the first resolution reads somewhat as follows, you will be at no logs to estimate its character and implied ‘mg. Itis in substance ag follows:—‘If any person expresses an opinion different from those, they are doing violence to the democratic of Virginia.” This is the language of the latter clause of the resolutign para- phrased. Iask what would be the construction placed upon this lasguage’ Would it not imply that we heard something from Washington which was calculated to excite distrust of our representatives in Congress? Would not this be a just conclusion? And is there any member upon this floor who would raise such a question and cast such an imputation upon any Senater or member of Congress from Virginia? I humbly conceive not. As [ havealready stated, | believe it to be our purpose to express an opinion in regard tc the Kansas question, which is agitating tne country from North to South and from East to West. This we cati fully accomplish by adopting the resolutions of- fered by the gentleman from Wythe (Mr. Floyd), for they embody an endorsement of the conchisions of the Presi deut upon this subject, and more—an expression of opi- nion that we consider the speedy and final settlement of | this question to be to the interest of the democratic party. Can we, in the name of heaven, say more’ I humbly con- ceive not. Are we ready to say more? I believe not. Will the peopie of Virginia require more? I imagine not; and no more is necessary, unless it be the purpose of this body to resort to extraneous action for the purpose of im putations upon some individual. I charge no such pur- pose upon any member of this caucus: but I do charge ‘that such would be the implied effect of the adoption of the firet resolutions offered, and I am therefore entirely opposed to them. I say that not only would it cast an imputation upon one of our distinguished citizens here, but upon others little less distinguished who represent us in the federal government. Sir, a mere endorsement of the President is all that is Lote seme Pred meeting, so far as I can gather from the speeches of gentlemen around me, and that should be recorded without reference to any extraneous object. I am willing, for one, to stand by the President of the United States in his conclusions with refe- rence to the Kansas question. I am willing to go as far as ‘any gentleman in vindication of his course, but I shall war upon no one, and with my conception of the in which the last part of the Grst resolution is couched, [ should feel that I was doing so were I to vote for the resolutions offered by the gentleman from Amherst. I trust it will be the pleasure of the House to reject them, and adopt in their stead those offered by the gentlemau from Wythe (Mr. Floyd). Mr. CLayurook, member from Northumberland, said—I rise for the purpose of inquiring whether these resolutions (referring to those offered by Mr. Beale) are before the caucus. If so, it is my purpose to address the caucus ia reference to them. Cuarr—They are not as yet before the caucus that [am aware of. It is competent for the gentleman from Wes moreland to offer them as au amendmeat to the amend- ment offered by the gentleman from Wythe. Mr. rm f will offer them im that form. Mr. Paxtow, (member from Rockbridge)—I move that a committee of thirteen be appointed, to wham the three sets of resolutions be referred. It is probable they cap prepare a good report from the whole. Mr. CLavurook—I would suggest, as an amendment to the proposition, that this committee be appointed to take this matter into consideration and report to an adjourned meeting st such time as may be fixed by the caucus. I do prefer time. I want it for my own satisfaction, for I desire tod@iberate gravely uj the proposition before the meeting. | want to vote right whea | do vote, and in order to do 50, | am anxious to be afforded sufficient time to examine the —_ fully. | confers that! am 4 pretty moch in sehen T adopt language which jaye toconstrue when I bear it read. Although gentle- men may be disposed to treat this question lightly, I re- gard it in a@ light quite differeot. The voice Virginia, as expr in legislative city, ts potent. Its influence will be felt. Its action will be heeded. Its voice will produce an effect. There is one effest for which I fee! every concern and apxiety, and that is, the effect it may have upon the unity and integrity of the democratic party. That is my only concern, ‘the reason that I believe"that the unity of that party is the only hope of the country. I believe that if the democratic party is disintegrated, sectional | ties will follow as a juence, and dissolution of this Union will be inevitable. I may go further than other geutiemen, but such is my confidence iu that party to ac- complish the great purpose of preserving the Union that I place my sole reliance in it; and I believe that the day divisions spring up in the democratic party, the day its councils become distracted, the day we are rent asunder that day I shall took for the proservation of the rights of the South in a dissolution of the Union alone. It is for this reason that our action here, as affecting the uuity and in- tegrity of the democratic party, is of so great importance that we ought to deliberate gravely, and submit these questions to a committee, who will report at an adjourned meeting, to be held, say t¢ morrow evening, or at any other time it may be the pleasure of the caucus to determine upon. Mr. Jonxsow, member from Taylor county—I agree fully with the gentleman that this is a grave and serious question, and should be carefully deliberated upon. The influence which our action will exercise with the adminis tration can perhaps be adequately estimated from the (act that the very introduction of @ resolution into both branches of the Legislature, a few days ago, touching the ‘affairs of Nicaragua and Commodore Paulding’s action, produced @ somewhat serio w effect upon the President and Cabinet at wee I understood from @ gentle man who happened to be there at the time that President Buchanan only felt comfortable when he heard that these resolutions would be permitted to lie om the table, “to sleep the sleep of death.” If the bare introduction of a resolution into the Virginia Legisiatare could produce such effect upon the President and Cabinet, what effect is likely to be produced by the united action of the demo. cratic members of body in reference to » matter of far greater importance? [ think the suggestion of the gentleman is entided to grave consideration. How can this meeting act upon this question to-night, when, | venture to say, many of us never have read the Kansas or Lecompten conatitation. in reference to whieh we now propore to direct the Congress of the United States, or at least the representatives of Vir- ginia therein? If we are to do anything to-night, I am in favor of adopting the resolutions offered, by way ot sub ve, by the geutieman from Wythe, for those offered ne gentleman from Amherst. These resolations con: the course of Mr. Buchanan upou the Kansas question While [do not agree with him upon every question, yet, sir, Lagree with him in the main, and with me it is suffi that any man shall agree with bim to that extent. ‘That was all that Mr. Hunter. in his letter, said he would agree to do, and if be had not acted as independently as he did upon that subject, I do not know that I should have | admired the given bim my support. I inde nce which be exhibied in that matter. What has the distia- —- hg of Vir done to merit the condemnation which it sought to place upon him by one of these resolutions ? He has ‘said that be will stand by the administration in the main, and he even aaks tl the same. What more do we want’ As to the matter in regard to Kansas and the Lecompton constitution, there are many who believe that that constitution is nota proper one, and who believe that Walker's course was right. I would ask gentlemen if our reform eonvention had refused to submit the constitution which they had framed, for ratification by the people, would we have stood It fora single day’ | think they will agree with me that we would not. Now, sir, while | shall vote for the substitute of the gentleman from Wythe, (Mr. Floyd.) I am perfectly satisfied of the capacity of our Senators and representa. tives in to do what is right and proper in the premises. 1 learf that they are now a unit upon this sub- ject; that there is no division of sentiment among them; tbat they propose in their action to’arry out what the Pre rident bas recommended, and vote tor the adoption of the Lecompton constitution. If they are do this, what need is there for any expression of sentiment in regard t> this question’ What need is there to censure Gov, Wise for his sentiments upon this subject? As to Ggvernor Wise expressing the opinions of the democrac irginia, 1 know that he got more votes at the laat gubernatorial election than any other man in the State could have received But white | concede wo him a full right to express his opinion upon this subject, | claim the same right for ourselves; but in the exercise of that right, 1am not willing that a word of censure ora Dreath of imputation shall be uttered against him He. Kurme—t do not rise lo meken speech; I meroiy in tend to refer briefly to the remarks of the gentieman (rom Northumberland (Mr. Claybrook). Ithink he is mistaken im the view be has taken. | think, sir, that We can accom ish nothing unless our action is prompt. Sir, thie who aneas question ie pending on an even balancer in the chy of Washington. Itis in @ critical and delicate attitude and the object of action that we may take is to produce ‘an immediate influence. | presume that every gentleman is ready to express whatever opinion he entertains in re gard to this delicate matter, withont travelling out of the record, of reflecting upon, or alluding to any man Hf the meeting desires that its action shall exercise a salutary influence in Washington, and accor plish the object ip view, | insist ft ought to act imme diately, and promptly, and unanimous! Sir, if you post pone your action here you rob it of the whole of its vir toe. Upiess our action i¢ such as to take immediate effect, dhd produce the desired result, it were as well that we never shoulg hinve acted at > think if thore ms are stripped of all extraneous sud violeut lan guage we can accomplish our object fully.. Sir, I thiak ‘we can take @ position here becoming the dignity, fluence aad power of the this commonwealth. We can do it to-night, and 1 do not see the neceasity of cumbrous machi- nery, like a committee, to toact. I think there is a unanimous opinion about the vital principles in- rorved: ghd it pengiacenn are Satond nate Se aeaseny of this they will, | have no apen a flection ‘the critical condition of things ton, see ene ot ee The; from Wi (Mr. Beale) 5 Proper by no means did I look for mbretime. In admission of Kansas into the Union with constitution my mind has been months. 1am pew prepared, i i 3 i | & ? i i i 8 eg sentiments in accordance means am | wilt = oe F i : i 5 & 3 5 & E z s g i action as any gentleman in this that 1 am qualified to draft resolutions or the General Assembly should Chair can select a committee of thirteen reaolutions, which can be and night, and the General brought before them. EE Fs Hl z 4 ay, E is § é H aE i H stand, and J am therefore in favor of appointing a commit. tee who may report to night, or to-morrow night, if that time should be deemed better. . the amendment of the gentleman from Kana- wha (Mr wars to strike out the latter clause of the first resolution, which was construed into an imputation upon the Governor. Mr. Lxx—Will these resolutions be ‘submitted to the General Assembly for adoption? Caam—They will. Mr. Lav—Then I shall vote for them as amended. Mr. Massik, member from Rockbridge, said~I have drawn up a series of resolutions which I propose to offer 3 a substitute for all that are now pending. Cuain—It is not in order to offer them at this time, the full limitation being arrived at. There are three proposi tions now pending. Mr. Massie—I will read them by way, of argument: — Resolved, in the opinion of the democratic members of the General Ascembly of Vi , That the conclusion at which the President of the United States has arrived, as nt in bis recent message, in favor of the admission of Kansas as a State of this Union under the Lecompton constitution, is just and right. : Resolved, That Congress has no right to look further into the constitution submitted by the State of Kansas in its application to be admitted into this Union than to see that said constitution is republican in its form. Resolved, That it is due tothe peace and harmony of this Union that Congress should speedily admit Kansas as a State cf this Umon under the Lecompton constitution without further celay. Mr. Massik——These resolutions directly endorse the con- clusions of the President in regard to the admission of Kansas. When we state a general proposition, at the same time applying it to a particular case, I hold ‘that the effect is more cogent, for it is always better to put a pro position in the concrete than in the abstract. old that Congress bas vo right to look farther than to see that the constitution ‘s republican in its form. Then, after declar- ing what we believe to be the power of Congress in refe- rence to this matter, we submit what it is the duty of Congress to do; and that is, thatit is due to the harmony of this Union that Kansas should be admittea into the Union under the Lecompton constitution. If there is a struggle let it be m Kansas. Mr. Ciaysrook—W ith regard to the appointment of the committee, I concur with my friend from Madison (Mr. Kemper), as to the propriety of speedy action. If that committee can act to-night, and submit its deliberations to this caucus, | am willing to stay here until twelve. one or two o'clock, until we accomplish the object for which we assembled here. The course which is most conciliator: is the one that most highly commends itself to my mind. ‘So far as Iam individually concerned, Iam prepared to act now, and to act without the intervention of a commit- tee. My ideas on that su ject are fixed. The conclusions to which Ihave come are satisfactory tomy own mind; and I announce it in general terms. It is this:—An en- dorsement in the hearties| of the conclusion of the President in his message, and a that, the Legislature of Virginia shall, oy resolutions, in- struct her Seni and request her representatives to. sustain that conclusion. I will not support any proposi- tion which, in my humbie opinion, is disintegrating in its character. I will go, however, to the extent Of endorsing the President. 1 will go to the extent of sustaining the Lecompton constitution. Further than that I cannot go in the way of prescribing tests which will, of necessity, exclude many distinguished gentiemen, perhaps of the State, or of the United States, from the platform which we choose to occupy. I will not sustain any resolution which will be intolerant in its character, and while I will ex- press my own opinion freely and fully, without fear or favor from any quarter, I will not step out of the track to condemn an opinion which might be expressed by others, at least without more deliberation than at present. I think the proposition of my triendfrom Wythe (Mr. Floyd) is that which we should adopt. My friead from West- morelaad (Mr.Heale) says it means nothing. [ humbly con- ceive it expresses all that it was designed to express, in language aptly conceived, dignified and proper: aug wi it was designed to express was nothing more than “Tet others think as they please; as for us, we endorse the President—tbat is our view’ And now I ask gentle men to take the resoluticns, and gee if they can come | to any otber conclusion we endorse the President in his conclusions, | and wheo we go a little farther, and even instract our demn nobody, while they contain a full endorsement of | democracy of New York to do — nators and request our Representatives ia Congress to | the same, I ask gentlemen, do we not go far enough? [ | will take one step more, sir ; and say that all principles — which are advocated in conflict with this position, are principles dangerous and alarming in their character, and violative of the constitution and the Kansas.Nebracka act; of | and we present to the democratic party forthwith an issue on principle. And when we present an issue on principle to | the party, why, of necessity, —— disagree us. | Tyield to no man in this country in my devotion to South ein rights, aud if [ were to give an expose of my views, I think there would be no gentleman on this oor who mission that the democratic party has to perform, with a conviction that the destiny of this republic itself is com mitted to its care, I will hesitate, and hesitate long before 1 will adopt a proposition that will dena- | tionalize that democratic party. I will hesitate, aad I will hesitate long, before I will sont & proposition asserting that there could be in ail probability but one construction of the Kansas Nebraska act—ez caflviira, our construction is right. possible construction which it can fairly admit of. There can be no doubt about the language employed. [t must be 80, and it cannot be otherwise, 1 have only to say that if the democratic party in the South is reluctant to take that position they had better make no resolves upon the sub: ject. If we do make resolves, | insist that we shall stand ‘up tothem. I will ask one question. Suppose we assert | the principle of the construction of the Kansas-Nebraska act in its most stringent form’ It may sustain my view, which is, that the Leconrpton constitution ought tw be adopted.” 1 am willing to stand upon that platform, but [ am not willing to resolve to stand there. Suppose we resolve that we will take that and no other alternative, and that Congres should tetase to accept the resolutions what are you going to do¥ Are you going to re. solve, and wothivg more’ I will ask bere, before you enter into any resolves, if they be vital resolves, all that | ask is that we will deliberate gravely, aud when we do resolve, that we stand up to it. When [ come here Tam going to be bound by the decision of the majority of this caveus; but | trast the day will never come when |b Will not hold this opinion in snbmiasion to the wil! of my party: and when I come, | come prepared to abide its le. cision. I make these remarks to gentlemen ia order that they may deliberate and resolve with caution upop the course which is to be pursued. [ think it is better to have & committee, in order that the views of gentlemen shall be harmonized, I think we bave seven series of re solutions before the caucus. Cuarm—I have seen only three series , sir Mr. Ciavenoox—1 think while we are expressing our | choice between these resolutions, that time will be saved | by the appointment of a committee: ana I trust it will be the pleasure of the caucus to appoint that committee at once. Mr. Eomexns—tI think if a committee is appointed, they | would be prepared to report in less than fifteen Minutes, Mr. Barnocr, member from Culpepper, went into an analysis of (he merits of the two sets of resolutions sub- | mitted by Mr. Floyd and those submitted by Mr. Massie, | conceding vw the latter a preference over the others, ini much as they embodied more fully the views of the caucas, as indicated in the course of the debate. He cited the resolutions seriatim. and commented on each separately — , the reasous for his preference in Massic’s. To give bis remarks, without quoting the resolutions, would render their sense ‘and application imperfect; and having already given the resolutions in full, as they were presented, it would be a waste of time and space to quote them again. Mr. Fauwrienoy, member from Winchester, was op- to the appointment of a committee, and in favor of the ion of the resolutions offered by Mr. Mastic Mr. Coamitt, who offered the first resolutions, accepted Mr. Massie’s as a substitute for his own Mr. Frove addressed the caucus at some length in sup: port of the resolutions whieh be had offered is 8] ‘was one of considerable power and ability. [ regret that Tam prevented from giving it, because of the brief period left me to meet the mail. Mr. Brace withdrew his resolution by general consent. He moved the previous question, which was sustained; ‘tnd the main question being ordered, which wax on Mr. Floyd's resolutions, it was decided in the negative © question then recurred on the adoption of Mr Massie’s resolutions, which were accepted by Mr. Coghill aa a substitute for bis, and it was decided in the affirma tive. On motion of Mr Senpow, the causus then adjourned. The resolutions will be brought up before the Legisla- (ure to-morrow, when they will certainly be adopted by a large majority General Walker's Letter, TO THE EDITOR OF THE ARRAL, New York, Jan. 15, 1858. I find that @ statement is going the rounds of the news papers, here and elsewhere, attributing to me the author ship of the letter recently addressed by General Walker to President Buchanan. | think it right to give this state. ment a prompt contradiction. I had nothing whatever to do with the letter referred to. I knew nothing of it—no- thing whatever—until it appeared in print. I waa not even aware it was the intention of General Walker to write this or any other letter, to President Buchanan of anybody else. General Walker betas in custody of Mar shal Rynders from New York to Washington, | accom panied him, along with my partner, Mr. Maloolm Campbell as bis legal adviser. [ accompanied him in a professional capacity, and in that alone. General Walker being relieved from arrest immediately upon bis arrival in Washington my services were no longer required, ‘They terminated THOMAS. F. ‘he instant he was free. RAGHER. Brench of Promise of Marriage, COURT OF COMMON PLEAS. Before Hon. Judge Daly Leopold va. Morris Meyer. to this case the jury brought in a sealed vordigt for | | Aud when we say that | ee pass hots tomes, | contribute to the deforce cf Z:cx. ft fortusately hap | INTERESTING FROM UTAH. wee midmght—: | thet the history of ‘Sonith, which has been pal im the the gloomy | lished in the Deseret News, in . tons aime the ‘The Mormons Not to Vacate the Terrt- |, magistrates, civil | commencement of that jourzal, ‘now that ry Seats | Soepeerey Ot sau Re Senter oes laye El wa) SPECIAL eater 8-76 OF THE HBRALD. Wentien to decile the Seints to the fathigete Of tee RgaT Salt Lake one ?., government, who seek the ove of President Young November 7, 1857. history would bavesupplied Conference at Great Salt Lake City—Brethren with Arms at Hand—Brigham Young Claimsto be only an Apostle & Joseph Smith—Lorenzo Snow Testifies that “the Lord has Revealed to Brigham’ to Take his Present Position— Apostle Orson Hyde Mindful of Senator Douglas—Pre- dicts Terrible Thing to Come—General Rich very Mild— Apostle Amasa Lyman Declares the Mormons Cannot Leave Utah—Reasons against the Possibility of Being Driven Out—Apostle Erastus Snow Satisfied—A Confe- rence tobe held next April—Couriers Ply between the Mormon Outposts and the City—The People United—The Women to go to the Fields—Bverybody Ready for a Fight, de., dc. ‘The previous mail from this place left om the 8th of October, the morning after the termination of the Semi- Annual Conferénce. 1 had not, therefore, the opportumty of giving you a report of our proceedings. So long as we have the privilege of partial communication I shall keep you informed on genera! movements, leaving to.your own mind the task of drawing inferences from the discourses you may read in the News. i ‘The Conference commenced on Tuesday, the 6th of October, at 10 A. M. Faces that bad never been missed from the congregation since our arrival in these valleys were absent. I presume others felt, as I did, a disposi tion to curse the ambitious demagogues and tyrants whose folly and madness nad forced from our midst our best men to stop the progress of their armed tools, Presiden Young alone, of the First Presidency, was on the stand. President Wells was out with the ‘Eastern expedition,”’ to give directiontoal! its movemeuts, and President Kimball was out to aid by his counsel; 80, likewise, were Presi- dents Taylor and Smith. The following were therofore on the stand, representing their varieus quorums:— OF THE FIRST PRERIDENCY. President Brigham Youpg. ‘OF TYR TWELVE APOSTLES Orson Hyde, Wilford Woodruff, Amasa Lyman, Charles ©. Rich, Lorenzo Snow, Erastus Suow aud Franklin D. Richards. SEVENTIES Joseph Young, Zera Pulsipher, Benjamin L. Clapp. S1GH PRIRGT. John Young. Edward Hunter. PRESIDING BEaHOP. PATH:4 ROHN, John Young. Isaac Mories PRESIDENCY Of THIS STATE Daniel Spencer, David Fulimer By the foregoing !'st of the leailing elders presea), you will see that a sprinkling are out with the expedition in some department or other—counselling, direoting, manag. ing, and some in the ranks. In the absence of President Kimball, President Young attended to the business of the conference himself. His introductory remarks were rich with instruction, He said that he knew not how long the conference would be continued; but as be understood that the brethren were pretty much in readiness for anything, and had their guns close at hand, they would attend to business first, and, if | required, could start at any moment forthe canons. The harvest had been abundant, and, as there was atime for everything, he never saw a better time to secure potatoes and other crops. bing d would, therefore, have but a short conference, that they might secure the products of the earth. He spoke of the changing scenes of life, and the happiness of those who were ever ready to do the will , and pass trough life with the confidence that whatsoever should come to pass would tend to increase the experience and ultimate salvation of those who trusted in their Redeemer: and terminated his remarks with exhort- ing the brethren to secure their crops and to be Feady, if our enemies came, to defend ourselves. ‘The presiding authorities were put to the vote, for future 8 rt and confidence or rejection. When the President read the motion that he should be sustained as ‘Prophet, Seer and Revelator,’’ he remarked:—I will say that [ never dictated the latter part of that sentence. I make this remark because those words in that connection alway made me fee} as though | am called ‘more than I am de- perving of. I am Brigham Young, en Apestio of Joseph Smith, and also of Jesus Christ. T have been table to this people glad of it. The brethren call, me so, and if it be so 1 am glad. Contrary to the expectation of the Saints, no one was ap- pointed at conference to fill she vacancy in tbe Quorum of the Twelve Apostles, cau: by the assassination of bro- ther P. P. Pratt, in ‘Arkansas. The names of the other members of the Twelve were read over and sustained, without any successor being alluded to. ‘Alter the authorities had all been sustained by vote, the | receatly arrived missionaries were called to the stand. Rider Hoftheins rendered an account of his mission to the Germans in the United States. Elder Musser related some | particulars of tis experience in India, aud gave some | items of the mythology of the Hindoos, Matiomedans and , Parsees. During the afternoon session the elders from thy ‘tk: uussion rendered an account of their labors: afler whieh President Young spoke on the fulfilment of prophecy, &c , which terminated the first day's confe- revee | _ On the opening of the conference the second day we | had an excellent address from PRESIDENT LORENZO SNOW. In alluding to the troops the other side of the moun- tains, he said:—As a general thing, | presume to say that the people before me to-day fee! that all is well, that all is right, notwithstanding an armed force is only about 147 miles distant from us, full of their hellish designs for our destruction, and = formed their scnemes for the pur- place, whatever course shall be or pe taken by ourselves, that all will terminate for the lory and exaltation of the Saints of the living God, The ingdom of our God is bound to prosper and to go for ward, * * * . ” * In the «of brother Joseph the mob came and took individuals; brother Joseph suffered them to take him; hesuffered them to take possession of the brethren’s houses, to come in and shake hands with him, as traitors, and in every instauce they sacrificed every ‘principle of virtue, of honor and purity. This course of luct con tinned year after year 'e suffered them to come upoo us in Jackson county, and they there sacrificed every principle of virtae and righteousness, In Nauvoo, also, the devils incarnate were there, again laying their hellish plots for the destruction of every holy principle; and after the death of Joseph the » President ham Young and others of the servants of God swere that if their enemies laid their hands upon them they should die. But the brethren never declared this until they bad suf. fered from their enemies until forbearance was no longer a virtue. . * * * * . When we kindly, generovaly, and with the utmost court eey, arked the President of the United States if be could possibly let us choose rulers out from among ourselves, and if that was not agreeable to go so far as to let us have kind, decent eort of men, men that have some interest here, men that would themselves obey the laws they came to administer. the government were offended, and hence they are sending an army—men that wear epau lettes. Probably these are the citizens which they consi der will be interested in our welfare. The power of the Almighty bears record in every beart that the position for | us to take is not to suffer them to come in here, and this is the universal feeling in this community, and it is the power of the Holy Ghost which testifies to every man and to every woman that this is our position. The Lord has preserved us in every position, and al h we havesnf fered he bas been with us by the power of the epirit. He has suffered us to give up our arms and to exhibit his mercy. He did this in thefar West and in Nauvoo. He suffered Brother Joseph to give himself up, and now we see what they have done it_now it is altogether diffe. rent- We are ina different position from what we were then, The Lora has revealed to Brother Brigham to take the stand which we are taking. Z Look 147 miles eastward—there our enemies are con templating what they may do, how they may come ot send an armed mob here. They would hire and bribe a posse, if they could, to come and take President Young; and they are all the time Notting and scheming how they may subvert this people. When our brethren were amongst them they were all the time singing their lustful wongs and damning those holy principles which we have embraced. Look across the wild sage plains, over the deserts to the United States and the same spirit’ is there; they are studying how they may rid the United States of the pri of righteousness. Now which will prevail? [President B. Young:—'<trath will preva.) Yea, the truth will—the Saints of the Most High will prevail. It is the Lord Almighty that bas cailed his Sainte—be has chosen his sons and daughters. It is not our work, but it is the work of oor Heavenly Father, and we are called to be engaged in it, The storms must arise, the oppressor must iay bis hand upon the people, or it could not be ink In fternoon, Presidents Orson Hyde, C. ©. Rich, Amasa Lyman and Erastus Snow spoke on the war ques tion, and as you are doubtless interested to learn their sentiments, { give you a few notes from their addresses. ELDER HYDE spoke as follows:-—The Inst Hastern mail, 1 think, brought me a pamphlet or tract written by Elder Orson Pratt, of Liverpool, England. Snbject, “Gathering of the Saints, and building up the kingdom of God.’ The whole matter i bandied in a masterly way, free from blind obscurity —anchecked and uorestrained by fear, and untrameled by the religious or political dogmas of the age. It is the product of a clear bead, of a strong heart and of an un- flinching band, In short, it is Heayen’s eternal truth. 1 do exceedingly regret having mislaid it, for I would like to sevd it to Senator Douglas, with a request that he read it faithfully before he applies the knife to “out out the Joathsome viver.”” Having read it, then, if he aball be disposed and able to cut, cut away and carve ap to suit bis own peeniiar appetite, and that also of hie friends. Will some person, having said tract or phiet, be kind enough to mail it to Hon, Stephen A. Douglas, Washing- ton City, D.C. But, let all men, however, know, that if ‘what the honorable zentieman calls the ‘loathsome. ul cor’ be cut ont according to bis views and suggestions, the United States will be cut off from being a nation; and her star of empire set, and set in blood. When we were driven from Migsour! and Tilinols, lear ing al! our property, except what little we could take in the hurry, there was po army seat Sree 1s, neither to pua Kf persecutors Then the is of our men, RY 16, 1358. roll and all the whole earth;’’ while the great image will be broken and fall, and the of this world become the kingdom of our God. therefore, oh, ye kingdoms of this world! resist the decree of Jehovah if you can, and if you will. Fall upon this little stone cut out of Boenthing what 7 ey ‘be broken reageh.. rs know ye .e way of the transgressor % final cup ia bitter. God bless the meek and pure. Amen. GENERAL RICH. said—I had been for the time of deliverance, but I did not expect it 20 soon; but I know it cannot come tco soon to meet with a hearty welcome. I have been through some of the difficulties, as some others have said, and can tell you that in al! I have through from the beginning I have felt paid as I have gone » have always felt that the course to do right was the best, and that there would be the most jey and bay in doing right. So far as our enemies are con- cerned, I fee! about them precisely as our brethren have expressed themselves. I do not fear them; but I feel that the Lord will take care of his Saints and of his King- dom. All we have to do is to do as we are directed, and all will be well. I feel well ; I never felt better, nor never had less fears of our enemies than I have at the present time. BROTHER AMASA delivered a very lengthy address, and though leas of a military man than Brother Rich, spoke more of the war than the latter. He said:—I can say that I have been gra- tified, edified and blest in various ways since the com. meucement of our conference; Ihave not been aaything but blessed, that | know of. Nobody seems to be alarm- ed; all seem to feel confident that the contest that is in prospect is to decide the question; it does not seem to be who will prevail, it does not seem to be asked at all who will conquer; but the:matter is all settled, that Israel will prevail. I cannot see any place nor conceive of the ex- istence of a possibility of failure. “Why,” says one, “there is no room for a failure—the truth upon which is predicated, upon which is based the declarations of the servants of God in ancient times, that when God should set his band to build up his kingdom that he would build it up, thas it should be established, that it should triumph over every other kingdom and stad for ever—that truth is so broad, so extensive, that there is no room for a failure; there is nothing on which to hang a doubt or on which to aio a single exception.”’ 1 am not preaching now of what may be my fate, but I am speaking about the fate of the work we are interested in, that we are en- gaged i has brought us together, that holds us w- gether, and that at the present moment is influeucing us. & * * * * * * Well, then, should we be driven away from here, or should we be trodden down here? To admit this is to ad- ‘mit that this is not the kingdom and work of God. This is the work of God and this is His kingdom; and we are here, not because the devil would have us here, for he is very sorty that we are here; neither are we here our enemies have desired to have us here, but because it was the design of our Father to bring us here;-His own right hand bas brought us here, and His Spirit has led us and dictated His people and servants until He has brought us here. What should we be driven away trom hore for? Has God any purpose to serve 5-4 bewg annoyed—by our being again driven away? If He has, it is somethi that Ido not know of. He has brought us here throug! immense labor and toil. We thought it was awful hard when we came here; we nearly had to waste away all that we had, all that was given to us—not what we had of our own in reality, but what was given to us; we have had to jose nearly all that we had to get bere, and now we are in the place where God designs we should be. Will He build up his kingdom on the earth’ Yes, he i then, we will not be driven away. Has he found ‘the peopie—the material out of which to build his ki * Yes, he has, We bave been travelling and preaching backward and for- ‘ward to prepare us for these things. Is there a people here that is capable of being governed, and not only that are capable of being governed but capable of becoming governors’ In Nauvoo, when our enemies repealed the charter, we were better off than we were before, and I do not suppose that we have retrograded, but we have come out here and have made a government, a State govern- ment, and then Uncle Sam —— he would have a finger in the pie, and he made us a Territory and we have got along very well. | expect that the next time we are made anything, it will be the kingdom of God and no amalgama- tion, and it will be made of the material that God has manutactured in the course of the train! that we have bad. This is what we are here for. We have found the lace and the material of which to build the kingdom; and 8 leads me to think that we will not be driven away, for 1 can see the hand of God in our coming here—and why’—one may ask, Because he said, in the beginning, that this was his work—to build up his kingéom— and knowing that there must be a place to build it upon, and then seeing the Lord lead us to a place, and seeing his servants building it up, through his guidance and counsel, cannot I see the hand of God in it® Loan, for he told me this in the beginning. Is not this a simple thing, tbat this {sGol's kingdom, and that be has a'lowed our enemies to kick us until they have kicked us to this point. And when they reache at any else they have always been restrained; but while the devil was kicking us to this point, the Lord was well ‘satisfied and be kept His hand over him and said, “ Now, old fellow, do not kick too hard: these are my people; when you have kicked them ¢o far, all well; but you must not kick any farther.” Now the Lord has got us here, our enemies want to drive us off further still, but now comes the declaration that meets}with a hearty response— “ [erae! is free!’ Free from what? From labor, from toil, from watch ? No, not atall. Then what are we free from’ From the restraint that we have been under; now we are declaring boldly that we are the kingdom of God, and that ip the strength of God we are determined to defend it and to defend the trath. Now, all these things considered are among the things that make me feel well. This is the reason that I think we shall prevail— that is, in the strength of our God. ELDER ERASTUS SNOW after bearing testimony to the truth of the work satd:— It ig not enough for us to know that our Father in Heaven will suffer nothing t come upon us, only that which is to | prepare us to receive the good He has in store for us? Ask this —are the soldiers coming in here’ Are we going to fight this fall? Are they coming in on our emigration road, or going round by Fort Wally What will United States dor Will they raise 50,000 volunteers next spring? Shall we burn up what we have got and take it Indian fashion’ What is to be the result of all these things? Ask anybody to tell you, and who is there that will describe the course God will mark out before this people and the course our enemies will take towards us, or the precise details of the programme that is befure us. Who is there that can tell us’ Ask this or that elder if he has apy revelation on the subject, or appeai to the congre gation of the Saints, and who is there that can answer it” | confess I cannot answer it, nor have | ever heard it an- awered by anybody else in detail, and I con- clude the 1 will take hie own course; and doubtless be will show us the programme as fast as we are prepared to act, and that will be fast ¢ rh. The Lord bas «! 7B us both ends of the drama; as to the particular scenery of the different parts of the drama it will be made manifest from time to time. When the car- tain is raised wo shall see it, if we are on hand to play our pert Iam fully persuaded we have a good manager, and ye is our God. itis He that is moving upon the checker board of nations, and he understands the game and will make the right moves. [fell frst rate. All is right with the Lord, ail ia right with His kingdom and with every: ody that is right; and may the Lord help us to keep his commandments forever. Amen, PRESIDENT YOUNG spoke before the termination of the Conference. He bore testimony that this is the kingdom of God upon the earth: said that the kin might have been given to y had been able to receive it; live that they could mre Se time; - from Zion would - avail with God, etheir religion, Conference 1868, at 10 o'clock, A. President Youso dismissed the ation with his ba wy 2) and thus terminated an eventful conference. je This lengthy report is perhaps all that you will receive ‘on the subject, as I do not learn anything of the epistle which us follows conference. Probably the i seperation ‘of the first Presidency to different duties at con je from each other, may be the cause of this change from our ordinary course. You will perceive by the extracts from the «peeches of the Twelve, that we feel first rate, though our enemies are like hungry wolves, waiting for the opportunity of d vouring us. ir every movement in known here in a few hours. There is a regular line of couriers established between this city and the advance of the Kastern expedi tion at the mouth of oho Canon; the distance—i13 miles over that country, is made in 10 hours regnlarly. On the arrival of the couriers the Governor's office is filled with anxious listemers, and for the information of the whole people the correspondence with the Governor and the officers in command of the troops, is read on the Sabbath at the publio Maney 5 Since conference President Taylor has returned to the city, and, with President Young, has sent letters to the officers of the army, inviting them to visit us during the winter and get any information they may require on the state of feeling here. Shonld come, they will be well received, and that kindly, and find that every por on of this community is determined to strike for liberty. The sisters are willing to work in the flelds during the al sence of their husbands, and it is expected of ages A man who is at bome that his whole strength and time will be devoted to the benefit of the families of those who are in the expedition as woll as for his own, During harvest the bishops have been cl with the duty of acoing ct in to their fami- the crope of the absent ren La. #4 The ‘public olsewhere. lies, #0 that all things work works are stopped, and the brethren engaged When once the snows are deep enough to hedge up the route and render the watebing of the troops the work only of a few, we expect & general return of our brethren and many happy evenings during winter. Thave nover soon this people more united than at pre. sent. Woman ae well aa men are doing their uumost to ‘the | the News, who does not fee! that death of that mam of God bas yet to be atoréd for, and to submit'to be baa- dled again “as we have boon vould lead toynothing than the destruction of his successor, and to this we never submit, though ali earth and hell shaii combine against us. For rather would we sve the whole fraternity of us laid on the altar—one great sacrifice—than see one hair of his head injured by sacrilegous hands. Before they can lay bands upon him the: have to wade througn seenes of blood of which here is no parallel in history. ‘We shall not be the first te shed biood, as the Lord bas commanded His pe (i to support all things, aad to suffer unto the shedding of blood; but whon that time Las come, woe to them by whom that blood is shod, and woe te» them who appland and sustain them. ‘We have lived on roots aud cowhides wheu we could find nothing better; we have been assailed by crickets and graashoppers, and seen want and misery stare us ia the face and Know just what we cau endure, ‘These affle- tions we bore in ie 3 as the chastening hand of the Lord for our offences, We re] and turaed to the narrow way, and the Lord has blessed us with abundance, ‘but under the present difficulties our hearts are we feel that the Almighty 13 with us, and if now the ume _ bas come for to be avenged on His enemies we are | ready andevery thing is ready. We have not sought this time—it has come upon us years sooner than we ex- pected it; but we know not if we could, in even having ow utmost desires, circumstances could be better arranged than those in which we and our euemies are now piaved. Letthe Saints everywhere be faithful and obedientto these Placed over them in the Lord, carrying out the counsels Of the priesthood, carefully observing the laws of the land, living above reproach, and they will find the Lerd will overrule ali things for their good and salvation, Message of the Governor of New Jeracy. Governor Wm. A. Newell sent his first annual mcesage to the Legislature of New Jersey on the 19th inst. We give below the only portions which are of interest outaide of the State, under the heads te which they refer: — BANKS. 4 he soles, rere in Gy peo bas rane me in a temporary suspension of speci banking institutions of the State. Thi PIG aot, beerae, recede, but followed in their action the banks of neigh- ring States, to whose course they were, in some degree, obliged to conform by an oppressive law ' which compels most of them to redeem their circulation in the cities of New York and Philadelphia. But a large portion of them have already resumed the payment of their obligations im bony with a praiseworthy promptness, and it is believed that the others will follow their example at an early =. So far as I have apy knowledge, our banks are ampiy to meee their liabilities to the public, aud are generalig sound. A state of affairs like the present is too apt to ba crude and visionary theories upon the subjects of pul credit and finance which can never be reduced to prac- tice, and which the wise will ever avoid. It is not pre- dent, upon the appearance of every feverish symptom. upou the body politic, to attempt legistative relief, and those ailments which spring from plethora in business are best treated by the curative power of time. The interests of the people are well guarded by laws es- tablished for their security, aud it is impossible—even it it were dosirable—to relieve the banks from their liability: to the enforcement of these laws. Banks and their creda. tors stand toward each other in the relation of contracting parties, and the Legislature cannot alter or abrogate « single legal remedy which existed at the time of making the contract: they must romain in full force aud effect until the obligations created during their existence are Tully cancelled. The clear and precise language of ‘the Constitution upon this point is:—The Legislature shall net pass apy law impairing the obligation of contracte; or de- priving a party of any remedy for enforcing a coutract which existed when the contract was made.” Nor, looking to the future, does it seem to ma to be pre- per to repeal laws which have been provided for certamm emergencies, as soon as the contingencies arise which they were intended to meet. The propriety of enforcing existing penalties, in a gives case, bad better be left to the just sense of the publia, and to the action of the courts of justice. Itis rare, im- deed, that harsh remedies will be enforced, unless there x irae unmistakeable evidences of ‘uptey or uid. The only safe and correct course to be pursued in a crisis like that ugh which we are now passing, is to exercise moderation and forbearance on the one hand, and to make omer efforts to relieve the necessities of the people om ie other. All banks must, from their very nature, be interested in the general caperity, ‘and the community rect iuterested in the welfare, good management and inte; of the banks. ~ — Entertaining these views, I shall not recommend sag legislation = this subject, but shall submit it to yea with full confidence in your wisdom and discretion. QUARANTINE. Thave beeniaformed by the New ¥ork Commissioners for the removal of the Quarantine station, that an applica- tion will be made to you during the present session for the ofan act enabling them to locate the Quaraatiae uildings apd hospital at Sandy Hook. Ihave upon & former occasion publicly expressed mg decided hostility to this measure, and have only at tha time to reiterate that expression. It would doubtless be gratifying to the people of New Jersey to have any plan adopted which would lessen the — from pestiiential diseases to our neighbors of New York, or otherwise their interests, could it be af fected without entailing similar, ers and — upon ourselves; but that such id be the result ot contemplated movement must be apparent to all whe have given any reflection to the subject. SLAVERY. The angry discussion of slavery conti to be the only serious obstacle to the internal quiet of the republic. While nothing is better settled in history than the fact that the early statesmen who laid the foundations of the as- chief contest of parti , and a chief contest of political parties is now upew thé quesiion of its further extension. The continued agi- tation of this distracting question must fill every beart with sorrow: for nothing could be better talculated to weaken the bond which binds us in a cemmon coa- The acquisitions of territory which have been made af late years have served to aggravate the strife, aud espe- cially was it stimulated after the repeal of the Missouri Compromise, by the efforts of — to get posses sion of Kansas. The opinion, too, the Supreme Court st the validity of that ‘compact, which restricted sl wg i nn of thirty six degrees thirty minutes, so far from allaying the dissension, tended rather to aggra- vate and increase it. Much com} it has been made by a portion of the South, that the North seeks to invade their constitutional rights. Nothing can be further removed from the truth than this accusation. So far as New Jersey is concerned —and the same is true of the North igmneraliy-ahe would not deprive any of her sister States of a single constitu. tional right; but while she concedes theirs, she must maintain her own, and insist by all fair means, that whem her free born laborers and mechanics go forth to new re- gions, in company with those of other States, they shall go us the equal of the white man and not be placed upom a level with the negro. The doctrine that Cov; bas no power over the sub- Ject of slavery in the Territories is one of modern and growth, and is diametrically at variance with theory and practice of the ablest statesmen of former days, from every section of the Union. The ordinance of 1787, by which slavery was excluded from the Terri. tory north of the Ohio, was drafted by the am: | ond which penned the Declaration of Independen vd was enacted by the votes of not a few of \iose who framed the constitution of our country. The Mis. sour! comprom’'se, b 4 which slavery was to be forever prohibited north of thirty six degrees thirty minutes, was adopted before all the fathers of the republic had passed away, and was sustained by the most distinguished and int is of their successors, and down to the time of giving a Territorial government to Oregon its full validity by [ney = ized. e the opinion a majority of the Supreme Court, a given in the Dred Scott case, Te to be regurded as settling this point, it would seem that from the foundation of the government ite chief men have been laboring under @ =n delusion as to the right of in ths matter and if Congress is to be constitut! lly deprived of the right to late the question of slavery in the we can only insist that it shall be left to the free and un- tramelied will of a majority of the voters therein. Lat even this ple be fairly enforced and there can be but little doubt, at this day, the institution of sia. very will be confined within its present limits. FILIBOSTRRING. In connection with this subject of slavery, and kindred to it in @ great degree, is the violation of our neutrality laws by a of , known as filibustering. This apecies: piracy etiam spirit of adventare, which in former days sought au of Cuba, as it now does that of Central those people who before they fully endorse @ course pl yo soutterly at variance with international comity which is 80 adverse to the best interests of the Union, if it does not, indeed, threaten in its results to jeopardize its perpetuity The financial at ofthe gen ment will per he financial straits general govern Imports to such poms may prowct fora tie ou mae imports to such a point as may ou ‘oufacturing Tateresea, yet is not by such spasmodic and compulsory enactments that our home industry can be properly protected. If wiser counsels should ever pre vail in Gongrese, Teannot but feel assured that the busi ness interests of our wide spread land will be placed upon such a footing that they will no longer be subject to the capricious disasters which seem, under existing circum tances, to occur almost periodically. Mors Sainriasrers—A Mormon Car cw rem Fieup.—A friend encloses us a specimen of the isaues of “The Drovers’ Bank of Sait Lake Ong , Utah; B. Funter, Cashier; R. Connolly, President.’ most prominent figure in the vignette is a healthy Taurus, which our cor- is designed to symbolize Brigham You We ime nobody is big enough fool to give anything for these pictures by the ream, ‘aetwhibetend- they have as solid claims on the public aa their re- latives Nebraska. We are not aware whether any one in Tilinois or Iowa has father to the Drovers’ Bank of Utah, but it is not at all unlikely some one may be engaged in trading it off for Florence or Waa beek, or Nebraska Valley, on the principle that a fair ox ebange is no robbery.—Chicago Tribune, Jan. 6. 1858 Siig, Oot Aprit ana Is Peipay an “ Univery Day ?—The ‘and ends on Friday. January, April, ber and December have five Fridays ench. December end on Friday, and January and Octobor bogie | o@ Friday. Thore are ‘idaye in year. Wo tenst, however, it will aot prove more disastrous thao 1967