The New York Herald Newspaper, March 4, 1856, Page 2

| 2 Mivanced—I first rate, 2 sesoud, 6 third, 11 fourth, 2 ft, Qeixth, 2 sloops acd 4 brigs; being brougit forward, 2 nlocpe. ‘The Empress of Austria is encience, Speeches of Messrs. Roebuck, Palmerston and Desraeh, In Parliament. in the House of Commons Febroary 16, the existing relations between England and the United States were agun discussed, on the House going into Committee of Supply, when the following speech was made by MR, RORBUCK. It is Socumbent on me o make an apology to the House for bringiog forward a motion om this sudject. It has Deen stated by the government, through the medium of the noble ‘ord at its bead, that the reason why no men- tion was made in the speech from the throne on the sub- jectof Americs, was that the negotiations were now in guch a condition that they coula not, in fairness to ail 8, be published a: present. The node lord, there- fore, appe led to the Houre and said—Do you think, oe these mstances that I ought to have made ep incorrect statement of the affairs in question!” agree the acbie lord that rt woud have been wrong to ce 80, but aa] belisve that tilence would now vnly lead to confusion, [ am ¢e‘erminei to break sUence. It spptars to me that an incorrect tatement cf ffaira bas deen laid vefore the public of this country, tha: they do not know what hag -ecurred ‘‘and [ think I now hold in my'nand the means of making them acquainted with the actual state of affairs. 4s my intenticn is to comvey t> the House and to the ‘nation at large @ correct statement of facts, | nope the House will bear with me while | atteup:, feedly as | know xt will he, to perform that daty. Tae noble lord, taking wn ijusweucn from the hon. member for the Wes: Riding, eaid that we had done al! that a wan of benor could have done in the case between ourselves and the Americans; that we bad apologized for that which bad been waren smiss by them; teat we bad expressed our sorrow for Daving trenchec upon their Jaws, and that we had doue everything which, as persons dseirous of peace and honorable men, we could be called upon todo. If the teeta were as the noble lord stated, 1 abould have deen the firet to support bim in his view of the ca-9, bat as I believe they are very diilerent, 1 have come forward to enlighten ihe ignorance of the world, if 1 may ao ex- press myself, (* Hear, hear,” and a laugh.) in this maiter.—an ignorazee fostered by the holding back of albabat m England mm the circumstances hsve occurred. We pave been led to euppore Lave right om our side, and that our Cousias on sice of the water, taking advatage of our posi- evertheless endeavoring to force ws to make a vert cf supp)ication to them for pe Now, what ia the state of It is thi Great Britain bad passed an act for the enlistmeat of foreigners, the government determined, under tne provi gions of act, to enlist people in America. Being un- able to intercept the emigration lowing from Germany to us:ruc- Amezica, they went to America, and vhey gave tions to our authorities there to form a ioreiga | be composed of perfons enlisted ia America. One persons employed upon that vce as our Mi Washingion, (Mr. Cramgion, Nova Scotia, ond a third was 4s 8000 ae government given wo the United ake, he gave instrac 8 not to treach in any f America and at the rmaipisters and ag Wey upon the imunicipal laws same time ent & 1 apolog ne American govern ment. Hs then d to the House, and asked, could be do anything mor: the noble lord had only done what he stated, i shouid bave answered his appeal by saying that nothing more could be done. But goverament did more, and what toey did ! will pow state. Mr. Crampton went trom Wathicgton to Nova Scotia, acd he there entered int & sort of combination with the Govermor, and laid plan by which the laws of the Uxited States wight be contravened, in order to obtain surreptitiously tha, ehich could not be’ obtained by other means. I will prove di- sectly all t] i aseert, out of Mr. Crampwon’s own mouth, er cut of his own pen, but] ongbt first to state ike law of America upon the subject of enlist- meut; anc the House will then see that: is in accord- ance wita the opinion and feelicg of the country. fist place, it is illegal to enlist snybedy in the States for the services of a toreiga St The gov ment are not, however, chargea will at offen’ at with something meze. Any person going to the United States and incucing people to leave those States for the purpose of be 2 abroad, alse in contrayen. tien of the law, and this 1s the part cf the law ehica Mr, Crampion is aceueed of having broken througs. He went to Nova Scotita—he there engaged persons goiag to the States to enlist peopls—that 's, .o induce them to go to Nova Scotia to be enhiste?. Now, the very act inducing people to leave the United States for the pur- Delng enlisted ie a vivlatton of the law, be- vention of that neu‘raiity to whica the Ame- ricame wish to achere. Mr Crampton thought he could do ibis without being discovered by the authorities of the Uni ed States. they did, however, discover what was taking place, snd, in consequenc Mr. Crampton issved’a proclana’ suggerting a means of ber fms id is vot worthy of any regard; but it contains documents written by Mr. Crampton—it contains state- ments which have never peea co ‘and which'in themselves prove the case against eur government, I want to know éistinctly what were the instauctions given to Mz, Crampton. It may be said that he was told not to break the law; but i wast to know whether he wae told to eniist men in the United States; because to tel) & wan not to break the law and in the nert breath to tell him to d> something by which the Yew will be broken, is nugatory. It is a ‘arce—an idle direction— not worthy ot apy man who pretends to be a man of sense and honor. Mr. Crampton knew the law, as ix proved by his own written sta'ements; he knew thet to jo certain acts was to break the law, ami he laid plans by which be fancied that law could safely be broken. He was aided in this by two high fusctionaries—Sir Gas- pard Le Marchant and Sir Edmund Mead, as well Sir Joseph Howe, gentleman of some evlebrity in } Scotia. Sir Joseph Howe was sent to tne United States; by bis tutervention people were «aployed to break the law of the States, and by his hamds they were paid tor so doing. After spendirg about ome hundred thousand dol- lars, be go: together two hunéred men, when he might have bad the same number of thousands for half the mcney. 1 way be axked what good I expect to derive from this motion, (Ministerial cheers.) I perfectly well under- stand thatcheer. I know whence it proceeds, and what it means, and my answer is, that 1 wish to obtain from the Doble lord a cletinct auewer to this question—was Mr. Crampton instructed, not simply not to break the law, but vot to do ceeds by which the law would be broken / 1 wish further to draw forth an expression of opinionon he part of the members of this House which shali show be people of America that we sre no parties to these dis- honorable proceedings. (Opposition eheers.) 1 want this House, on the part of the people of this country, to sey to our brethren across the water, that we sympathize with them, that we rejoice in all their greatness and good fertune, that we are running with them the race of improvement as brethren and not as enemies, that we de- sire the gocd of humarity, and that we would work it ont with their aid, but that we feel thata war with Ame- rica would retard the advancerent of mankind for cen- turies, and that a war with apy part of Europe would sink into insignificance compared witb it. Ido not like to plead my own inefficiency, but still I cannot help wishing that rome more powerful person had undertaken this question. My heart fs so bound up in it, my feelings are £0 strongly evlisted in It, that J feel I advocating the rights of humanity when Iam endeavoring to lay vare what belive to be the misconduct of her Majesty's go- yernment in regard w the American people. The hon. snd jearned gentleman concluded by moving that a copy of Mr, Crampton’s instructions be laidon the table. Mr. Bari nuded the motion. ‘—The honorable and learned geutle- man who has made this motion began by reproachiag and condemning her Majesty’s government for not huving either mentioned cur differences with Aaerica in the Queen’s speech, or laid on the table of this Honse the pers especially counected with the su \ject to which he $ called the attention ot the House. Mr. Rozueck—I beg the noble lord’s pardon. 1 did aot find any fault with the goverment. | simply pointed out that they had not done what I sai LORD PALMERSTON’S REPLY. The honorable and learned gentleman, [am glad to find Grawe a distinc iom between an assertion of what the gov- ernment dic rot do, and a condemnation of them for not doin, Be is very much in the habit of animadverting on what the goveroment does not do, and I trust the House will understand for the future thet, whea the ho corable and learned gentleman recites the omissions of the government, he dves not mean any censure theredy. (Laughier.) I must remind the House thit the American government cid not ary fit to lay before Congress the correspondence relati@o this question, and the ame reasons which indncetthe American government to withbeld the correspondence in the present state of the matter were the reasons which induced her Majesty’s government to pursue that course, (Hoar, hear.) [ statec upon a former occasion that her Majes? ty’k govern- meat had thought, until a-few days before the meeting ot Parliament, that they would bave been in 4 condition to lay that correspondence before Parliament, but that either the dey preseding, or two days hefore the com- mencement of the session, the American Minister at this court gave to my noble friend at the head of the Foreigu Office a long despatch, containing a great variety of state- mente and asser ions touchirg the conduct of ty’s Minister at Warhicgton, and her Majesty rent parts of the Untted States, to which assertions tatements it was impossible for the gov without referring to tae parties them-eive: in what degree they were accurate. (Hear, raid, then, that this made it impossibleto answer that Gesparch, and that, as on the one haod we could not give the correspondence without an answer to that des- Patek, so, on the other hand, it was equally impossible for us to give it with that important despatch entirely cmitted. ‘That was the reason why her Majesty’s govern ment could not ley the correspondence before Parliament, and that was alo the reason why I ceclined to enter into @ detailed discussion of tae question. That state of things etill rezosins. We have not yet receive’ the in‘ormaation which wli enable us to reply to that note. As the hon- crable and learned gentleman is aware, tha: mote coa- tains a Gemané for the recall of our Minister at Washiog- ton ané for the recall of cur Consuls, and to a demand of suck gravity and importance it would be usbecoming for ber Majesty's Ministers to reply, er one way or the other, until they bad accurately ascertained the founda- von Cn which it was made. (Hear, hear.) The same reason which made it our duty to withhold the paperr Sta e, avd ing the pi y pher by which they migi with Kia. Hoe do J prove this statement? wn my hand a ious in many ways. {t is a report of a trial place in Peonsyivania, in which one Henry Hertz was the cefendant, being charged by the United States government with certain breac res ot the law ser PP United States and go to Nova Scotia, for the purpose of enlisted there and then sent to the Crimea. Now we ace supposed to have made su apology to the United ‘States, and it was supposed, too, anc at one time suppor. ed by myrelf, that the apology was one which the Uniced Stares ought to have accepted; but it now appears tha: either Mr. Crampton went beyond bis instructions, and af 80, the United States are fully justided in requesting his recail, cr his instructions went b¢yond what the laws of the United States wonld permit, and in that care the Cnicec States would be jastified in saying that the apology of our governinent was disingenuous, ard could not te ad: mitted, and that they etili insisted on the recall of Mr. Crampton. I will mention s circumstance known to every one familar witb the history of the United States, that duripg the revolutionary ware of Fravce, and during the Presilency of Washington. an envoy from Franee, Gtoyen Genet, went to America, and endeavored to fit out privateers contrary to the rules of neutrality which the United States bad laid down. Washington and Jack- son complained of this conduct on the part of the and they sent to the zepul ican government of zeguisition for his recall. He was recalled, and the de- maod of the United States was sati-fiec. The Unived States then aid bys friendly government—the govern. mant of France—what they now do by Ergiand—namely, they demanded the r of the man who had broken their laws of neutrality. Now, I want to make it clear that Mr. Crampton has also broken through the laws of the United States, which laws he ought to have known; snd if be bes broken through those laws without the authority cf the here, the government of the United States are fully justified in cemanding bis recall. If he has broken Ehroogh them by the command of the government here, then I'say thas the government in making their apology Dave endeavored to palm off » deception on thie House and the country for which they are responsioie. It ap: pears from the facts elicited in the course of the trial that one of the witnesses had been authorized by Mr. Crampton to sct a# recruiting sergeant in Amerisa, and had received from Mr. Crampton « paper wnieh showed ‘tae system of deception practised. The following is the paper:— ‘Memoranda for the guidanee ot those who are to make known to persons in the United Staies the terms aud conditions uj ‘which recruits will be recetved into the British armr: -1. The parties who may go ‘o Butlalo, Oetrol. or Cleve.and for this purpose must clearly undersiaod that they must carefi nA re from anything which would constiule a vi of the dawof the United States. 2. They must, therefore, avoid any ‘act which bt bear the ap) anee of reoruling within we jurisdiction of the United S'ates for a foreign set OF OF ring or retaining snybody to leave that jur.sdiction the intent to eniist in the service ot a foreign Pow ust be no collection, embodiment of men, or whatever attempied within that jurisdiction. 5. or contracis, writen or verba’, on the amust be entered into with avy person within to Nova Scotia’? Oh, there was a railway there, and in one breath they were toid to go there to be navvies, and in another they were teld to go there to re ing to the proclamation iesued, thiety cols fog. and a ceriain pay afterwards, while thay Britannle Majesty, The paper goes on to state ‘The information to be given will be simply that to those de siring to enlist in the British army, facilites will be aiforded for their so doing on their crossing ihe line into British territo- 7 and the terme offered by the British government may be as Smatver of information only, and pot as implying any promise or engagement on the part of those supplying euch in formation, #0 long, a leasi, as Wey remain within American Jurisdiction. Can it be said, Task, to be in accordance with the dig- nity of the British government to publish such « state- honest men ought weso wo act? The Tt im ersential to suecess that no assemblages of persons shou d take place ut beerhouses or olber nimila: visoed of ea- ter: . for the purpose of devising measures for ined the parties should Serupulously avoid renortiog (9 ite oF similar means of dissemina:ing the desired information, (nae much as the attention of the American authorities would not fail to be calied ‘o such procesaings, which would undoubiadiy be regarded by them as an attempt ia carry on recruting for foreign Power within the dmi's of the United States; and it certainly must be borne in mind that the institudoe of Joga! proceedings spainet any of the parties in question, even if they were to elude the pena.ty, would be fatal vo the suscess of the ensistmant itself. I ask whether the sentiments in that statement’are consistent with English honor’ Jt appears that ‘the euthorities of the Unitea Staves did take umbrage at tae proceedings, and what then ocourred’ Another paper ‘was shown to the witness, and this ia the evidence given:— ‘In whose bandwriting is this paper '—~At that time I a's ra. oetvea this cipher to telegraph with to Mr. Crampton ana 10 Halifex, about this recrulting dusiness T cannot swear as to whose handwriting it i# in, but I believe it ia Mr. Crampion’s, T did not wee him write ft, bat he banded it to me, Is anything more required to prove that afr. Crampton knew the law, and that he took means to evade it, and that he was abetted therein by the Governor of Nova Sco- tia and \he Governor General of Canada? It appears to me that & war betweea us and the United States would be awar between brethren, the evils of whick would sur- pace anything that could be imagined. We are the omty two great free nations at the present timo, and shall it be said that we cannot preserve peace oetween ourselven! We had been led to believe that it was oy ignorance that ® breach of the municipal Jawa of the United States had been committed by us, and that for that breach we made every atonement in our power; but could this House be- Ueve that we committed that with our eyes open, and that when we made an apology we were attempting toevade the laws of the United States, which we pro- mired to observe? It may be suid that these are state- ments make «\ a trial by persons who turned evidence agsinat their employers. That ix true, I will allow; nay, I will allow that the report steelf is a discredit to the United States, | thick i. ix, and I will tell you why. Through out the authorities show @ feeling of violent hatred to Bogland, (hear, bear,) snd the defense of the partieg | then would, of course, make it equally our duty to refuse to give tuem piecemen! im the manner proposed by the honoratie and learned genteman. [seid then, and re eat bow, thet | trust that a very short time will elapse etore we shall be in @ conditior to Iny the whole of that, correrpoudence before this House, and it will then be able 10 juége whether ber Majesty's government ant its officers in the United States have done that which ought to expose them to i's censure or whether, on the other hand, their conduct has been such as to emtitie them ‘to receive its support. I therefore cannot now follew the honorable end learned gentleman through those detail: into which he bas entered. All I can say is, that it was the desire and the instruction of her Mejesty’s govern- ment ‘hat nothing should be done which suouid be at va- riance with the laws of the United States. (Hear.) The honorable and learned gentleman says that giving isfor- mation to persons who might be willing to go to our pro- Vinces that they would there be evlisted if found fit, ‘hat the offering any inducement to leave the Uni States, war a violation of their municipal law. Sir, the Unitec Stater is not the empire of Rarsis. éiritas non carcer est. The Cwited States is a frvecountry, and vould not impose upon any man the slightest restrain’ to t his quitting its boundaries for his own advantage. (Cheers.) I will not now argue s question which will be more property examined when the papers, without which it would be aobecoming to enver upoa it, are before the House; bot this J] will say, that during the course of these trapanctione offers were repeatediy made to her Majesty's cflicere in the United States by persons whose sole object was to entrap them into somethiog which might afterwards be construed imto a vio- lation of the municipal law of the States. (Hear. hear.) A conspiracy was got up for the purpose of entrap- ping an€ misiescing them, and induemg them to do that which might afterwards be fastened upon them as & vio- lation of the national laws. As to the trial which has deen referred to, J think that, when the det: public, the House wiil not be disposed to at! statements which were made upon it so much importacce as bas been given to them dy the honorable learned jorge nirmepuimrd sausage member says na the epolegy wi sy her ty’s government was in- sincere and treacherous. The truth of that assertion I utterly deny. (Cheers.) I utterly and entirely deny that we made that apology, imtending to continue the violatian of the law for which it professed to be the sst- istaction. Sir, we had given directions that theve pro- ceedings, which might give umbrage to the United States, scould be ciscogsinued. The assertion made io the last despatch from the Ameriean govermment is that, after these direction were given, and after the ex planation wes tendered, some of these pi i were continued. The truth of that assertion remains te be ascertained. If euch was the case, the proceed- iggs were clearly against the intentions and without the knowle¢ge of the Bnitish government. (Cheers.) In t that that explanation, that statement of order revoked. that expression of regrst—not regret, as the honorable and learned gentleman seye, tha: the laws of the United States bad been violated, because we did not believe that each @ violation had oesurred—but regret that anytl should have occurred whieh could be con- sidered by the American government t» amount to such a violaticn—was recetoad by the American Minister at thir Court, with an expression om his part of a belief that it would be deemed satisfactory by his government. Ass proof that such wae his belief, 1 may mention that he some time afterwarde recetved’a despatch directing him to make a record remonstrance, and that he put toat despatch into his pocket, and abstaived from communi- cating it to thie government, because he believed that the communication which he had usly forwarded to bis government would be deemed satisfactory. (Caeers.) po gio | eg teary ‘tatemsnts, prematurely perbape, because they belong tos part of the question which cannot be full Saaiatael bp tha etirecedtouey or duct of the hen. and learned member. (Cheers. ) The tact, then, is, that a considerabie time after our communication, statitg that we had discontinued these proceedings, and ex- pressing our regret it an: had happeved which was contrary to the laws = United roy the American government re-opened the question, and {¢ now stand: fa the undetermined position which I have desariied. Un- der such circumstances it really is very diffisuit for a person in my situation to deal with an honorabie member who pureues such a course as the honorable and learned mem (Mr. Roebuck) has adopted. (Cheers.) He knows that this question is still pending between the two eroments; he knows that her Majesty's government Teceived & communication from America calling upon ‘them to co things to which none but the most valid rea- fons would induce them to consent; he knows that we are waiting to receive from officers in America a report upon the grounds on which those demands are founded; he knows that but « short time will elapse before that report will be received, and « final answer, one way or other, be given to there requisitions; be knows that this question ceeply concerns the ‘eelings and the in eres:s of two great nations (hear, hear); he must know th: to trifle with sueh feelings and such interests iv course unbec: mil any man who belongs to a great national assembly like this (cheers); and yet, knowing all this, be rushes with hasty impatience to interpore be- tween the two governments, an, if it be possible, to pre- vent that amicable arrangement which on matters of #0 celieate # nature cannot be ¢ ‘to unless both govern wents are lett to their ows action without being swayed one way cr the other, either by popular clainor or by the expression of national feeling. These are differences which will only be settled in an honorable way by the two parties examining with dispassionate judgment their rape cases; yet, in regard to them, the honorable learned gentieman rushes with this impatient haste to deliver himself of opinions formed upon an imperfect knowledge of the facts, and without the fall statement of the whole case between the two countries, of which he might be in possession in a fortaight or three weeks, if indeed so long # time should elapse before it {a ready; aud, rising in hiv place, and holding in hand the brief of the antegonist of his own cyuntry (cheera), he maken himself the mouthpiece of calories which’ have boon uttered by interested parties in the United her Majesty’s officers in that. count: 7; with expressing his own opicions, calla fortooth, to pronounce upon facts of ignorant, and io draw conciusiqns from premings which have not been submitted to their judgment. (Cheers) Bir, Wp thir Hovre every man ingaster of ie own con- NEW YORK HERALD, TUESDAY, MARCH 4, 1856. it for any man to adopt such s course apbe If he isso imbued with the opinion that his country is wrong as to rise in his place and call upon the House te condemn by ‘anticipation, and with- out knowlecge of the facts, the government and his country, I ain bound to xuppose that in doing so he acts from motives which are paramount to every other con- sideration, and that he believes that in taking that course be is performing ® duty to those who sent him here and to his country. Ail I can say is that neither the sprit of party, the vehemance of opposition | to apy government, nor any other motive, would induce me to taxe s part of which I shonld feel athamed—to step between Bouse and the facts upon which an opinion is to be formed, and to call upon members igno- rantly and without information to pronounce a judgment ageinet mm sty Abs. ®@ matter im which it is at issue with another. (Cheers.) The honorable and learned gentleman concluded his address with the expression of # feeling which is entertained by the whoe country—a sense of the calamities which wou'd arise from # corflict between this country aud the United States. No man can feel that more strongly than I do. 1 will not allow the henorable and learned member a mono- poly of thore sentiments. (Cheers.) I will venture to say that thote are the feelings of the people of this country, and that no Agerican can traverse Great Britain from John O’Groat’s house to the Land’s end, nor pass from the northern to the southern extremity of Ireland, with- out finding that there is, on the part of « man of in- {ermation and of every mao who has the shgntest infu ence upon others, the most friendly disposition towards the peopiecf America. (Cheers.) It is, however, one thing tu entertain friendly rentiments towards a neigh- boring ana kindred people and another to lose that self reepect which in due to ourselves. (Cheers.) Under circumstances like thesyit is incumbent upon those who are are with the public interests to consider, not whether they fee! the most kin sen‘iments towards apother country, not whether the interests of the tw are equaDy beund up in the continuance of triendly relations —I say equally, becanee let it be clearly understood that the interest in the maintenance of peace is perfectly mu- tual; ard that, if to us war wor be distressing and calamntous, if wowld be equally calamitous aad distressing to the inhabitants of the United States— but te consider what is the justice of the case, and what is right and befitting the dignity and honor of the coun- try with the interests of which they are charged. (Hear, hear.) 1am convineed that tbis good cisposition is reci- procated on the other side of the Atlantic, and that in spite of what we may have seen of speeches which savored bnt little of such a feeling, the sentiment of friendship which prevails ia this conntry 18 no stranger to the breasts of our American cousins. Not stand ing these ebubitions, which have, in my opinion, a ten- dency to anything rather than the settlement of diffe- rences (hear, hear), I am persuaded that there isso much right teeting in the people of the United states, that they attach so much value to the friendsaip of the people of this great empire, and that they are so sensible that the interests cf both a:e inseparably bound up with the mamtenance of friendiy relations between the two that these matters of difference, when they are laid before the Congress of the United States, ai they will be before the Parliament of Great Britain, will receive the calm, dispassiona'e and reagonabie consideration which is essential to their amicable settlement, and which will, I trust, prevent any individuals, either on the one side of the Atlantic or the other, from Rluny ing the two coun- tries into the calamities of war. (Mush cheering.) After a 1ew words from Mr. Disraeli, Lord Pauwerston said —I stated that which I believe to be the fact—‘bat there was a certain number of persons, not connected with the American government, who entered into a conspizacy to entrap the officers and agents of ths British government, into the commission of acts contrary to the laws of the United States. Mr, Dsnazii.—I am willing to accept the explanation cf the noble lord; but the inference from the sta:ement he now offers appears to be thatthe circumstances to which he refers were really too trifling and indiilerent to be brought before the House this in mu (Hear, hear.) ButTam beund to say that this subject, since we are forced to speak of it, assumes, in my opinion a far graver character than I had hoped it would possess. I trus: that no great length of time will elapse before these pa- pers rhzil be submited to our consideration, and until they are before us! shall scrupulously refrain from form- ing an opinion on the question to which they rela‘e. But cne of the statements made by the noble lord this evening filled me with great alarm. He appeared to me to admit that even after the apolcgies, to which such frequent allusion bas been made, bad been offered to the Amerisan goverment with respect to une behavior of cur Minister, and with reference to conduct acknowledged by her Ma- jesty’s government to be illegal, a couree equally ilegal was pursued with the concurrence of our government. (Cries of ‘No, n0.””) Lord Patwenstos—I seid, that an allegation to that effect had been mace, and that an inguiry as to ita aceu- racy was deemed necessary. (Hear, heat.) Mr. DieRseti—( am scrry to have misapprehended the noble lord, but I certainly conceived him to have said that the ccnduct or her Msjeaty’s ministers and agents in America, with respect to the enlistment of troops did not end wich the apolegies offered. (-‘ No, no !’’) ‘Lord PALMeKsToN—I am really ashamed to have again to interrupt the honorable member. 1 stated that that was the allegation, and thet {: was with regard to the truth or erreneousness of that assertion that turther n- formation was requires. (Hear. hear.) Mr. InsRarti—I peg the noble lord to believe that there Thave po cestre to misinterpret him (Hear, hear.) I speak with the hope and wish of eliciting trom the gov- ment a sa'istac'ory expression of feeling on @ audjact of the deepest interest. It is by no motion of mine, ont ather to my great regret, that this question has been brought tersard; but, since it has been introduced, I ven- ure to epeais on ft est my silence might be misconstrued. and because I wish it to be understood that Ido not ap- prove of the tone aaoptea by the noble lord. Iwill not revert to the print he has just notiee3, further than to say that ap apokgy founded on an equivocataon is the most dan- gerour instrument that any government cam use, (hear. hear,) and, when the promised papers are produced, i hope that we shall not find the conduct of her Majesty’ governmen’ impugred in that respect. I cordially con- cur in the hope expressed by the honorable and learned member tor sbeftield, that in this House there will be +uch an expression of opinion om the of the repre- entatives of the British people as wi'l assure the sub- ects of the American government that here the question will be discusse { without prejudice and without passion, (cheers,) and that we wi!l not willingly defer to the ru- mors—on whatever suthority founded in either country —that there questions are pretexte, and not causes tor a mirunderetancing between the two countries, which, if persisted in, Icannot hut regard as one of the most ca- Jammitous events that could possibly oceur. } trust that the honorabie ani! learned member will not proceed with his motion, for a division under the circumstances in which the House row finds iteelf, might lead to much misconception. (Hear, hear.) For my part, I think toat if the honorabie and learned geatleman believed that there was an inccnsistenby, and @ most important one, between the statement of the nob’e lord the other night and certain documents in his own possession, he cid nothing more than his duty as an independent member ot !’arliament in bringing the question before the House. (Cbeers.) He has done so, and he wilt stand clear before the House and the ‘country for the course he hae adopted. Should he. however, press his motion to a division, I shail vote against him; not to imply approval of the government, but because I think it would be inju- Gicious to proceed further in this business until we shall have received the papers which have been promised, ani for which I wait with reat anxiety. (Cheers.) Mr. Roxeuck—My object is sufficiently attained. I withdraw the motion, (Cheers, Mr. Girsoy—I wish to put a question to the noble lord at the heal of the ent. He stated the ocher evening that a formal offer of arbitration had been made to orl ec of the United States with regard to the Central American question. Would the noble iord have the goodness to say when that offer was made? Lord Patwerstos—I will not trust my memory as to dates; but all the papers are in process of preparation. They will be betore the House in a very short ), and will be found to conta the whole of the details. The motion was then withdrawn. The Enlistment and Central American Quee- nse [From the London Times, Feb. 15.] So far as the present feeling of Americans against Eng- land is based on any national conviction, the principle of it must be looked for in the general adhesion to what ie called the Monroe doc*rice, which is that the Unitei Stater cannot safely suffer any further colonization of the New World by European nations. Not only is it held that Powers heretofore 1 ra to the soil shat! be prevented tram gaining rights, but even a coua- try like Exgiand, which already possesces what may te called an empire, shall be precluded frox @ further extension of territory. Althongh such s doctrine does not affect the rights of any foreign Power which bas not essented to it, yet, partly from the fact that the age ot colonies is past, partly frem the whole of the two continents being under legitimate gov- ernments, there has been @ practical acquieszence in the principle enunciated by the American statesm: Toa citizen of the United States, then, it may seem a settled maxim of public law; certeiny there {# none more fre- quently ailuded to tm patriotic orations, more constactly reiterated in official documents, ‘‘America for the Ame- ricans’’ is & phrase readily applauded in the States, while both speaker and bearers do not concesl how wide is the idea conveyed to them by the name ‘America,” how pusely national and exclusive is their use of the term “Americans.” We believe that, so far from belog indig- nant.tbey will receive it with assent and complacency if we ascribe to them «feeling that the New World should be feople iand added to civilization by the enterprise, un- r the auspices, and according to the example of the moéel republic. J: will be seen that both the causes of diepute refer to the same principle—that of not interfer- ing with Europe, and, in turn, not permitting iater- ference. To enlist Auerican citizens for an European war, or to extend British territory on American ground, are acts which equally alarm the patriotism or pride of the Union. Such matters ean be easily turned by a sktifu! politician into grave causes of dissension; the jealousy of even moc erate citizens may adced to the restiessness or animosities of a Jess worthy class, and s general commo- thon excited among a peopie who have little knowledge of the merita of the question at iasue, A deba‘e in the Ameriean Senate had commenced at the departure of vbe Jast steamer. The subject was the treaty respecting Nicaragua; the immediate question was whe- ther the exieting rights of Eng'and were curtailed or lett as before by the effect of the treaty. Now, whether its operation is to be prospective or retrospoctive, whether its articles be ambiguously worded, what is the meaning of © protection” and “dominion,” are questions which it would seem a temperate discussion could resolve. With respect to the Bay of Islands, the British contend that they are in possession, aod are merely prohibited trom an extension of territory; as regards the Mos- quivo kingdom, they sey that @ protectorate exists and may rightly be maintained. The very words of the treaty which forbid either party to use ‘any protection which either affords or may afford” for the purpose of erecting fortrfications or founding a colony, are urged to be sufficient proof that such a pro- tectorate might legally exist. ‘be Americans, on the other nand, would limit the British to Belize, acquired under the treaties of 1783 and 1786, asserting that their own prior treaties with Nicaragaa are sufficient to jus- fy them in resistiwg any further British claim, even pectively of the agreement of 1860, It is from ques- so purely technical aa theve that the lees moderate a will probably wander into general denuncia- tion Pogland and her policy. We are told before. hand from whom we have to expect warlike ryeecher, and neve politicians have often po difficulty in pointing out the Paes which will inspire the various harengues. address of Mr. Seward, how- ever, is before us, and, though his view of the treaty is wi American, and his language i» not waat- ing in force, yet we cannot complain of the tone in which he bas dise the question. He upholds the inter- pretation given by the American cabinet, affirms that ‘under no circumstances could the fiction ot » Mosquito king, kingdom or protectorate be tolerated’? to interfere with American rights, and would restrict England at Belize to what she origizally acquired, From the eauncia- tion of these ms he passes to the practical question ts sationent. Eurcrsen, witbecs posisiy ty to 5 upon as proper policy a the United States. Tne States continually in- Ferien power on their own continent; England, thong! tenacious, is slowly | her . The true policy is, then, the ola pony ry manerly ins tivity.” ver, a4 eomeihing must be done at once, he does not object to arbitration; but, as America has ed the limit at which she could with dignity propose fhe insinuates that England would act courteously in taking the initiative. The course, however, which he propoaes to his own country is hardly one which, at firet tight, seems to allow any conciliatory advan+e to be con- sistent with the eelf-reepect of our own, It is that ‘a notice be given to Great Britain that we ahall inrerlere to prevent her exercise of dommion in South America if it ehail not be discontinued wiihin one year, and that authority be now given to the Presitent to execute that delayed purpose.” Public opinion in Ame- rica seems to have decided that Mr. Seward’s purpose is eminently pacific. The torm of notice which he recom- mends is, we learn, only euch as is necessary to bring the matter to a and the words “interfere” aod “prevent,” which have an unpleasant sound, are as harmless as the ‘force and arme,’’ the ‘‘aticks, stavou and clubs,’”’ of cur old actions of ejectment. ‘All this ie very well, and we would fully exproas our acknowledgicents to Mr Seward or any other Senator who will urge on his countrymen the pro- priety of settling this question with moderaiton and ‘good-will, it we cannot allow it*to be sup. pored that the determination of England to uphold her rights will be at all affected by the defiant speeches or hostile reeolutions of upy assembly. It would be an sbnegation of all: that gives us a placo among nations if we were to yield to the threats that may be uttered in the Congress or by the press of the United States. The citizens of those States have told us repeatediy what are the principles of their own ralers, The men, their motives, woat each has to gain or lore, how one Ieoks to war for re-election, how another receives credit for having purporely made a treaty ambiguous, have been deacrited again and again by countrymen be supposed better Senescence will take Washington and its politi- lity on this trustworthy testimony. The question, then, ir, are we to recede from rights long ad mitted and openly exercised, because certain men’s @lectioneering tactics demand loud words and bellicose demonstrations? We believe that ‘much of this recklesa- nes is owing to the habitually pacific tone in which the United States are constantly spoken of in England. Sush a tone is, indeed, only a sign of tke spirit which animates our people, both high and low; all classes are anxious to remain on terms, no: only of peace, but of cordiality with a nation akin to our own; no English statesman would dare to speak iu terms of disparagemeat or hostility of the millions across the Atluntic, But, if the sentiments uttered in English eociety be received as proo’s of timi- @ity, if they encourage immoral ticiane to acts of defiance through a belie? in English sluggishaess or embarrassment, then it is time that they should be explained. 77s country wishei but yet ts determined to suffer none. TI blessings of peace, but was never more thar now c that there aré some evils even worse than war, and foremost among them the babi: of concession of ill founded de- manés, merely because it is for the moment leas trouble- some to acquiesce than to resis ee nd cares little for the Bay of Islands, and less, if possible. for the King of the Mosquitos; tut she does care for rigats which— ‘only because they are rights—are as sacred when they regard an insignificant territory as if the cestiny of Cana- or Jamaica were involved. It is in the interest of the United States and of peace itself that we refuse to give up to mere clamor what has been admitted as our right. thovgh we would gladly surrender it if it could be derided that the right was in the United States, THE PEACE CONFERENCES. Arrival of Baron Branow, One of the Rassias Plenipotentiaries, n_Paris—The tre to See stim—Anxiety of Prussia fora Seat— Threatening Aspect of the Reisations be- tween France and Engtand. [Correspondence of London Times.] Panis, Feb, 13, 1856. Baron Brunow arrived bere last mght, at haif-past 10 o'clock, by the exprers train from Strasburg, and took up his quartere im the hote: of the Russian Embassy, in the Faubourg St. Honoré. Scme groups were col.ecied at the terminus to ree him. I bave reason to know thet three ~~ ago he was not expected before the end of the week. ‘The Busstan appears to have ‘stolen a march’? on us; T hope we shall not have to say the same at the end of the month. M.de Bourquency has already arrived, bat has left for Bicis to bring up his family. It is to be hopec that Lord Cowley will, on his return to Paris, bring Loro Clarendon with him. The gentleman who remaios ip temporary charge may, for ought that is known to the contrary, be s mateh for Barou Brunow, o> Count Newel rode himeetf, but it is remarked as odd tont hardly hac the English ambassador arrived in Loncon when the Russian _plenipotertiary rashes in breathless haste to Pari: ‘He wil have the field to himself for two or three days. The Engiish plenipotentiaries are expected at the end of the week. The sccner they come the better, [Correspondence of London News.) Paris, Feo. 13, 1856. Baron Brunow arrived at the hotel of the Russian em- bassy in the Faubourg S:. Honoré at a quarter t2 e'even yesterday evening, The crowd assembled io see the Rus- tien plenipotentiary was so great that a strong body of rergens de ville was sent for 10 keep actear space in front of the house. The Baron attended at the opera on the night of the ‘14th ultimo. The hotel of the Russian embassy, in Paris, where the upholsterers have just finished tucir work, is al-eady iltuminated, the gates are thrown wide open, and liveried lacqueys lounge about the courts which have been for ‘two years deserted. [Correspondence of the London Times.) Paris, Feo. 14. 1856. Baron Brunow will not be left long on the field alone. Count Buol is probably by this time at S:rasburg; he was expected there this morning. and he will be in Paris to- night or to-morrow early. M. Cavour arrive] this day at Lyons, and will bave lost mo time in pursuing vis journey to this city. Aali Pasha, a telegraphic message informs us, lett Constantinople on Tuesdsy, and will pro- bably not arrive before the 22d. Mehemed Bey, who iv Minister at Turin as well as Ambassador at Paris, ‘two itlemen at once,’’ and who is now in tha for mer city dehvering his credentials, will go on to Marseilles before returning to receive the Plenipo- tentiary, and accom bim to Paris in due pomp. Count Onioff is expected on Sunday or Moz day. He was to have left St. Peters on the 9th, and, as the jour- ney thence to Berlin is five daya, he will probably have veached the Prcssian capital this evening. Five days’ imoessant travelling fatigues any man, much more one who is near reventy, and we may reasonably suppose he will remain twenty-four hours, it not more, at that half way house. He wil, of course, see the King and M. de Manteuffe!, and may chance to taik with them of th. state of affairs in general, acd of the conferences in par- ticular. The Conferences will probably not begin before the 22d or 23d—£0, at ali evente, well informed people suppose. Lord Clarendon is Ks aca on Saturday. Lord Cowley, I believe, only intenued remaining absent from Paris four dey. It is seid that during his stey in London he will attend the Cabinet Councils, and will reseive his last instruétions in company with Lord Clarendon. ial feet of s Ruseian Eavoy once more installed in the well known Hotel of the Faubourg St. Honoré has ex- cited some curiosity, and a ‘ew groups stationed them- selves there yesterday to see the show. They were dis inted, however, so far as Baron Brunow is concerned; only exaited personage that showed himeeif in the street was Murphy, the Irish giant, who, it appears, is tall enough to light his pipe t the street lamps. Baron Brunow keeps himself a good deal on the re- serve. He has been gisited by several political person ages, but, I believe, feen very few, and to none has he beenin the slightest degree communicative. You muy suppose that people are anions to learn his opinion on the result of the conferences, but this opinion he keeps to himself. To bear him apeak one would suppose that he was as innocent of diplomatic business, or of the state of the present negotiations, ar an infant a week old. He avows hic ignoranee with such charming humility, and Jooks and Lb mgd so innocently! He is reported to have said yesterday, to a personage who will probably have something to do with the conierences, that he really knew nothirg whatever of the intentions of his goverament be- ond what the public at large knew: that his ministry is ut # subordinate one; that Count Orloff is the only man who knows the dernier mot of his Imperial master, anc that, in fact, he i# ax unacquainted with what is going on as the merest stranger. ANXIETY OF PRUSSIA FOR A SEAT IN THE CONFER- ENCES. The subjoined is # translation of a Prussian despatch addressed by Baron Manteuffel, the Prussian Ministero? Foreign Affaire, to Count Arnim, Prussian Awbassndor'at Vienna, in Teply te the communication made on the 23¢ of January to the Berlin Cabinet, by Count George Ester- hazy, in the name of the Austrian Cabinet, of the propo- sale which Austria bas eince submitted to the Diet on the subject of the new phage into which the Fastern question has entered: — Bruix, Feb, 3, 1856. My despatch of the 26th of January was already in your Fxeellency’s hands when on the 23d of January Count Esterhazy communicated to me the Austrisn des. patch, of which # copy Is annexed, of January 26th:— The annex to that despatch, the declaration which Austria hes the intention to make tothe Diet, has natu- rally been the subject of onr #erious consideration. Ii the Vienna Cabinet, before deciding upon it, had consul!- ed us on the subject, we migt have been able to point out @ desirable modification, and we could not at first sight have decided in the negative question as to whether i: would not be better to agjourn fora time the communi- cation to the Diet. ‘That consideration. however, did not prevent us from standing by, the decision of the Imperial Cabinet as soon as it was taken, actuated by that sincere desire of which we Le} given so many proots, of seeing the Diet come to ‘a resolution upon it, rendering testimony to the union of Germany and of the two great Powers, in #0 far a such rerolution Is reconcileable with the digmity and with the real interests of the German Confederation. We are convinced that our German Allies recognize Ike ourseives, and with sincere satisfaction, that the preliminaries accepted by the belliflerent l’owers torm an Required basis for ® speeoy pence. J already gtatod in my cespateh of the 26th of January, that Prussia, in her quality of a European Power, is ready to adopt that asia, in pny which she is convinced she contri. buted on her part in the interests of the peace of Furope, when the moment came for decision to intervene; to adopt it, 1 say, ima manner not to admit of any further mment or compromise, by signing the prelimi. naries and by participating Io the negotiations connect ed therewith, if invived thereto by the Powers tuter- ented. Prueria, in taking this position as a European Power in equally conscious of her duties as a German Power, as well towards the whole German Confederation as towards her particular German ales, She must therefore sap- pose, as regards the latter, that they also will be disposed to recognize \ne basis acquired by the entenie of all the Powers interested a8 @ garantee of'a proximate peace and us a protection of German interests, and that they will also be reajy to maintain that basis in the same mezsure ‘as it will be made possible for them to do #o in their qua- lity of members of the German Confederation, to form an upbiassed judgment onthe points which might become the object of contradictory, views ani pretensions, and which might cause the delay cf, or even puta stop to, the negoiiations. The Imperial Cabinet will share our opinions that a suitable representation of the Confederation itself at the negotiations would therefore be a very efficacious Pome end therefore very desirable in the general interests. The Ambassador of the King to the Inet will be charged to exprees himielf in the sense of the above re- flections in the committee to which Count Rechberg pro- poses referring vhe declaration of Austria, and we conf- dently hove that he will thus be pat {n @ position to co- operste efficaciously to bring about & prompt and unani- mous resolution from the Diet. MANTEUFFEL, ENGLAND'S POWER IN THE PARIS PRACB CONGRESS. {From the London Times, Feb. 15, ‘The Mipisters whese high and honorab’e task it is to represent Great Britain in the approaching Conferences at Paria, may we!l be excused i! they enter upon their arduous and responsible task with deep soxiety and nut without some bor Nag as tothe result. Clouds and darkness are over the face of the furure into which they sreabout to fing themeelves. The negotiations of the past year, and the different feelings and wiehes of the allied Powers on many pointe, may reasonably check any feeling of over confidence im which tne Miaisters of this country mignt feel dispesed to indulge. France and Austria are claely united, and may be apecten not to hold on all points language exactly wdentical with thai which “will be employed on behalf of Great Britain. It may be said, indeed without at all straining language fer the sake o! effect, thai in the matter of the preseat war, France is the re- resentative of the past, Austria of the present, and [ogiand of the tutare, The exertions of France during the last year have been 40 enormous, and their success upon the whole co splendid, that she mey weil assume to herself the weight justly due to a Power which has entered loyally and boidiy into the conflict. and cont buted most eflectually to the final and glorious victo: Austria, on the other band, though she has done nothi ¢ fov war, ia entitled to boast that she has accomplishe much for peace; and, as her objects and those of France may be assumed to be noarlp iden- tical, they bring ali that the past and pre- sen; can give them to bear upon the other members of the Conference. There is no doubt that through the whole of these transactions the Emperor of the French, though the frankness and loyalty of his con- duct in this country present the most grati‘ying contrast to the duplicity of his Bourbon and Orleapist p:edeses- sors, bas shown a great desire to co-operate with and jiate Austria. He has dorne with much patisace nid and vacillating policy of & Prince who en- tered into an alhance which he forebore to carry out by word or deed, and only interfered at a moment when it appeared that further neutrality migat be more dangerous than an attempt to bring wmatiers to a eucden and speedy conclusion. It is not for us to canvass the policy of this alliance; we merely note the fact us giving cause for reasonable anxiety, ‘There vill be Russia, anxiour, no doubt, to retrieve by the per of Bronow and the aorcit flattery’ of Orloff what she has lost by the sword, and to substitute for triumphe in the field successes in the erena of diptomacy. The form of her government assimilates more with that of France and Austria than with that of her own, and she may reasonably expect to find more sympathy with any of the alies than from us, from whom she has nothiog to Jook for beyond strict justice and an honoraole adherence to the terms we have aubscribed. There things may weil weigh heavy on the hearts cf the Ergiish Hienipotenti aries and increaee the anxieties of their porition, There are not wanting, cn the other band, grounds which should give these ministers #8 much weight and isspire them with as much confidence as auy of those diplcmatic personages with whom they are to pe brought a is entizely exctuded from the report. In itself | duet. 1% is com On Thurrday last, the Slat of January, spree? all at once that the Sultan woul costumé at the English Embassy. It see erecible that the nuccerscr of the Caliphs, the spirit ‘and tewporal head of the Mahomedan religion, would go to wee polkas snd waltzes performed—yet so it was. Early in the aftervoen the narrow main street of Pera bore an unusually excited aspect; numbers ef people hed taken uo their positions in the neighborhood of the Frobassy to witness the Sultan’s passage. The Turk- ish dignitaries, who were all to ve present at bis ar- rival, were encumbering the streets with their horses and carriages. Au English guard of honor, composed of detachments of Guards and Highlanders, with baad of the Ist regiment of the German Legion at their marched up to the sound ofmilitary music, and lined the approashes of-the palace. t 8 o'clock a fire lighted on the heights above the Imperial palace of Tcheragan, followed by & salvo of ar- tillery from Galata Serai, was the sigcal that the Saltam had ief: nix place, A fittle before 9 he arrived at the te of the Embassy, escorted by @ detachment of the ath Lancers, and a guary of honor composed of British: officers of all arms, At his approach the troops who lined the outer courtyard presented arme, aud the band struck up the ‘‘Sultan’s march,” and ‘God save the Queen.’ The court iteeit yas illuminated by numerous lamps and adorned with transparencies, wh'« er, guise to the blasts ot wind, were only partially success- At the t staircase, whichtwas crowded with officers of tre allied armies snd Turkish dignitaries, the Sultan wae received by the Ambassador and his whole personnel. Accompanied by them he pasted amid the crowd of who wer aitely assembled into the ball room. an arm ir. on @ raived dais, with carpets, was prepared for him, to which be was conducted. Hat t down, with the representatives of the foreign Powers the one rice, and the Tarkish cignitaries in attendance on the cther. he had several ladies presen:ed to him. ‘Then the dancing began, which seemed to exctie his io- terest considerably, d he stood Ue in order to hi a better view of the proceedings. After looking cn for about an hour, he expressed his. desire to be shown iato the refreshment room, where he partook of some slight refreshment He in- tend to return once more to the ballyoum, but he found the heat too intense, so, after remaining in the refresh- ment room for some time, hix Imperial Msj‘sty took hie departure. Taking the ambassador by the hand, be des- cended the rtrircase accompanied im the same manne: on his arrival, and scon the gans of Galata Seral nounced that be was on hix way back. He did not turn to his palace, but pasred the night in a kivsk be- longing to his brother in-iaw, Ahmed Fethi Pasha. One must remember the religious prejudices of Ma- homedans against all trivial amusements, and the strict rules of etequette which were always kept up in all relations of the Sultan with the representatives of forelga Powers, in o:der to apprestate this act of the Sultan to its full extent. ‘hat in other coun- tries would be a petite but insignificant ceremony re- ceives here w certain political importance. It is the first time that # Sultan of the Ovtoman empire has honored the bouse of the representative of a foreign Power with ha presence. As successor of the Prophet aod Shabin Shuh, or King of Kings, the Sultan in the eyes of his Mahcmsdan subjects cannot deal oa a footing of equality with avy other Sovercign. In spite of the les- sons of modern history, and the doubts of the more en- lightened among the Mabomedans, this idea is still the prevalent one among the masses, who remember oaly the time the Sultan was the undisputed Lord of the Ma- homedan Eset, and the representatives of forei Powers were only tolerated at Constantinople, The fact of the Sultan’s visiting the house of @ foreiga ‘Atnbestador id wore calculated to open their eyes to the real state of the case as it is at present any otber, and it requir certain amount of moral courage in the Sultan to make this first step to breax down thees false but cherished iceas by his own free will. The way in which this was done shows, however, that he entered fully into the spirit of this new por His fresnoenta, however trivial it may seem to Europeans, is full of meaning in this respect. Every act of the Sul- tan’s private life 1s so jealously concealed from every eye that nobody except his chief eunuch is allowed to at- tend at his meals. This role, originally intended as & safeguard against poisoning, forms, inthe eyes of his ofle, a time-honored usege religiously onserved. Svery contact with his person {a likewise strictly in contact. 1! the past and the present belong to Frauce aud Austrie, the future, we may say without arrogance, is peculiarly our own. ‘In weighing the proposals of the different negotiatora Russia will be iafluenced not so much by what they bave done as by what may be able to Go hereafter. France has done great things in war and Austria in peace; bat in this wi fal world what has been dune ie apt to be depreciat bat remains todo is estimated at its full value, if not over estimated. This fs precisely the advantage ot {England, We have neither done all we intended nor all that we ought; but what we are yet able to do fs, if rightly considered, realy formi- dabie. Of ail the three great Powers we are the best able to continue the war, Our finances are in the best order, our credit toe most extensive. cur resourees by far the least exhausted. By not keeping up large armaments in time of peace, by turning our attention to commerce and internal improvement, we perhaps did much to persuade Ruevia that we could be bearded with impunit; a certainly paralyzed our exertions during the earlier pericd of hostilities. We are, indeed, but just be- ginning to put forth our’ strength. We have an army nothing like what it will be should the wor be protracted a few years longer, but still iz numbers and equipment very different from what it was in February, 1854. We have a fleet now at lexgih adapted to the shalicw seas in which it is to opp- rate, by far the mest formidable engine of destruction, if we cousicer its perfect dissipline and organization, the great fety of vessels, and the union of irresistible force sith rapid locomotive power, that the world has ever aeen. Nor let it be supposed ‘that these are elforts ovly tude for # single year, and which we cannot renew. #tili more bankrupt in men than in money, ‘of the cultivators of her soil, and wanting in the 4a's of 1uture armies. Austria could not bring ber comical forces into the field without @ loan, which, in the present state of her credit, she would find it extremely difficult to contract; but England can renew and incresse armaments in any ratio tha muy be required, without the prospect of decline or the slightest zpprehension of exhaustion, Fed by her bound- less commerce, supported by her indefatigable industry, and preieeted by tbo credit which she hee alwsys escr’. fieed everythirg to obtain, England 1s & Power realiy formidavle, and one peculiarly calculated, if not to earn speedy triumphe, to terminate with success and glory long, bloocy, and exbausting wars, And she has, above all, this especial advantage—that the wars are not the wars of her government, but of her people—the epon- taneous act of a free nation which hss counted tue cost, and will steadily adhere to its end until that end be accomplished. These things give to ur, and they should give to those that are to repre. tent us, confidence in ourselves and im the future. There is no reason why their tone rhould not be as high, and their position aa commanding, as that as- sumed by Lord Castlereagh forty years ago at the peace of Paria. We ace able to pay and we are willing to fight; and what coulda bigh spirited aiplomatist desire better than to be the mouthpice of euch a nation? Let our pienipotentiaries bring us home good terms, and they shall te applauded; let them reject bad ones, and they shall be supported.’ Above all, iet them fear nothing so is bre they maintain with euitable dignity the honor and the porition of the country. It may suit those who fear and envy us to say that our arms are tarnished and our prestige departed. We believe the calumny as little as they do, We are confident in ourselves, and have a right to requite that the men who represent us shall fully participate in that confidence. VIEWS IN THE ENGLISH MANUFACTURING DISTRICTS ON THE PEACE CONFERENCBS. (From the Manchester Examiner, Feb. 16.) Awonth has now elapsed since the Russian govern- ment accepted the five points as the basis of prelimina- ries of Ureket and the conference which is to develop and consolidate them into a definite treaty has not yet com- menced its sittings. Baron Brunow, one of the Russian Usagi eset) dhas arrived in Paris; Count Buol was lo arrive in the course of yesterday; Count Cavour reached Lyons on Thursday: Aali Pasha left Constantino- go ‘Suesday. aud may be expected in Paris about the 3 Lod Clarenion is yet in London, but a few hours will earry him to the French metro- polis, so that the business of the conterence may be expected to commence towards te end of next week. Whatever may be the result of the ap- proaching conferences—and we need not say how ear- bestly we desire it may be the establishment of a pea porsessing the elements of permanency—it is impossible to more the misgivings with which they are anti d. The congratulatory excitemeni with which the announce. ment of peace was firat received, has sobered down before the difficulties which calmer reflestion has disclosed. Unless we are prepared to reject evidence which, though not officially authenticated, concurring tesiimony from cifferent quarters. confirmed by some admitted facts, clothes with a high degree ot probability, the union beween the French and English governments is not of thal cordial and iutimate character which would @ harmonious result beyond all danger. ‘The Times, in an ominous article in its columns of yes- terday, makes the following significant admissioa:— “France ani Austria are clorely united, and may be ex- pected not to hold on all points language identical with that which will peetes on the part of Great Bri- tain.’’ Does this mean that France is allied more closely to Austria than she is to Great Britain? Does it mean that, on some points which will come under discussion, France will probably unite with Austria in opposing the demands which my made on behalf of this country + If the language we have quoted is intended to coavey this meaning, and bas any justification in actual facta, @ outlook is indeed ominous in no slight degree. e exists a better understanding between France d Austria than between France and Great Britain, the Frevch and Englieh alliance is virtually at an end, If Frange is prepared to join Austria in resisting certain demands which Lord Clarendon may be instructed to make on behalf of this country, then one of two alterna- tives is inevitable—euher we shall have to give way, and accept something less than we originally deemed curselves Lound to claim, or we shall have to continue the war without the aid of France and Austria, and possibly with both these powers arrayed against us, This prospect ia sufficiently dreary; but ifany weight is to be attached to the state- ment we have qnotod from the 7imes, it is one which ac- tually existe, and for which it beboves us now to pre- pare. g The Turkish Sultan at « Ball. THE SULTAN AT THE ENGLISH AND FRENCH EMBAS- SIES—INTRODUCTION TO THE LADIES—WONDERFUL REVOLUTION. {Correspondence of the London Times. J Constanminoris, Feb. 4, 1866. It is well known how jealously Oriental etiquette guards every step of the sovereign, how anxiously it re moves him from all familiar contact with the rest of mor- tals, As long as the Sultans of Turkey had to conquer an cnpire at the head of their armies, they kept up their simple potriarchal relations as chiets of their tribe, but when once they were firmly seated on their throne at Stemboul, they j Boe by degrees to revive and to imi- tate the traditions of the Byzantine empire, and sur- rounded themselves with all the forms which refined Ori- ental despotiem has imvented to exalt the person of the monarch. These forms have been minutely adhered to up to the present time, in spite of the changes which are radually creeping into all other old institutions of the Forkinb ‘empice. ‘The present war, however, seems des: tined to break down even this barrier, and the first breach im it has been algeady made, forkidéen by usage to all strangers, the only exception being made at the Bsiram, whea highest dignitaries, and only these, are allowed to isiss his teet; and at the ball on Thursday he took the Ambnrsador by the hand and walked down with him the whole length of the staircase to his carriege, in the presence of a crowd of attendants and foreigners. But this act gains the greatest importance trom the time at which it happens. J is a kind of sanction to the concessions which are to be made to the non-Mahomedan su'- jects of the Porte, With the aboiition of the privileges ‘of the Mahomedan ruling race, their head, the Sultan éesconds by his own free will, from the exceptional posi- tion which be has bitherto observed with regard to the representatives of Christian Powers. Old Turkey is dead “xd gone; the ballon Thursday iast was the barial cere- wony, and the lively strain of polkas and waltzes its tu- neral merch, . {From the Paris Moniteur, Feb, 15 ] + Para, Fed. 6, 1856. On the same day upon which bis Majesty the Sultan, pais & visit to the English embaary, he notitied his inten- tion to M. de Thouvenel to attend a ball which was to be ti three days afverwards at the French exbassy. “very preparation was immedigtely made by the repre- rentstive ot the Experor to receive his Majraty with the honors due to his sovereign rank. At 7o’ciosk in the evening the whole front of the em Dluminated. Above the principal gi transparency showed ia lines of fire the Iraperial * tough- ta.’’ Det aie of Ne Aicapopomny from the Freach regimeuts encamped at Maslak, sappers of 1 engineers, ‘ivision of the fire bridage (sapeurs pompiers) of Paris, d foot eg Cecupied the avenues of the embassy and formed the line. Opposite the French troops, whose martial bearing created acmiration, was drawn up & battalon ot the Imperial Ottoman Guard in fail uniform. At half-past 7 o’closk one of his Majesty’s sides-de- camp came end informed the ambassador that the Sultan had left Tophané, and was pioceeding on ho:seback through Vera street. M. Thouvene), accompanied by alt the members of the embassy, and by the generals and superior officers of the French dtvision, went ao far as the gates of the eee ‘to receive his Majesty. As soon as the Sultan made bis sppesrance the drums beat to arms, the troops presented arms, and the miltt band struck: up the Turkisb national hymn. Beegal lights were lit as: it by enchantment, and their brilliant light enabled the Sultan to have a good view of the coup d’wil offered by the court of honor of the palace. . His Majesty, accompanied by the Ambassador, pro- ceeded by one of the grand staircases specially reserved for kim to the apartmeate prepared for his tion. A company of Zouaves, ent of Culrss:lers, dra- goons and Chasseure d'A’pique formed the line inside the palace conjointly with the Naval brigade and the Otto- man artilierymen. After a few moments repose, which ultan took advantage of to have some private conr verration with the Ambassador, his Majesty, rearing the grand cordon of the Legion of Honor and s uniform richly studded with jewels, preceded by the officers of his house- ho.d, entered the throne room. He found drawn up in. two lines—to the right his ministers and the great digni- taries of State, to the left the foreign abassadors and the French ana ee generals residing at Constantino) To the right of the throne reserved seats were occupied by the ladies of the diplomatic corps. His Majesty was led towards the throne ty the am- baseador. His attention was immediately attracted by & portrait of the Emperor. Having looked at it fora few moments—"I am happy,” he said to _M. Thouvenal, ‘to behold the features of my august andfaithfalally. lex- Tyee, the moet lively satisfaction at being his guest ay. His Majesty immediately received the homage of the diplowatic corps. He conversed with all the foreign re- Preentatives, ally with those of Engiand, Austria, anc Prussia, He had Er emont ta for every lady pre- e official introductions the am- Dansader took eS parsador jesty’s orders, who expressed wish to visit the wns where ‘the live S Pers wer assembled—all the members of the different embassies Ee ‘great number of naval and mihtary officers in full uniform. ‘The Sultan was announced by the introducer of am- baseadors, A line was formed up to the seat prepared for bis Majesty, who entered preceded by the officers cf the crown, ard followed by the diplomatic corps. He was received with expressions of marked respect and the mcet live.y sympathy. His Majesty would not sit down till the ladies and the ambasradors accredited to his go- vernment had taken their places, Having taken his Majesty’s orders, the Ambassador gave the signal for opening the ball; » quadrilie was im- ee formed in front of him, aud the dancing c2m- meneed, In about an hour his Majesty returned to the Throne room, where he requested the presence of the ladies who bad been presented to him. Tney sat forming & circle round the Sultan, Lady George Peget, the Prin- cess Stourdza, and Madame la Baronne Darrican were in- troduced to him, His Majesty rose to bow to (saluer each of these Indies, After half an hour’s somvecostias the Sultan returned to the ball room, which he left at haif-past 10 o’clock, to retire to his private apartmenis, where he took leave of the ambassador, and thanked him graciously for the reception he had met with. His Ma- jesty was conducted with the same ceremony to the gates of the palace, where he mounted his horse and rode in front of the troops, who presented arms as he passed. After the Sultan’s departure dancing was resumed kept up with great spirit till far in the night. 5 Burning of a London Theatre. {From 1 Times, Fed. 16.) On Wednes¢sy morning, afew minutes before 8 e’clock, t was discovered that the Royal Pavition Theatre was on fire. 1n the course of @ few minutes rae attendod, as wellas that ef the eo from Wellclase square; but by that peried the whole of the “files” were ina blaze, and the burning drapery was falling thickly upon the stage. The two were set to work from an abundant supply of water furnished by the Kast London Compsny. Before, however, a érop of water could touch the fire, owing to the many engthe of hore required to be attached to the 4 she flames bad ex! ged ad and machinery upon and under ¢. Maidemn. the engineer, who had charge of the brigade engine, finding that it would be Impossible to extinguish the with two Ines, sent off to the = for adéitional aid) Forthwith other engines from square, Watling stree: and Farringdon street stations arrived, as wellas that of the West of Insurance Company from the Waterloo Under the direction of Mr. Superintendent wood, Mr. Fogo, the foreman of the A district, and Mr. Connor: ton, the foreman of the West of England office, the fire- men went to workin admirable atyh, and by conveying the hose through the different entrances to the theatre, and over the roof of the surronnding houses, they were enabled to throw the water in the right direction; but, notwithstanding, in Jess than half an hour after the first appearance of the fire the flames had seized upon the pit and the boxes proscenium To atop the fire at those places the firemen ¢xerted themselves 40 the utmost, buat un. fortunately without tne least success. and in the course cfa few minutes more the igen reached the roof, and seizing the chandelier, it suddenly fell into the mid- die of the pit, where the crystal drops soon inelted. The flames by a quarter to nine o'clock were at their height, for every part of the theatre, except the dressing room in Paker’s row, ae one immense body of flame, ond the glass ‘chandeliers in front of the boxes kept