The New York Herald Newspaper, September 30, 1856, Page 1

| 'PHE NEW YOR WHOLE 4 NO. 7336. MORNING £DITION—TUESDAY, SEPTEMBER 30, 185 HERALD. —= PRICE TWO CENTS. een ) TERRIBLE TIMES IN OLD VIRGINIA. reat Nullification Meeting in ; Richmond. ‘JOHN MINOR BOTTS UNDER TRIAL. Captain Scott Opens the Pase----Puffs Pieree--- i Is Down @> Fillvore, and Spreads | Himself on Botts, Jovernor Wise Fires Up Tremendously on Botts, Niggers, the Price of Nigyers, High Trea- j son, Fremont’s Election, Disunion and Civil War, and the Gov- ernor is Heady. , eras eadful Alarm Among the Virginia Democracy, &e., &o., SPECIAL REPORT FOR THE NEW YORK HERALD, roumeND VA., Sept, 21, 1866. Speeches of Robert G. Sco! Esq , Late Consul to Rio Janeiro, and Gowrnor Wise—Botts Severely Denounosd—Harsh ra Commeniaries upon His Rihmond Speech—War Pro- claimed —Wise Recommends the Prosecution of Botts for Treason, &c. Ju compliance with an invitation extended by the De- Mocratic Association of this city, Robert G Scott, Esq., Bete Consul to Rio Jane'ro, a creesed that body in Cortn- @hian Hall last night. The nxmber who assembled to fhear the address could not bave been much short of two ‘thourand. Among the number present was Governor ‘Wise, who, upon entering the hall, was received with the mort enthusiastic demonrtratious of applause. He took Shin seat at the extreme end of the hall, immediately in ‘Bide the door, no doubt, in order to avoid observation. ‘In tbs, however, be wae unsvce-sstal, for scarce had he taken bis seat when the fuct of bis arrival became Known, and the announcement was fullowed by the most ewociferous applause and the clipping of bands, which @ontinued for several minvies. Dr. Patterson, the President of the association, took the chair about @ight o’cleck P. M, and atter the despatch of some Preliminary business, which occupied bat a brief period, the President announced that Mr. Scott, who was in the Ball, would now address the audience, Mr. Scort thereupon ascended the platform, amid en- thesiastic cheers, and proceeded to address the associa- fio, as fo.lows:—Mr. Prerident and fellow democrats of Whe city of Richmond—may I uot say fellow-citizens, ‘whigs or democrats of the city of Richmond’—for I come ‘here to vight, Mr Presifent, to make, according to my view of the great questions that agilate our country at tbis moment, and the deep sod lasting importance that must attach to the solution of there questions by the Ame- rican people—to deliver no partixan address, to mske no party appeal, but to speak, asl speak before my God ‘and my country, for that loved and cherished land to ‘which I have but recently returned. (Cheers.) No, sir, no; S have here to make no professions—| have here to make po appea’—! have to make no apologies for the address ‘that I shall make toyou. If Lam not upto the mark of \ Buying something that may commend itself to the judg. ment of my hearers on this occasion, Iam incapable of performing the duty which I owe to my country and my Country's cause, It is in discharge of such a duty—a @uty for our country’s goo! and for n> party purpose— ‘iat I come to speak here to night. Leaving out all the ‘ug now only at the present and contemplating ‘ghe future—I tell you, men of Kichmond—I say it to you, fmen of Old Virginia—there is « contest now pending that fuvolves your bappiners—that iovolves the happiness of all that surround you at your firesides, aad of those who shall come after you for centuries to come. It does more, fw my bomblo judgment—it involves human hbertys throughout the world; for the bope and mainto- Rance of that human liberty depends upon the du ration of this great and mighty republic that our aucestors bave given to us. Strike it dowa, and ‘here is a dark, impenetrable fature for us. Scatter it t> the winds, acd tell me my young friends, tell me my mid die aged (riends, tell me, my venerable friends, whore rests the pope of human tiberty upon this globe? ‘Where will you Gnd it? Upon this great North American continent was planted the great leading, importoat pria- ciplee of human liberty, secured to it by the constitution of our country; and pow it ts brought into peril by a cor § fest brought up by the members of our own family; and taniess we settle that contest now, farewoll, farewell to human liberty, (Cheers.) Isay, that in the issue of the coming !residential election is involved the question whether this great Union shall continue, or whether it Bball ve severed forever. (Cheers.) I have been abroad, 7 @nd bave econ the manner in which this nation has been @ieomed. | loved it and admired ft. Living always amongst you, [had become deeply imbued with footings of the sincerest attachment to my country; but the esteem im which \t was held abroed, and the pre-eminent advaa- ftages which {t seemed to me to possess above all others, has, {f porsible, strengthened and increased that attach- ment, and I come back to it with foehngs of tenfold greater fondness than when I left (Loud cheers.) I went abroad, and have seen, unknown and unobserved fs I bad been, the mauuver in which the great American republic of North America was spoken of by men ia Burope, and by the baif-civilized men of Brazil. (Cheors.) They speak of it in terms not merely of Teepect, but, I assure you, with admira\ion—nay, the great marses of the people that I mixed with, absolutely, saost, with adoration. (Cheers) They avowed that ) ahis people were almost capable of accomplishing any ing physical, intellectual or moral; and they look to this country as the great hope of the human family. (Patuwriattic cheers.) When | came back among you, I Beard something of new pertics springing up here. I found that instead of the good feeling which oxisted Wefore, there seemed rather a ness to shed the blood of each other, I regret to witness such a@change, sud | truat soon to #e@ restored that peace and harmony without which {t would be in vain that we should hope for the perpetuity and prosperity of this great Ucion, (Cheers.) Pardon me, sir, for what I shail gay to you in giviag a brief sketeh of how this co y thas been governed. Its prosent condition is the work of fection and fanaticiem, and not of patriotism. Thore is ‘aot 4 apark of patriotism in it. Since the time that Thomas Jefferson came into power to the poriod at which [am * qddressing you, with two exceptions, this country has ‘peen governed mainly by the democratic party. Ita march during that time bas been onward and upward. Cheers.) [ts power has increased, Its institutions have * crown brighter and broader until now they are the ad- tall the world. (Loud cheers.) I ray that of a pret constellations of att jatrations whieh bave of Mr. Jefferson's ad minieiration to mor &. rea id that when Millard Filimore went out of office ail Svea pases, harmony and quiet; and that bis administra. made itso, A greater fallacy bas never been uttered; ‘and I have been somewhat surprised to see nv coatradic \ions to the declaration. Mr. President, every question ‘bat has agitated this country was left unsettled by Mr. Fillmore and bis administration, Every one, every one. ‘1 will come up to the mark, i never have said that Fill ‘More was a wie, cautious and pradent President. In 1852 | addressed some ten or fifeen thousand of "y, coun. tymen in the Tenth I with that same Sim Honeton ¢n Iny lott, who had talked just as much against Fillmore taidid said on that occasion, if Filmore hat been the nominee of the whig Conventiomy and had been before the people, I wild have ghown a darker record in his administration than could be juced against General Scott, (Cheers) Bat Gen lor came into power and be died, leaving as a Jegacy tothe administration of Franklin Pierce that noio- rious Clayton Bulwer treaty, which had #0 nearly in ‘volved us in a devastating war with Great Britain hat more’ The compromise mensuroa, had been passed. [id you ever bear of a single word ttered by Fillmore or ‘any member of his Cabinet gacopt two—Mesere. Critton don and Webster—in app of these measures until they were presented to tho President of the United States’ Then, indeed, he signed them. He had been the Vice President of the United Stator: and I pr quiry to every intelligent man before mo, I put whig, whether, until he became President, ho bi | anything to promote the pasrage of those hich were to restore peace and harmony to the couar 7 it ie not a debated question with those who had recom mended Fillmore as the great peace maker, which side ho would vote on in the event ofa tic vote in the Senate upon this question, There are men sitting before me who can correct me lf | state what is nota fact; and | pat it tothem vote if iteame toa tie, especially upon that grea’ ques tion, the Fugitive Slave law? Will avy man rise up and tell me what his intention was with refereace t> those measures while in the Vice Presidensy, or whether he had ¢ven intimated one word as to how he shou'i vote upon them? While in that position no one knew wat his course would be, and, as I have said, serious doubt; were entertained whether he would not voto in favor of tuem in the event ofa tie, He ceme into the Presidency and he signed the bill, and approved of it—and why’ Be cause he was satisfied it was unconstitutional, (Cheers. ) The democracy said, take the reins of government. Carry it out as you . We will notbe in your way, nor shail we seek to embarrass you. (Cacors ) What was the practice of the opposite party when Mr. Pierce care into power? Was the same lordearauce, the ‘sume magnanimity exhibited’ No, no; far from tt. Toey said, we will not make eny actious opposition to yon; but when Mr. Merce came in, whet was the part they piayed’ ain asserting a fact now; and though I have been ab- ent from the country about three years, 1 am saisied bat you will bear me outin whatisay. From the mo- ment that Dir. Fierce came into power, was there not an organized opposition toh m at every stage? Did they not vet up mmediately a resistance to the fugitive slave law! Did they not attempt resistance in Boston by the ehooting oown Of the United States Marshsi while engeged in the execution of that taw? Were there pot thorna sprovd in bis path at hems ee ad And how has the country vome out of the difficulty that they involved the government in” How has be cume out of it? Has hefatled in any measure that he bas undertaken. What is the result ip regard to the (\ayton Bulwer treaty? Why, that tne Foglish govern- ment have admitted our position to ve right, and that they Pave yielded readily to us; and now, just at the mo- ment that the I’resident 1s parting from the administra- tion, he gets a concession of the former treaty which shor that the whole claim that we mace under the ton Bulwer treaty was founded oa rigbt and justice; we have a treaty now on the eve of being adopted Hinaily settles this difficulty. (Loud and lung con- inved cheers.) What more has be done’ An English Minister and tbrec Consuls duly accrestted to this gov- «rnment in thet official capacities, undertook to enlist men tor tbe British service, to epabie that country to preseoute a war against a pation with which this conatry +8 at peace. A series of correspondence passed bs- tween both governmenw vpou this subject, the Koglieh bowing bo disporition to render due satiefaction for the weult, Seeing this our government raid to Mr. Crampton, We understand you bave exercised an impro per prerogatiy this country, by entisting ovr citizens to ald you in against # uation with which we areat penre. Contrary to all international law. your govern ment does wot choose to reader due satisfaction for the net: you must, therefore, take your passports and go fome.”’ And to with regard to the three Consuls who were engaged in this work. What wav predicted as the inevitable copeequence of this act? Why, that a bloody war would ensue—tbat John Bull would not eudmit to tuch am insut But how did the matter terminate’ vba Boll foldea bis arms and said to cousic Jonathan, You sre right, and we will submit.’’ (Cheers) We bave bad two great iseves with Engiand—a great, might: eed warhhe pation—and the result is that Jonn Bull raye, “Cousin Jonathan is in the right, and we must mich vp this quarrel, giving to him ail that he claims’? (laughter sad cheers.) That is the foreign yolicy of Mr. Pierce Cheers.) 1 desl pot with any matters apper’aining to the hards and softs of New York. That isa little special, petty affair, not tuvolving the administration of the affairs of such a ‘ountry os this (Cheers.) Ieome, tor ore moment, to tat great question, the right of ng in the South to hold property ju the territory of this Union, and to go into it al wi How did Mr. Pierce manage when the questton came up whether Nebraska and Kansas should have an orgen‘zed Territorial goverpment not? The question cate up st once what should be the provisions incorpo )ated into the Jaw to authorize a government for the time being, until they are ready to come into the Union as Statesy Mr. Pierce bad nothwg tw do with that, bat 1 bove no Goubt where his heart was. It was whero jus- bee would place it. (Cheers) It was on toe side which recognized equa) justice to ail parties of the repudlic. It was on the side which claimed that the territory sbovid be opnn to men of the South and of the North, and ihat they should ave a right togo there aud Occupy tas joint property. (Cheers.9 I bi no doubt that Mr Pierce Bas mare no promise that he has bot receemed; he knew no North, be Knew no South, no best, no West, vi vemen, I did n «xpresmor—he dia know a North: te did know a South, av East anda West (Cheers.) He knew all standing vpon the tame platform of equality—hat ts woat he koew, and that is what every President should know (Cheers ) He should know ne North, no Sonth, 09 Kast, no West; bat be shoutd keow them aline equal (Lou cheers.) Itiatvusthat Mr. Pierce ed know them, and thus dia betreat them. But, my friends, whigs and ds moerac*, when did he ipterfere with the legislation of Congress upon that su sject’ And if be did, be interfered vpon the right sido, When the question came up aad he oetermi apd 20 determined Congr that Fansas Nel a met Come tM. either se Glava strtes or poo -slaveholding States, as the people should determine when they formed a State constitution, what wes his ac- tion vpon that subject: Strictly impartial; he took no sice with ether party. Bat even this course did not satisfy them: for we fn¢ that this same party that is de. pouneipg bim now for his toaction in regard to thia Kan fea oliticulty, denouncing him upon ober oecasions tor ‘oo Moch action—terling bim at one moment that be was in favor of the nomission of Kansas as a siave State, ard ‘hat be mawifested a criminal insetion tn view of the aif. Heulties which existed there, and at another that be fa yored its admission as &@ nov-siavebolding State, and that he was too prompt in bis action with reference to the af. teirs of that ferritory. Is tust the manoer in whic cation should be cecided It sboald be decited quiet- 'y end practicabiy. They say, at one time, you under toke to suetain the border rufflians with the troops of the United Statee at hand. I peaking now to you es a Southern man | do ko he South, and love the touth above all other places. But the South satd you do not go far enough, you must drive out these free sollers of tbe Sorth: while the North said you mast drive out these border ruffians, Mr, Pierce, as & wise man, sali, it wii not do; whenever the army of the United States ehatl be arrayed against the people the extremity hat come— civil power ts nt an end, and I will not resort to it uoti! the last moment comes. (Cheers.) Possibly he waitet & Nttle too long, bet if error be bas committed, the fact ‘bat error bes been committed on the right eife—on the orbearance—is a decided vindication of the coarse Keep away the power of the aword ou con, Wield of the pitehing good thereby, reserving the miitary power tor extremities, (Oheers) Iam done with that brauch of the subject. come bow to epeak in regard to the fg emt questions tray. been 80 eianorately discussed in a speech delivered here not long since = Mr. Pierce, as well as the democratic party, wit! be vindicated by histo ry for the mapner in which they have maintained the constitution of this country. (iudcneers) Within the leet month or six weeks, a speech has been delivered ‘within the borders of the city of Richmond, that how gone forth as & grea! pronunctemento in defenos of Millard Fill- more for the Presidew’y of the United States. Gentile men, I am about to treat that aperch and the author of that speech (Jobo Minor Botts) with all the propor respect that I can feel for such a paper and such a production But for the importece given to it, I would have been con! an or a® Lam concerned. to let it sleep the sleep of ceath. But | find that it ix horalded forth as the great eflort of inteticct of the mighty leader of the Fillmore Know Nothing a know everything party. (Loud cheore.) while it has come from one who hat gone into the ers, and tuken the abject, dograted oath of Kuow Nothingism, it \* promulgated as coming from a wise, a mehty man. God protect me from euch f (Laughter and cheers.) Above all, I pray 8 delivery from any such sentiments of patriotiem. (Cheers.) I would a8 soon have perpetrated any crime in the catalogue of crimes as to have turned upon mi native land and piace of my birth—the country that ha sustained me through good end evil report, and thet had been willing to shower bonors upon me. | repeat, I would as soon have been guilty of any crime as to have been the author of that production. (Loud cheers.) Gen Uemen, before I get through with that document, | think | will show that it is out the emanation of such minds as Mr. Sewerd’s, of New York. No, I ask Mr. Seward's pardon: Ido not think that treasoa could have extracted from bis lips such a tirade of abuse w New York, as has come from the author of this tion in Virginia. (Cheers) But, if you want tell you who made it, 1 would Dave said, not jo: . it came from the Senator from Maseachusetts, (Wilson. ) have made 1 would have sant that one. Burlingame might it Tmigbt bave told you that one odell Phillips, who stirred wp men to sbed blood in the streets of Boston in resistance to the laws of the United States, might have made it. (Cheers.) I .might enumerate nix or seven it ro belp my God, 1 do not believe you could haifa dozen in New Kngiand who conld have h. (Loud cheers) Do you think w Kogiand man, riotiem, wpon a whole umenry of robbing’ I do not think ft possibic he would (Cheers.) I sball show you to night that that is the na- ture ot charge that is made spon you whige and demccrata, without exception. There is no halt way boure. (Langbter and cheers) Such a specch is that which Tam al to comment upon; it is just such ast characterize it, and you will find it to be so, Gentlemen, laek your calm attention, if you can give it, upon such a bject, while I read to you some paseages from that Fpeceb, and submit come commentaries npon . Be- tore I do 0, it is proper that Tabould give you a narrative of certain events that have occurred in our country. In commentieg opon thie pronunciamento, | stand red to the accuracy of everything | shall state with re; to any matter o: fact. (Loud ebeers.) That was made for the purpose of proving that the Srutn has cheated the North. | deny the fact, and | here prociaim it on utter fallacy, If the South has treated the North in this manner, let us see how the speech proves it. Gentlemen, prior to the year 1818 we had no controversy whatover ingthis Country, in regard to tne Introduction of slavery into the Territories. Virginia, when she ceded that great porthern! territory, did not late that slavery should never have existence. By the bye, we acquired Louisiana; ond what was to be done with that ? After we noquired it, the State of Lovisiana came in. We had no promunciamento, such aa this is, then. We had no such men living that day, think God. (Loud cheers. louisiana came in The ne, began to be settled. Alter a little while, we bad the Mi iri Terrtiory organ ized, No whisper of objection was then uttered in re- ard to the mght to introduce slavery into it f there be any man present who is more fa miliar with the history of the country than 1 am, | pray tim to correct me if fall into ony error The Stete of Loatsiana same in ‘Tho Mieeonr te. rit could go there. the Virgie eo nnd aottie aide by Bice With tho Masswehusctts mao, snd carry his negroes there, and make him make whest, or corn, or tobacco. or cotton, or hemp, or, in fact, anything. We are a friends; we belong to the same commton family; there is no North, no South, no Last, no West; we know no dit ference; we all are one. So we lived together, In 1818 bowevor, Yr pepo it became necessary that a govern ment should be provided for the State of Missouri, she was too big, She bad grown over her breecres. You wanted to pare ber dowa a little, and you bad to take off 4 part of her territory. You wok off Arkansas. Mis- souri applied tocome in, Arkansas bad to have a Terti- torial government provided for her. She got abead of the wri question, and we had to lake her, As foon as that question came up, wha was done’ ‘Thero is a gentleman here (alluding to Gov. Wise, no doubt), who knew John W. Taylor,jwao after wards became Speaker of the House of Representatives. You will find that he was not one of the best [riends of tho South. He became Speaker of the House of Repro rentatives in 1820. What did John W. Taylor ten to «to, a8 600n as You got the billfor Arkansas? 1 am speak ng bow irom the record, If I make a mistake, it is by Gesign, end not from ipadvertance, tor [hava examined the record upon this subject fully. When the Territory of Arkansas was about to be organized, thia question o slavery was pot sprupg upon Missouri, | teil you that i was ahead of the Missouri question, and it was sprung upon us by this John W. Taylor. aud how did he doit By declaring that slavery could uot exist in Arkansas a uli, It was reconsidered by a majority of three and he sbaucened it. What was the next movement 7 Toat all the children born ot slaves afer & particular time in the Territory, should be emancipated, That was bis vext movemeat. He vould not accomplish the absointe restriction of slavery there, and he drew a step back ward and took shia ground. But be was beaten upon that. What was bis next move- ment? It was—mark, men of Richinond—i ask every ivan that lis'ens to moe to-night, to note these facts—I ask )0u to put them down—that same man, before the Mis- couri bill came up at all, propored that’ which virtually coostituted the Migsouri compromise of 36:30. He was the author @ that measure—Le proposed it— he offered it, aot to the Missouri bill, but to the Arkaugas bill, It was too strong yet. These Northera people could not allow it. Arkansas was too far south for them; they said it is \.ot pecessary to put it there, there ia vo part of Arkau. tas stretehing as far as 36:30, Joun W. Taytor withdrew bis proposiuon, and wouid pot venture « vote upon it. | mention this bow for the perpose of showing a copnection with this pronuucismeato speech, ‘ne poldness of aezertion in the very face of Lictory, tbe truth of that is contained in that paper. Taylor mace that proposition, aad subse- quently witbdrew it. The Missouri came up. wer application was presented during the session of 1820. ‘Taylor did not chose to staad off, aud he gave you the Musouri Compromisu, a black measure, which provided ‘nat if Miseouri came in, she must come in as a free State; ood that proposition was adopted. It went to the Senate, ‘Lae Senate took the subject up and struck oct the ol, 1 do not mean to trouble the ‘to Bamee—I will mere! that tne motion was carried ip the House by a vote of 78 w 80. It went to the nate; and that Senate, conservative in its views, looking ‘0 BO North, no South, no Fast no Weet, but looking to every part of the country, dissgreed to the re srictions. The diflvrence between the restric- tou aad Missouri Uompromiso ts this; e restriction forbids slavery altogether; the compro is€ Measures permit slave States to come in, but says siavery sball not go above 36 50. However, the Senste rejected it. Itcame down tothe House of Representa. tyes and the House disagreed to the Senate's amend ment. The bill failed to pase that session. [9m done with that pact of the subject. In 1819-20 Missouri came back again. The country had become agitated. Gentlemea, | Lad come to your city a year before that. | remember the — and profound excitement that existed ame the people bere and throughout the whole South. The Soath Was ata joes what todo. There was adiiioulty upon the subject. To submit tosech a measure as was already jroposed im retorcace to Missouri was degradation. (Cheers) Ne man was willing to submit. 1 will state here t. unt the moment that I saw it a this paper, (referring to Botts’ speech) 1 never Lead that the Biiss(urt compromise was a Southera measure,(cheers) and 1 do not believe it, though the pro avustemento rays so. | lived ip the city and heard it re- peatediy dewounced. I will abow you why Southern men were ovliged to vote for it; and they were excused and justified for #0 doing, because it was believed by their corsuuents that they were prompted by the highart and most patriotic motives, asl will show you by and by. But 8 to its being « Sovthera measure, that is an Utter fallacy. it went to the Seoste. The people of Missouri came the ext year and asked for admission. In the mean. \ume, the country became ogitated upon the question A treaty of provisions was mage, the North standing lum tor the restriction. I say jor the South there was no There was no one the turned roape about to rob tbe North for tae benedt They would bave spit upon and scorned with one yore ay oue who did a0. (Cheers) Tney said, * You made i, Pass i. armas folded awaiting .vour action.” ihe chief sony Of the commonwealth Im thove says with whom I happened io be associated in the executive cuties of the country, taking down a map of my country “Scott, “let us trace out where be ta» our country hereafter.’ I say to you, itts take dowi your maps, and with your sons wnd daughters, if such you are blessed with, trace ou where will be our boundaries hereatier, (Cheers) I \s grave subject. Taman old mav, and for my part ‘an to settle this question pow. Ido not mean to lear the settloment of this question asa legacy to my children (Loud cheers ) I mean tle ttnow. (Loud cheers. ». M. Rancolph, then G6 ‘nor of Virginia, took down bat map, end turned to w: the phys.cal power and the moral power of this Union rested, and he said, with a firmpees peculiar to that old man, made of wbalebone— thank God, we have something of « whalebone Governor now, sir—I say now you have got a whalebone Governor, where, probably, he js mort needed—this olf man talked to me thus— talked (© me se One Whose heart was bleeding at every pore, that bis country waa to be bronght into a state of provincialam, but said.—** If | Bve, and i comes to that, my bones shall Dieach upow the top of the Alleghanies tetore I yteld an inch to these poopie.” (Kathusiastic <beers.) ‘I Was a young man at thai time, and | said to jam, “Amen to the sent.qeot; I donot know tat (should tave the courage to follow you there. I say amen, how ever, so the sentiment; aud [am satisfied, ioe, that my oones shall bleach upon the ire pd before yielding ney thing tosuch a people.’ (lout eneers.) ‘oil, this question came up to 1810-40, Again, after battiirg toand iro, they had got the State of Maive under consideration, “he wanted to come io, and desired that she should t cut loose from the State of Maseachusetia, ine came in with her applications. [i was deemed ex- pedient to connect boin, aud accordingly they were jormed into twins, very much like the Siamese twins. The representat ves from the South, aod those who were ollied with them. said, “We can get Missouri in, bot we imuat get Matve ulso; and if Maine gets i, Miasouri will iso with her, and w twist the poses of the rs .”’ They riruck atthe rosrictions, determined iLat there should be equality among the Seat bat the others did pot ee to ii. John W. Taylor hed been made Speaker of the House 0’ Representai!ves the follow: ing year, as & rower for the resolution of 1819-97. Af. ter it had been battled to and fro between the two bouses, I put the question here now—{ put it em- pbatically, ané ask every friewd of the author of thie pronunciamento, or anybody else in this au dience, to tell mo what Southern man ever dared to offer the Missour| compromise to that pill’) Who was he? Where did he live? What district did he representy Missour! was to come in by the dd of March or not come in atall, It was a short, and she Lad to come in during that session or not ai Bat Maine had to come in by the 2d of March; and if an agreement of separation could not be accomplished between herseif and Massacha- cotts, she could not come in at all. ia this condition of things no hope was entertained of the success of the ad- mission of Missour! into by he Bat who te you a pose propored to take out the proposition of the prev Siete eered by Jonn W. Taylor’ It was Senator Tho- mas, from the State of [itaots, who made a proposition rst of all, taking almost th. line proposed the year de tore by Jobn W. faylor. That proposition settled the ques von of the Mirsouri compromiae, and tt passed the Senate. Twenty Southern Sevators votea for it aud two against it —Macon of North Carolina. and Smith of Soath 18 came to the House of Representatives. Holmes, of Mas- eachusetta a Northern man aod a non slavebolder, in tbe meantime bad up & committee, and re — & bill which recommended the sdoption ofthe issouri ime. The Sepate bill, which contained the same provision as thai reported by the ame committer, came town, and was by the House vote of 134 to 2. Of the 42 who voted out, (Cheer were | thirty seven for ,thirty-cighth from ibore were forty Southern men who voted for it. sir, forty two was the vote in opposition to the bi'l, of whom were Northern men. And now let me rosd for you, if you please, what the author ef this pronuncia. mento bas said vpon that subject. | desire to show by «het short cute and utter recklessness men will get up nnd addrees # Southern aadience, and denounce the southern people, as the author of this pronunciamento bee done, I will pow read from the speech the passage upon thie subject -— And what was it that was thus agreed to by the South and poesed by the South? Tt was not, as has been commonly said, » measure imposed upon the South by the North, Tt was pro- posed, on the part of the South, to the North, that if yor will ‘How tiae—you being in the majority and having the gonicoll— slavery wp to the live of 36 to attempt to carry slavery it you will permit us to we will pledge ourselves no yond 36 30. “ Leuppose there i a record of that py to be found pome where under the sun. 1 wcarekes i tol for t; and eo help my God I could not find it. I must e omething stronger, and more direct evidence than this premunciamento. (Cheers.) 1 will go on— They said, we will allow every State south of 3 90 that chooses, to adopt slavery or reject as they please, but if they make an application to Cony a8 the people of Missouri have done for admission into the Union as siave States, then von sha'l make no objectisn to their admission on the ground that they recognize sinvery: and the South, with the aid of a few of the Northern votes. was able to carry the measure. Good God! That means to say that 102 out of 112 were 8 few Northern votes. ‘We find that thie measure was voted for in the Senate ofthe United States by twenty ont of the twenty two Southern Sena tore—only two Konthern Young against it, and only Galiard of South Carolina, Johnson fod Logan of Kentucky, Loyd and Pinckney of Maryland, King ithe Inte Wm. BR.) and Walker of Alabama, Leake and Wii eet Mitsissipp. Vandy ke and Horner of Delaware, ond ‘ Tih Cerolina—making Wwonty Soncherr he Mr. Macen of North Caro’ in: ArOlinA we ni two § et agninet Northe tors voted for it. aud elghicen against i. It weat to the Knse of Representatives, jaseed that body by a vote of 1 i tu detorty southern Bontatives Woting for it and th'rty. seven against it Thus was compromise of 1820 brow ;ht about. And that day will show that it was re- : y arded (as it really was) as reat Southern tri yh, iw Shieh the North refuctantly acquieesod, piso ty Indeed, indeed, the North that forced that measure upon the South—the North that stood out—the North that commanded! I repeat again, I have nodoubt these twen- ty Southern Senators who voted for the measure were patriotic men, as J believe themto be. Seeing the abyss into which our beloved country was about to be plunged; and having no further grounds to stand upon, they gave way, and voted, very reluctantly, for a moa- sure which was by Northern mau, and not by @ Southern man. apna It was, gentlemen, a messure forced and fi: upon necks of the soutbern people. ‘The bill pagsed, and the President a: ved of it In 1820 Missourt formed a constitation. came back for aimission at the session of 1820-’21. Iam giv- ing now that which ts recorded \a Lege di was toid to go home, ponder on this step and e whether her admission would bea benefit to ber or not. She came back for admission; ahe expected admission at once, Now, what do you suppose was the objection made to ber admission? Jt would star- te ope that should brought for the first time to a knowledge of fact. The people of Mis. souri thought that tribes of free negroes liviag among a slave or a white population was not exactly a thing porstr yes com! itself to them. They wanted to wet rid of the free negroes, and they incorporated « vision in their constitution that free negroes should not come in therc—not that those who were on the soi! and born there, and emancipated there, should not live there, but that whole tribes of free negroes should not come ‘here. pg Se ‘we wit! not permit you to come here Well, these Northern , led on by John W. Taylor, that game man that 1 thie movement upon the Ar- kaneas bill durirg the sessioa of 1819-'20, and which se- cured for him his elevation to the Speakerahip of the House of Representatives—these men suid we will not permit you to come in as long as you prevent free ne. Negroes from coming among you They dotermined that she should not come ia unless she struck that provision cut of ber constitution, Thus the matter stood vutil Mr. Clay came there, and proposed as a mansure of peace that Mirsourl should come in provided that no citiven of the United States should be deprived in that State of apy privileges he bad. The Missouri compromise as adopted. How was it regarded ta the first year of rhe birth of this great peace mesure Why, sir, New York. Vermont, Island—vay, almost every non. “lavebolding state, save Penvaylvapia ana New Jeraey— vey stood by us, thank Cod, ou tbat oscasion, as they will in the comig covtest. i say almost every nou siavebolding State disclaimed its obligatory effects. Bow hey sct! Thoy instructed their Sopators and repre- e8. both by legwinuve resolutions and resolu- the primary meetivgs of the people, nevar to Eg tors admit ber, uviess she was omitted as a free State. Thoy trampled upon the measure from that very time, and ever tivee, when they got a chance to do 80. Now, in ihe face of these facta, are you, my countrymen of the South, you mew of Virginia—you who stood by tha passage oo the Nebraska auras bill, one short two years ago— you of the South who said, **This is all right; we are now tertored to our equality”’—are you, I say, to be toid that }0u Lave attempted 10 commit robbery? (1.oud cheers.) \ will BOW read some other passages {rom tais pronuncia- wrnto, Spealsing of the Missouri compromise, he (Sr. Botta) saye:— Under the operation of that law, to which the integrity and the hovor of the South was pledged. the South obtained the ad- wission of Missouri aud Arkwusas as slave States, when {t Was ia the power of the North to have ;qected them. Very magnanimous from the North, iadeed! It ia, in ‘aot, in keeping with the magnanimous tone of the author of tig pronunciamepte, who gays, ‘I am the author of ‘he sentiment, ‘4 know no North, I know no out! Kasi, no West,’ which wag ultributed to Mr. Olay.” says ‘They also obtained the admission of Florida as » slave Slate; Texas as 9 slave State—(I never thought we got that un cer the Missouri compromise) und never. never while thy Was an opportunity to make a slave State out of Souther: rity ¢id they dream that it was proper to repeal that law. What telons, what robbers you are made by this. You took all youcoula get under the Missour! comp-omise, and when you bad no more to get, the right arm of |i!!- more—the very soul and body who advocates his promo- tion te the Presidency and assumes to be speaking for Lup, holding bit up as the ee. in the country — tells one haifof the people they are knaves and robbers, acd bave been #0 for years past. Where ts the Virginia spiriy Where is the te of Southern spirit that ibels like these? can tolerate Calamples But when they bad poyuinies oll their own territories aud obtamed the Cay! all aoe ere tanita a vasno whatever— altemyt A !) North of tags d ‘ue ‘and ‘hereby dishonestly sarriice: the in, veenity and ‘the South, tal were pledge’ 10 enrry ow, geod ft ‘eutered into Ould &@ Dan no He e nter- shall wave ever done, exhort all persons to obey strictly what- ever the laws.of the land command, Bat, mon, 1 pot it (@ whigs and democrate—! know many minde t ‘Whigs to wiom I would make this appeal > 3 spy Gewocrat ia the wortd—i would pul to them, if such sentiments are not deserving of the severest repro bation at the hauds of the Southern people’ Yes, here is acharge against the South, contained tn this very pro- pepctamento, that the whig had been aiding in ali tbia wrong and all this injury. There it is promulgated No, my friends, it is a spirit of madness; it is a spirit of faction; it ‘a spirit of disappointed hope aud ambition: it a spirit of alienation to the parties and the men of We South, thut could baye uttered such sentiments as these, and nothtog else. It aries from all that. God pro- tect me, I pray my Father, to whom! am to answer for whatever say here or elsewhere, from such sentiments as t! Gentiomen, this is a spee for Fillmore, Remember, we are told that the Missouri ‘omise was a Sontbern measure, Was the Nebras eas Dill when {t came up a Southern measure, as it. I deny it, aud the records will it fore I get to this eubject, bo wover, i pray you jive me your attention while I refer to one of two Views or that subject which [ have passed over. 1 bave been unaccustomed to peblic speaking for two or three years, and bave therefore fallen intoan © ror in re- gard to the TF cownection of my remarks. I turow wyseif on your indulgence, ond ask you to bear with mo while I present some views which | have omitted. The South bas kept the Missourl compromise im good faith up to the present time, She bas never violated it, but on the -ontrary, bas sought upon all occasions to abide by it, She | ever taken one step backwards, She bas said, we bawe tn d Dargain— it was a bargain of peace and we wil abide by it (Some ‘nterruption was occasioned at this stage by a uso of persons from the bali into the street, whither they were attracted by some loud noise.) A Voice—It is a Know Nothing riot. Mr. Seotr—I wish they would come in here and listen a ‘tle while. (Laughter and cheers.) I repeat, the South bas at all timer aod under all circumstances kept bargain she had entered into. Mr. President, when we made our Jreaty with Mexico, and got this new terri tery, Dew cuestions came up—How was it to be popu jated® How was it to be governed’ The territory which we got by the Louisiana treaty was provided tor by the compromise, as it was calied. I choose to use tho ter: rit Was ratified on the part of the South. The Misso: Compromise was to settle how it was to be governed in regard to siavery, But a new question arore with re- gard to the territory that was acyuired by the treaty with Meaico. (ne of the firet things that was done was the South, and (eceral Reiley was man to do it. A_ military man, pointed by the |'resident, it for California. = the legitumate child of the usurpation practiced there—that yea should see a Vigilance Comm'ttee rising in the city San Fraociseo, and overiding ai\ law, for the great and veautiful State of Californian was brought into this Union ve violation of law. And thas it t+ that God ia his wie dom—even at the remotest period of time—will bri own upon thoxe who do wrong « visitation that will reach them ana penetrate to thir very vitals. How is it Gen, Reiley, a military tuan, was despatohed to o1 ae a civil government for California’ But the fruits of that wrong and weurpation has been to sce the streets of San Franciseo covered with the blood of men—men torn from their families, and carried to the Bastile, or ite ‘epresentative, and there, without judge or jury, or inal Or witness, or defence, condemned ard executed, or exited from This is the fruit af the bear me out i the posneaees of no civil power. vndertock to institute a gover wropg commitied in bringing ‘hat State into this Union as nat all law and tho Reiley issued \ Was brought, agaiom all r cown. She was always willing to stand by the compro- ‘and yet here is this man undertakin, mie 0 aay that rit was foutk would content, auth themselves to form of the Ret the Dixon, B in ‘entucky, (who is now doing gallant duty for Mr. vncbanan,) wenehion to nettle the question; nnd he de tired to bave the Missour| compromise repeaied, which wns done, Mr. chairman of the committee of Territories in the Senate, coming trom a non siaveholding state, and Mr. Richardson, chairman of the sane commit tee in the House of Representatives, also coming from a non slaveholding State, ea'd that the Dixon wee for the | rit of the compromise of 1850 was to the compr se of 1820. Uuh and Now Mexico bad been proviaed with governments, in which nothing ia said about the question of slavery: and wo will twke care, said they, to provide the same govern. ment for Kansas. (Cheers.) The Sovth did not — Boas How move! First of ail Mr. jestion of ‘ir Dixon, it wae |. (Cheers.) sition of Mr Mebardsen. But velivered by him the Northern Senators he knew in favor of the Nebraske Kansas bill. vemen, if you turn to the National ncer of the September of the present year, you will find the speech there ond be affirms in so many words & meony of the Northern Senators were for the meavure, In the Journal of the 26ih of May, 1854, it appears that Mr } Clayton offered aa amens ment to the bill which provided e 4 72 a g = that pone but citizens of the United States shall have « right t vote in the Territory, which was lost, the vote beiwg ayes 7, pees 41. When the vote wes taken upon the Dill m the Senate, there were 85 for, and 13 against it, {icon +) Of the 56 who voted in the aflirmative,tnere were 4 Northern Senators, apd but 13 who voted in the ne gative. (Cheers.) 1 repeat it there were fourteen North- ero Senators who said this bill is right, and phirteen who waid it was wrong. I will give the vote as it is record- ea:— Aves—Messrs, Atchison, Badger, Benjamin, Brown, Butler, Cass, Clay, Dawson, 1 Hunter, Johnson, Jones of Iowa, Jones of Tennessec Mason, Morton: Norris, Pearce, Pettit, Pratt, Rusk, Shields, Slidell, Stuart. Thompson’ of Kentucky, Thompsox. ot New Jersey, Toombs, Youcey, Weller, W.liam and Wright.—35. Nays— Messrs. Allen, Bell, Chase, Clayton, Pish, Foote, Gil- Jeti, Bamlin, dames, Seward, Sumner, Wade and Walker.—13. Was that a Southern yote? Was that a vote procured by the South? Here were \hose men who had been debating that question jor four or five successive dave, and we find as the result fourteen Northern Senators, who, ho Goubt, were actuated by a sense of tue justice of that measure, voting for it, It came to the House of Repre. fentatives, aud there it passed by a vote of 115 to 100. Ot toe 115 who voted in favor of the bill, 49 were Nerth- ern men. (Cheers.) jf these men had cast their votes iu the negative, the bill would have been defeated by a majority of 77 votes. And yet the author of this speech tells you (hat lt was @ Southern movement, brought about by Southern votes and iniluence, to rob the North of thom justdues, If that be so, the party robbed was most will- ig 10 be robbed. They were vory wititug to surrender, I wonder they were not brought tothe bar of pubiic judy meat, and told ‘You have proved traitors ta your coua- Brodhead, Pitzpatri try.’’ But no, there was pot a word of reproach or cen. sure, bo charge, that they re betrayiug the iaterests of the North to the South, as affirmrd in the pro. ento of this right arm of Filimore. (Choer Spares not his own countrymen, while he nolds the North up as pure ‘and above sus- pelm. I fear I am worrying you upon this subject. I must now advance to other views ia re- gard to it. 1 will ask your indulgence while I notice oue or two features of this speech. The poor Seath came ip for weture Upon another subject. Under the Compromise act, we are told by the author of this speech tbat all ts peace, ali is quiet until about the year 1885 or 1836, when that ghost—I think it was something more then a gbost—I think it showed muscle, and bone, and power and strength—that “twenty-first rule.’ It showed something more than a ghost to the author of this propunciamento; for I think it killed him stone dead in this Congressional district. (Laughter and cheers.) All was peace and all was quiet; country war gong on very hermoviously, when acertain John C. Calhoun is held up tothe American people as becoming the great disturber of tbe barmony of this Unioa. In énis speech, {t is said, that for the purpose of keeping ‘Up agitation, aud making an iasue between the North and the South, the “twenty-first rule,’ with which youare all {amiliar, was introduced aud adopted. Under tats rule the right of petition, for abolition ees, Was witn- beld; and, according to this pronune! 10, it was kept up by the South to maintain agitation and destroy the courtry. Tbe poor South again wrong. Sever and cheers.) Well, now, it isa very remarkabdie 1g that We South never bas taken any step of aggression in the whoie bisiory of our government against the Norta— (cheers)—upon any single question that unfortunately bas divided our country. Notany. She has never need- ed, she has never wanted, she bas never asked anything; but above sll, upon ail, y that most delicate of ali questions, sbe has never t: any movement upon this delicate question of slavery; while the men of the North come into the halls of Congress t» distract that body ia its celiberation: ith appeals to them todo what they have been told they could not and ought not to do. When peti. ion after petition came there, no: only asking them to in- terfere with slavery, but to interfere with it ina mode that they could not do, what was the duty of the South’ What was the question of peace and harmoay? To close the coor against any further appeal upon that subject. And yet this man re up here and says that measure had been introdaced for the purpose of distr: the coun try. That js ol) yightenougb. Tetlthe North you have & rigbt to come there, spit upon us, and knock us about. ‘That is all very becoming in the South, but the very mo- ment she says, ‘No, ve borne enough. We choose to bind you over to the peace, Woe won't compel you by force measures, but by peaceful and tegal meaus,”’ it ts yetleled as & monstrous Wrong that the South, combining with = part of the comsersative North, should ecopt ‘A & measure. And that is the tem- yer in which that address is made to this peo ple. 1 want th to understand the application. people ot this lapguage. If that is the temper in which Mr. Fillmore js to go ito the Presidency, this is a strong peecd tor bim. (Cheers.) But it is fearfully disor gaaizing, and of a too incendiary character. (Cavers) this speech sifords material, not for an address of aa hour and» halt or two houre—dut, in truth, it aflorde waterlal for one to talk to you twenty four ti baa the physical strength to do a0, aud’ you the to Msten to me. (Cheers.) Gentiemen—whi 7m J using too strong ap ex} 8 it stands, as I read it to you—\is it too strong to gay itty divorgamiaing, demoralizing aud incendiary Changing my pori jon from that of defendant—which 1 dave ust y ‘pred at Che bar—to that of prosecator, I we provecation would lie agvinst the aa- ronunciapento for an Incendiary produc- non. (Loud cheers.) Gentlemen, I am done with the prounciamento for the present. there is another tune atd place, when and where 1 propose to give ita supplerm ut, if Ged epares me. I thiak i bave given you «enough for this night to digest. 1 dealt with that paper we T found tt, end I come then to inquire, if these be the arguments for Fillmore, is there a man’ tu this hall caa vote for bim’? Is there a whig that can vote for bim? I €o not mear to judge as to the purity of other 2 a0- Hors; but I bave a rigbt to declare what my own are. If Lcovid bring myre!f to go to the poils aud vote for Fill- more, with such recommendations ct him as are ccntain- ed ip that speceh, | should como heac at my degracation. I should ‘all fell Fespect—(lovd cheere)—that I had turned my back vpon my country, that 1 bed forgotten children and frends, and that I was to be cast loose upon the world ‘unfit to associate with honorable men. (Loud cheert.) I have & few words to say {n reference to the Presidential election, pendent of these com- mr ota: We have vow tiree men befsre us, caadi- ates for this offce—Mr, Buchspan, Mr. Filimore and 4 father was (Laughter and cheers.) But I shall say Buebavan | sball Nee uy Lou’ Jobu Charles Fremont or Fremon, as bi known bore. PO More about that. For Mi five my vote, If I live to see November next, sion is very decided that Xt President of these U I think so Ina very little while we shal the whole of it, And then we shall ce peace and quiet, possibly, possibly, possibly. I do ect mean to predict thet withthe seme rye that I do the election of James Buchanao. { say, possibly, that tome spirit, the same tapatidiem, same par- teanship, that same loss of regard for the covntry and the country’s perity which formed « Hom in the pathway of Mr. Pierce aod bis ad- mitistration is to bea lion in the pathway of James Pochavan. Tile, possibly, will be no bed of roses, The cirection of the affairs of this country as they stand tow is nO cawy task for any man, even if he were the go04, tbe pure, the godlike Washington himself. It is surrounded with cifficuities, such as no man who has ved in our time or day, from the formation of the con *itution to the present moment, has had occasion to meet. And I ceciare, 1m all sincerity , that I believe James Buchanan, with such other intellects ae would surround bom tm bis Cabieet, will be equal to the task of p tbe country . that his election will bespeak—for a time, at irust—a duretion of this great and beautifal Union, and that he will upbold the flag of our country abroad, even should acquire Cuba tn the manner recommended. husiastic cheers.) Yea, Mr. Buchanan's past i (Enthusiastic chee (Ei nives security for all this, A'statesman in mind, by eda- cALOD, EXP rieBoe, practice, by familiarity with the torma sod machinery of government, ‘rom the moment he entered Congress to the moment | address b pathway bas been illuminated and neve that would illustrate the lile of any man. (Loud cheers.) In Congress he became scquat with the (iret statesmen of the country. and was ai esteemed equal toany of them. (Cheers) Ie weat into the ad- ministration of Mr. Polk, and then you see the branch of the administration with whieh he was connected, that of Beeretary of State, conducted with eiliciency fideluy and pride. (Chrers.) [speak to you as an humble man: I kno w Mr. in, | spent three weeks where be waa located as Minister, ! moved considerably about, and | happened to get \ato society whore | heard Lim spoken of im his absence ; and, | deciare, | felt a pride of my cova tr) man, as I istened tothe bigh eulogies passed upon bim. (Cheers.) But ene sentiment existed in reference to = Bochanaa, at the ae Pony ee Re = that be was. worthy representative reat repud! (Cheers) This sentiment was in the month of every man. jy iriends of the South, | make no ap- peal to you for Mr. Buchanan as a section al map. conn He i not nominated a @ sectional tan. (0 ; Jie maintained all the constita- al rights of the people of the Syuth in Congress. He voted for Calhoun’s resolution, in 1888, for the admission of Texne, (Cheers.) Ho voted with the South upon every question. Yer, Mr. President, I repeat it—snd I you to carry the deciaration with you—be voted th the South upon every question affecting the rights 0 the & uth In regard Jto the delicate question of sia ly that Calhoun, the leading States righta man of the S voted upon. (Puthumaste cheers.) Will that satisfy suf © Ob |? said the author of this ibirty five years ago," says this very accurate histo an and biographer (laughter) here was a meeting beid somewhere in Pennsylvania, and a committee was appointed, of whieh Mr. Buchanan was a member. ported resolutions which provide, ineo can A words, that ihe representatives from the S.ate of Pennaylvania, both in the Senate and House of Representatives, be and pre hereby instrocted to vote against any proposition for the admission of any State having slavery in, and against any proposition that will a 20 the introduction of sla very ibto the Territories or any of the States. | have taken occasion to copy that resolution, and mark that part of this speech that wos aelivered at the African church in the city of Richmond, on the #th of August, 1865, goes forth as an affirmation of a fact and the record is vouched for, What do yeu think the truth ts? It would not require much in- genvity to gees that the facts do not sustain the sete. ment. We find that the Hon. J. Giancy Jones, of Penn- aylvenia, in his place in the House of Representatives, con- trad io this ebarge long before this «peosh was either delivered or pubushed, in the following iangugage — Sow. git, Lam enabled to state, on unquestionable author! ty. thar the declaration that James Kudbanan was chairman of mmilice which framed those resolutions, t unionnded ue, Lupderteke here, in my place, to say to the House apd to the country, that Me, uchanon dit not report he resolutions referred fo; that he wae not the chatrm: he commirtee by which were reperted: aid (iat he n saw them watil hey appeored in " z A Voice—How dit Mr, and Mr. Fillmore vote in pegere to the abolition of slavery im the District of Columbia Mr. Scorr—Mr. Buchanan never voted in favor of the measure, and Mr. Fillmore did. (Cueers.) I have no doubt my frieud who put the question will yote for James . (Laughter and cheers.) Do you mean to vote for a man that is in favor of the tion of slavery in the District of Columbiat (ad bimeelf ry to the individual who put the question). No halfway ‘house about the matter, Are you in favor of such a man? T hope not. Sams Ipivipual—You have misunderstood me; 1 want to know when this question was before Congress, how Buchapan and Fillmore voted. Mr. Scorr—I answer as before, Fillmore was in favor o( it, and Buchanan it. ‘Tue bowipeat— t 16 spough, air. as a }—I am greatly ob! you reminding me of this fact. (Laughter). I would be thankful if others would interrupt me, and propound questions with ths same fi d spirit and nobleness that you Mav, done. I am ready to answer any questions that may Inpivipval—My views of,those candidates are these Fillmore is a Union man, with abolitionism; Buchanan is @ Union man, with no liioniem. a) Mr. Scomm—Phat is a better speech than | could have made in @ month. (Laughter.) These few words form a knock down argument; I should like to hear apy man answer it. (Laughter and cheers.) Now, my friends, I think itis hardly necessary to say a more for Buchanan. Let me say something about more, He is a great horse to run against us. How far he will rua behind is a thing you can judge by | bow far Know Nothingiem has got bebiod my {i Henry A. Wiso. (Laughter and loui cheers fur Wise A Vorck—Know Noihiugism was nearly dead before you got bere. Mr. Scorr—Take care that the anaconda moy not be folding itself stealthily within your bore ors, aud that it © 0¢8 Det at & proper opportunity craw! forth from ite hiding place and crush the body of Old Virginia. Never trusta Know Nothing wll you have proved him for at least eighteen mopths. Make bim go to the fvot of the clugs and work himeelf up. (Laughter.) Puta pair of close breeches upon hum and ao tight rot Tet bim be known by some distinctive ro that everyg) man may say, “here ta @ man that belonged to the Know Nothips.”” (Laughter.) Let bim wear tae roundabout for awnile. By aad by he will get a full dress. (Loud laughter.) Gentlomen, I hoid 4 that we, the democratic pariy, should now wear a Jong dress. We go for the whole country. (Cneers.) And Thold it that these bobdtails should wear « - #hout as emblematts of their narrow and sectional views. (Loud cheers.) Now, in regard to the merits of - more, I tbink he has not any, avd would say that he bas po claim to be called the mode! President. In 1862 lecould pot find mavy whigs who would say he was e mode! President. (Cheers.) Now and then you would find a few who would say, “I with Fillmore was nomi- nated instead of that old ‘cllow, Scott.’ You would hear them eae a on the rostrum saying, “Scott ts the map.”” ‘by did they not find out in 1892 that he was ‘his mode! Presicent, when he wae just from the Presidency? Ana why, if his administration was Washington like, as they represented, did they not take bim up? They 'would not take him then, because they thovght Scott was better, and would make a great deal better President than General Washigton. (Laughter und ebeers.) Well now, 1 do nct mean w criticize the «ac minist ation of Fillmore very mueb,; but there was one act of his administration that strikes me asa remarkable ove. When Mr. Crittenden and his men set out to take Cuba, which was, no doubt, & most lawless act upon thelr part, and almost immediately alter they had sailed from the jand of their nativity, Fillmore, under the ad- vice of Mr. Webster, issued his proclamation declaring to all the world that those men were pirates, and houlo be treated as parates. Well, a pirate is said to be the enemy of at! mankind, and being #0, ta lable to In whet ‘id he place our countrymen ?—some of men, Kenerous, patriotic, devote! men? very moment that that proctamation weat ieguensed if his hype ge 2 in with by am glish, or French, 01 uish, or Portugcese, or other vessel having the power to take th ot ff clamation denot im &% pirates would civilized nation in taking them on the bigh seas and them. Ieay that measure was one of fable oN = be executed and put 10 death as a felon. condition bave Va vised against the admission of Cube. I tothe fact merely to show that that ndminiatr te one that should not be called Washiugton-iike. was bis course in Copgress’ The very antipodes of Bocbanan—always against the South Ile expressed opinion that Congress nad power to interdict the tage between the States, but when the Supreme said, “i my my opinion ”* 0 ¥ 35, = H H iF #5 i He este ii; i Fis ‘J tng the statute of limitation 'n regard to it. A be bas pleaded it in regard to bimself, his course r ‘detwg entirely et variance with his previous life. He cays, vour actions there wiltcover all your sins; you have been my Freswiemt, and you are bow Rage man for the Presidency, Tnatis what the author of this pronunciamento says. (Cheers.) bave a stronger objection to Fillmore than that, He nae uttered, it is true, one patriotic sentiment It is one that receives my cordial aj ation, and ove that ever came bis lips, = Tt ‘bis: — Fremont ig the candidate of the republican party. He is ram as a sectional date. They got no slave State to go into their tion; they went and nominated bim from sixteen crvebing out the other fifteen Fremont is opiticus. He frankly and waequiv Piucivles, which are that no more come inte the Union. | care frow—whether it be north of $6 from what quarter of the Unio come from the very hesrt of Vir; ebould be divided—if she wants to come im:o the Union ag & sinve State, Fremont is pled; mi iting ber upon thore princty sign no bill for the aam' Union. Is not this so! F iH ; 3 nite Hi H 3 i s al g=s g i i a pow Territory, and, pled, a things abali take place with my consent. Now, it I that Filmore will accomplish tue same, but ‘by didorest means, end to the same extent, what is the difference between the two men? Remember that Fremont ts for excluding slave States north oF south 3600, Fi z Fa not said so) net do everything \o prevent that measure from ij adopted? What did be say in his Rochester it @ Pandora's box (rofering to the repeal of this com. promige) out of which’ comes ail the misery that puts cur country in this flame, and perils its existence, Weil, sir, you may attribute to bim honesty for this open avowa). Kiect him, | pray you; let that owil heur come; and what may you expect from him? if Congress should pass & jaw restoring the Missouri compromise, as be is im favor of, to get rid of this Pandora's box, to these evils which now aflict the conntry, why, be would sign tt. bas told you in ae vance he would. What! do you want to get a President whe woald exclude every vino State North of 36 50 Wimore would do that, and Fremoat would do no more, or very little more. Wut, geuti Thave no idea in the world that Fillmore can ‘be lected, between Gen. Taylor and ‘aes that the issue in that contest turned upon Ponnsyt- vania, Taylor carried lenosylvania by a fow votes—I forget how many, but it was than sand, any how—and was elected. | tell you wo are going to elect Buchanan. We will get sey and Pennsylvania: we will get those two histori- cal States ; get Obi cach—t von. A Voice—Don’t you suppose that New York will go for Ducbanan ! Mr. Scorr—I believe she will A Voiwr—all of them will vote for him. Mr. Scorr—i hope not | do not denice the support of ny State that bas manifested such a every constitutional ob ‘ae some of the bave. people, (Cheers.) :% ‘hat we may coust upom mors, said he, I ‘mk © ue hi i tallcease majaree ‘Cheers. p iy 5 Sere tak some time sisce With & genilouan was we oe tah ao caeel ay | ater throug vassing States, “weil, tir, sald he, * you Sve np Demerara.” ‘That reminds me of a story about a boy Who was solling newspapers. He offered some for sale ton soutlemen wha, it was very bumene. He cestoned. the bey, whee Bid pame was, ‘Tom lickens,’’ repited the on so shirt. “How much do you ask for pers’”’ asked this gentleman, ‘Sixpence.’ « ne, be a San, See ‘thaw one shirt?’ said the oth; inf cleaned. (Loud laughter.) Mr. Fillmore has \y contemplated it ia & subject to vray headed men to be the }, ordain, if God should so direct that this peopte so reckless a8 to elect Fremont, what part is the South play’—the forms of the constitution having been go: through with, and black republicans clocted to the Prost. jency #nd Vice Presidency, vpon the avowed deviary.