The New York Herald Newspaper, February 2, 1856, Page 2

persons, ud Fears. suc excludieg Indians no’ taxed, three-fifths ‘21 other persons.” This prone Te sand slavery ‘ the exist eleve Oe Many more rep- reg ne tS Cungreea than they would bave if slaves Serecounted only as property. Thia provision was much ed ptec, with the fall arity. The constitation withholding all power to injure but it oretectalt ox vy 20 section of the 4th article, by the 4tb section of the 4'b article, and bg the .5.h clause af the 8tb rection of the ticle. ‘ne 3d section pro- vides that ‘no person heid to service or labor ip one Stat by the laws thereof, weto |, tm consequence of any law io. de discharged from sueh service or , or regulation to aber, but sbsil be delivered up on claim of the party to the fourth Congress shall tion of the Legislature, or of the Fxecutive, when toe ‘lature is not convened, t domes ic violence,’ firteenth clause of the ith section of the first article makes it the duty or Seo eins Ua ore nt be suppresa art retartea to protecin tavery. by {llowiag’ the sessolog very eoca, talon and him to thio non slaveholding returning phe 4 Place the whole military whom rash service or labor may be due,” seotion «f the fourth article provides that ject each State “on ap} the power of the republic in tie hands of the const rustion. charter of our atten! iono—they were exch andali of ¢! that bedy, debated, referred t> commit ees, reported upom They were not incor into S. "ateta ty Cartes introduced into ed. ur construction of uhem is «1 Te gress of the United States hold ir beat Mg dh J virtue of one of these clauses. The Afri- enn slave trade was carried on the whole sppointed pe- ried under snovher, Thousands of slaves have been i Hiverea up under another, and it is 3 just cause of con- @etula iom to the whole country that no oscasion has Oocurred to call into action the remaining clauses which have been quoted. ‘Thee ¢ nstivutional provisions were generally a3- quiesced in, even by tvose who cid not approve them, watil a new and less obvious question sprung out ot the gequisiticn of territory. When the constitu'ion was acopted the question tad been settled in the Northwest Territory by the articks of ceesion of that Territory by the State of Virgivia; and at that time the United States had wot an acre of land for which to legislate except s uted claun over the Southwestern boundary, which will hereafter be considered in its sppropriate connec- acquisition of Louisiana devolved upon Con- grees the necessity cf its government. This duty was as- fumed and performed for the general benefit of the whole oonntry, wi hout chalienge or quesuon, for nearly se- ven'een years. Equity and faith shielded It. Bat tm 1819—rhirty years afer the adoption of the consti- tation—upon the application of Miesouri for admission foto tbe Unien, tue exiraordinary pretension was for the ‘frst time arterted by a majority of the non slaveholding States, that Congress had cot only the power to prohioit the extention of slavery into the new Territories of the repubiic, but that it had the power to compel new States seeking sdmission into the Union to prohibit it in their own constitutions, and mould their domestic policy in all respects to suit the opinions, whims or caprices of the federal government. This novel and extraordicary pre- tension subjected the whole powers of Congress over the Territories to the severest criticiem, Abundant authority war found in the constitution to manage this comm in demsia merely as baeg, M The 2d clause, 8d section of the 4th article deslares “that Spore shall have power ‘to Cispore of and make all needful rules and regulations res;ectirng the verritory or other to the United States; and nothisg shall be fo construed ae to prejudice any claims of the Urited States or of any particular Sta! but this clause reatric'ed by its terms ihe action of Congress over it. It ‘es bere considered only as property, and gave Congress wo peliiical porer to govern it. Tris construction has the eonction of the highest jodictal authority of the land. ‘Gongrers was then driven to look for power to ern it im the necessity ard propriety of itasa mode of execut- wg the express power to make treaties. The right to sequire territory under the treaty making power was it- self sn implication. and an implication ‘whore righttal- meres was denied by Mr. Jefferson, who exercixed it. The right to govern being claimed as an inci¢ent of the right to acquire, was then but an implication of aa implica- ‘ion; and then the power to excluce slavery therefrom was stili another implication from the fountain of ali rf (express gravt.) But whether the power t> pro- ibit slavery in the eommon Territories de claimed from tue one sc urce or the other, it cannot be sustained upon apy sound rule of constitutional construction, The is not expressly granted. Then, ualess esn be shown to be both “ mecoseaty and Proper” in order to the jost oxcouthin of @ granted power, the constitutional argument inst it Ye complete. this remains to be shown by the advocates of this power. Admit the power in Congress to govern the Territories untti they shall be admitted as States into the Union—derive it either from the clause of the consti- tation last referred to, or from the treaty making poxer— still this power to prohibit «lavery is not incident to it in either case, becaure it is reither necessary nor proper to it. execution. That it is not necessary to execute the ‘weaty making power is shown from the fact that that er not only was never used for this pur can de wisely aud well exeeuted without it, and hi been repeatedly ured to increase and protect slavery. The acquirition of Louisiana and Florida are examples of its use with vut the exercise of this pretended necessary and proper inci¢ent. Numerous treaties and conventions with both eavage and civilized nations, from the founda- tion of the government, demanding and receiving indem- nities for injuries to this rpecies of property, is conclu- sive aga‘oat this novel pretension. t it is not neces- ary the execution of the power to make ‘needful rales anc ae respecting the territory and other property belongi in this constitution ge of the Unfed States,” is proven from the that seven Territories ‘have been governed by Con and trained into sovereign States without its exercise. It is not proper, because it seeks to use an implied power for other and different purposes from apy snecified, expressed or intended by the grant- ors. She purpose is avowed to be to limit. restrain, weak- en, snd finally toecrush out slavery; whereas the grant exprecsly provides for strength and protecting it. It is not proper, because it violates the fundamental condi- tions of the Union—the equality of the States. The ‘Btares of the Union are all political equsls—each State haa the same right as every other State—no more, no fess. The ex of this probibition violates this equst- tty and violates justice. By the laws of nations acqutsi- tions, either by purchase or conqnest, even in despuie governments, enure to the benefit of all of the subjects of the States. The reason for this, given by the most ap- proved publicists, is, that ti are the fruits of the com- mon blood and treasure. This prohidition destroys this equality, excludes « part of the joint owners from an equal participation and enjoyment of the common do- wain, and against justice ard right appropristes it to the greater number. », 80 far from being a meces- ‘ary and proper means of executing granted A ghey) itis am arbitrary and despotic usurpation against the letter, the spirit and declared purposes of the constita'ion, The ‘exercise neither ‘promotes a more union, nor es- tablishes justice, nor insures domestic tranquiility, nor provides ior the common defence, nor promotes the gene- ral welfare, nor secures the blessings of liverty to our- selves or our posterity;’ but, on the contrary, it pats in jeopardy all these inestimable blessings, and does not even emancipate a single African slave. Penning them ‘up and stor them in the old States may make them ‘more wretched and miserable, but doee not strike a chain from the limbs of one of them. Itis not only agreat wrong to the white race, but the refinement ofcruelty to the ble“ Expansion is as necessary to the increased comforts of tia ~wiave an to the prospari:y of the master. The consti'u- tonal construction of the South does no wrong to any ‘portion of the republic, to no sound rules of constraction, end promotes ali the declared pi a of the constitn- tion. We simply propose that common Territories De leit open to the common enjoyment of all the people of the United Stater—that they sball be protected in their perrons and property by the federal until {ta authority is fuperseced by a State constitution, and then we propose that the character of the domestic imstitations of the mew State be determined by the freemen thereof. This is Jartice—this is constitutional equality. But thore who clatm the power in 1 to exclade slavery from the Territories rely rather on authority then inciple to support it. They affirm, with singuiat ance of or want of fidelity to the fac's, that Con- ess bas, frcm the beginnirg of the government, ani. firmly elsimed, and repeatedly exercised the power to discourage siavery, and to excluce it from the ferritories. My inves: {gation of the subject has satisfied my own mind that neither position ia sustained by a ringie precedent, exclude, of course, legisiation prohibiting tas African slave trede, and I hold the ordinance of 1787 not to be within the Drineipte asserted. For the first thirty years of our history this general duty to protect this great in- ‘terest equally with every other was universally sdmitted and ype Cee by every department of the govern- mont. The act of 1793 was passed to secure the delivery ‘up of fugitives from Iabor escaping to the non +lavehold ing States; your navigation laws authorized their trans portation on high seas. The government de- manded and repeatedly received compensation for the for injaries sustained in these lawfa! by terference of foreign governments. I’, protested us upon the high seas, bat follows pi, m lands, where we had been deivon, by the ea, and pt slave property when thus cast even within the jarisdiction ot beste mun. cipal laws, The slave property of our people was pro- tected ist the incursions of Indians by our miittary power and public treaties. That clause of the ireaty of Ghent which ided rig for property do- stroyed or taken by the British government plac slavery precisely upon the same with other pro- {anda New Engiand man (Mr. Adams) ab'y and maintained the righte of the slaveholder under it at the Court of St. James. Then the government was administered according to the comntitut , and not ac. cording to what is now called ‘ tho spirit of the age.” Those tora looked for political poyers and public autiesin the orgenic law which political communities ‘had isid down for their guidance ana government. Humanity mongers, atheistical socialists, who would up- pot onl; wa to i turn the morsl, socal and political founda fons of socie. ty, who wonld subrtitate folly of men for the wisdom ‘ot God, wore then justly considered as the enemies of tne human race, and a, ion oa ae the contempt, if not the Until the year 1820, our Terrttorial legisation was of fairness and justice, Parked by the same general epirit, Roveithrianciog the constant assertions to the contrary by gentlemen trom the North, up to that period no act wee over panned by constitutional ower to prevent aay rf contravene this prinsiple, on the 13th day of Jaly, present ecnstivution. perpetual ccmjac: betweem the State of people of the Territory, and the them government the United unalterable a frriil 3 a fret ti the new March, 1789, it found the go’ @ ct this ordinance in actual operation; aud on ‘Ith of Avgust, 1789, it passed a law making the offi- Secretary of the ferritory conform ces of Governor and to the ccnstitution of the new government. It did nothing more. It made no reference to the sixth and last rection of the which isbibited hay a] inciples which I assert, and does not afford precedents 7 hostle legislation of ‘Congress egainst slavery in the Territories. That such was neither the principle nor the jolicy upon which the act ct the 7th of August, 1789, ‘was based, ia further shown Kyte went ens same Congrers. t ty s formal act, scce ted the cession m ‘by North Cary? Mna cf her western (now the State of Tennews0), with this clause in the deed of cession: ‘That no rgula- tion made, or wo be made, by Congress, sha) tend to emancipate slaves’ in the ceded Terrt ; and on the ‘26th 01 May, 1798, passed a territorial bill or the govern- ment of all the y claimed by the United States south of the Ohio River. The dese:iption of thus territo- ry included all the lands ceded by North Carolina, bat it embraced a great deal more. Iw boundaries were left indefinite, beoause there were conflicting claims to ail the Test of the territory. | But this aet put tne whole country claimea by the United States south of the Ohio under this pro-slavery clause of the North Caroliua deed. The whole ac of the first Congress im relation vo slavery in the Territories of the United States, seems to have been this:—It acquiesced in & government for the Northwest Territory based upon a pre-existing anu-slavery ordinal created s government fur the country ceded by North Carolina ia conformity with the pro-slavery clause in her deed, and extende! this pro- slavery clause to all the rest of the territory o! by the United States vouth of the Ohio river. is legisla- tion vindicates the first Congress from all imputation of havicg established the precedent claimed by the friends of legisiative exclusion. The next territoral act which ‘was passed was that of the 7th of April, 1798. It was the first act of Lier gece oe ie to rest solely upom original pri constitutional power over the rubject. ‘Frestabluhed government over the territories included within tue boundaries of a line drawn due east from the mouth of the Yazoo river to the Chattahoochic river, then down that river to the tnirty-first degree of zorth latitude, then west on that line to tue Missis- sippi river, then up the Missiasippi to the beginning. This territory was within the boundary of the United states as defined by the treaty of Paris, and was not within the boundary of any of the States.’ Tue charter of Geo limited her_bor on the south to the Aitamahe river. Im 1763, afver the surrender of her charter, her limits were extended by the crown to the St. Mary’s river, and west on the 3lst degree of north latitude to the Misciseippi. In 1764, on the recommendation of the Board of Trace, her boundary was again allered, and that portion of territory within the boundaries whish I have Ccescribed, was annexed to West Florida, and thus it stood at the Revolution and the treaty of peace. Therefore the United States claimed it as common pro- ty, acd in 1798 passed the act now under review for ta government. In that act she neither claimed nor ex- erted any power to prohibit slavery in it. And the gnestion ame directly before Congress; the ordinanes of 1787 in terms was applied to this Territory, expressly ‘‘ex- cepting and excluding the last article of the ordinance,”” which is the article excluding slavery from the Northwest Territory. ‘This is a precedent directly in point, and is against the exercise of the power now claimed. ‘Ia 1802 Georgia ceded her western . She protected slavery inher grant, andthe government complied with her stipulations. in 1803 the United States acquired Louisians from France By purchase. There is no special reference to slavery in the treaty, it was protected on'y under the general term of property. This acquisition was, soca after the treaty, divided into two Territortes—the Orleans and Lonisiana Territories—over both of which govern- menta were established. The law of slavery obtained in the whole country at the time we acquired tt. Congress wobibited the foreign and domestic ;lave trade in these erritories, but gave the protection of its laws to slave owners emigrating thither with theie slaves. Upon tho admission of Louisiana into the Union, a new government ‘was extablis! ed by Congress over the rest ot the country, under the name of the Missouri Territory. This act also attempted no exclusion, Siaveholuers emigrated te the country with their slaves and were protected by their verpment. In 1819 Fiorida was acquired LD be seven its laws reeegnized and protected slavery at the time of the acquisition, The United States extended the same reccgniion end protevitum Such was the history of territorial legislation until the ear 1520, Missouri had applied for admission into the ‘nion. An attempt wae then made, for the first time, to impote restrictions upon a sovereign State, and admit it into the Union upon an unequal footing with her sister States, ard to compel her to mould her institutions, not according to the will of her own people, but according to the fency of @ majority in Congress. Tne attempt was strongly resisted, and resultec in an act providing for her admission, but containing @ clause prohibiting slavery forever in all the territory acquired from France outside of Missouri and north of 6 degrees 30 minutes north lati- tude. The principle of this law was division of the common territory. The authority to prohibit, even to this extent, was Cenied by Mr. Madison, Mr. Jefferson and other leading and distinguisbed men of the day. It was carried by most of the Southern representatives, com- bined with a small number of Northern votes. It was a departure from principle, but it ravored of justice. Sub- sequently, upon the settlement of our claim to Uregon, it lying north of that line, the prohibition was ap- plies, Upon the acquisition of Texas the samo line of division was adopted. But when we acquired Cali- | fornia ond New Mexico, the South, sti willing to abice by the principle of division attempted to divide by the same line. It wae almost unanimously re- siste¢ by the Northern States; their representativer, by a large iojority, insisted upon absolate prohibition and the total exclusion of the people of the thern States from the whole of the common territories, unless they divested themselves of their slave ty. The result of a long and unbappy conftict was tl tion of 1860, By ita Is-ge body of the representatives of the non- slaveholding States, sustained by the approbation of their constituents, acting upon sound pricciples of constitu- tional coustraction, duty and patriotism, aided in voting ibocquality ofthe States and protected the people of the ality of the States, and protected the people of Territories’ from ‘this unwarrantable interlorence with their rights. Here we wisely abandoned “the shifting sands cf compromise,” and put the rights of the people sgain upon the “rock of the constitution.” ‘The law of 1854 (commonly known as the Kansas-Ne- Draske act,) was made to conform to this policy, and but carried out the principles established in 1850, It righted an ancient wrong and will restore harmony, because it restores justice, to the country. This legislation, I have enteavored to show, 1 ji ir and equal; that it is sustained by principle, by au- thority, and by the practice of our fathers. I trust, I believe, that when the transient pasmons of the ¢ay shall have eubsided and reason shall have resumed her ¢ominiop, it will be approved, even applauded, by the collective’ body of the peop'e in every portion of our Witely exteated republic, In inviting your calm consideration of the second point in wy lecture, I am fully persuaded that even if I should sueceed in convincing your reagom and judgment of its truth, | shal have no aid from your sympathies in this work yet if the principles upon which our social system | 18 founded are sound, the system itself is humane and | just, as well as neceseary. I:s ce is based upon the idea of the superiority by nature of the white race over the African; that this superiority is not transient and artificial, but permanent and natura); that the same er which made his skin uneha: ly black, made im inferior, inteliectually, to the white race, and inca- pabie of an equal struggle with him in the career of pro- grens and civilization: that it is necessary for his preser- vation in this rtruggie, and for his own interest, as well as that of the seciety of which he is a member, that he should be a servant and not a freeman in the commonwealth. I bave alresdy stated that Afri- can slavery existed in the colonies at the com- mencement of the American Revolation. The param unt suthority of the crown, with or without the conrent of the colories, had introduced it, and it was inextircsbly in- terwoven with ber framework of society, especia'ly in the Southern States. The quertion was not presented for our decision whether it was Just or beneficial to the African or advantageous to us to tear him away dy force or fraud from bondage in his own country and fwd him in a like condition in ours. England and the Christian world had long before settled that question for bs. At the final overthrow of British authority in these States our ancestors found seven hundred thousand Afri- cans among them already in bondage, and concentrated, from our climate and productions, chiefly im the prevent slavenolding States. it became thelr duty to establish governments for themselves. They brought wisdom, ex- Rerience, learning and patrio\ism to the great work. bat they ronght was that system of government which would secu ¢ the greatest and most enduring happiness to the whole society. They incorporated no utopian theories in their syrtem. They did not no much eoncern themselves about what rights man might possibly have iu @ state of nature, as what rights he onght to have in a state of society. They dealt with politi- cal rights as things of compact, not of birthright; ia the concrete, and not im the abstract. ey held, maintained and incorporated into their systems a4 fundamental tratha, that it waa the right and duty of the State to define abd fix, aa well aa to protect and de- fend the individual rights ot such members of the soctal compact, and to treat ail individual rights as subordinate Yo the great interests of the whole society, Therefore they denied ‘natural equality,” condemned mere gov- erpments of men necessarily resulting therefrom, und ontablshed goreraments of laws—therefore free, ao reign and irdepencent republics. A slight exami. nation of our State constitutions will show how little toey regarded vague notions of abstract liberty or natn ral amy in the rights of the white race as well ts of the block. The elestive franchise, the cardinal feature o1 cur system, I have already shown was granted, withheld or limited ‘according to their ideas of public Polley and ber pee hh the State. Numero strainta upon tke sup t rights of = mere nu- merieal majorliy to govern society in at casos, are to be found planted in all of our constitutions, state and fete. ral: thus affirming this subordination of individual rights ie ~ ae and safety pei on State, slaveholding States, acting upon these principies, finding the African yace among them in playery, ne 7 g ¢ Lg f g g z : i t ae ia social degradation, behold him» slave in f great body ot his race slaves in their own native land, after thirty centuries, ilamimated by both ancient modern civilization have passed over him, we sti.) And BEE him a hiave of masters, as incapable as himself of ever attempting a step in civilization; we find hia there still, without, ment or laws or protection, with- out letters or arts or industy, without yo, Or even the aspiratins which would reise him to the rank of ao idolator; and, in his lowest type, bia almost onty mack of humanity is that be walks erect in the image of the Creator. Apnibilate hia race to-day, and you wid find no trace of his existence written a soore of years— he would not leave bebiud him a single monumen', inven- tion or thought, wortby of remembrazce by the human In “the Eastern hemisphere he has beea found in all ager, scattered among nations of every degree of civilization, yet inferior to them all—always in a servile condition. avon afier the discovery and se of Americs, olisy of the Chris‘ian worla bought large nembers these people ot their as mastere ana sountrymen, and imported them into Wes Western Here we are evab’ed to view them under different pad fax amore favorable condi fons. In Hayti, by the en- couragen en! rench government ‘a - bation of slavery, they became free; dn fed on by the conduct and valor of the mixed over- mosssacred the num- pune numbers, tl r of whites who inhabited the itland, and suoceeced to the undisputed Cake ep argo pr doy of the West Inda poo eeg apes! highest state of cultivation. Their con- dition in Hayti left nothing to be desired for the most favorable it of the race, for self governmentand civilization. This experiment has now been tested for sixty years, and ite results are before the world. Fanati- cism pelliates, but cannot conceal the utter prostration of the race, A war of races began on the very moment the fear of foreign scbjugation ceased, and resulted mm the extermination of the greater number of the mulattoes who had rescued them from the dominion of the whie race. Revolutions, tumults and disorder hyve been the ordinary pursuits of the emancipated blacks. Industry bas almost ceased, and their a1 ef civilization has been already exhausted; and they are now scarcely dis- tirguishable from the tribes trom which they were to-n in their native land. More recently the same experiment bas been tried in Jamaica, under the auspices of Engiand. This was one cf the most beautiful, productive and jperous of the British colonial porsessions. In 1838 England, following the faire theories of her own abolitionists, proclaumed the total emancipation of the black race in Jamuica. Her arms and ber power have watcned over and protected them; not cn'y the interests, but the absolute necessities of the white proprietors of the land compelled them to cffer every inducement and stimulant to in- dustry; yet the experiment stands before the world 8 confessed jure. has overwhelmed the proprietors; and the negro, true to the instincts of his nature, buries himself in filth, and sloch, and crime. Here we can compare the African with himeelf in buth conditions—in freedom and in bondage; and we can com. pare bim with his race in the same climate and following the same pursuits—compare bim with himself under the two different conditions in Hay'i and Jamaica, and witn his race in bondage in Cuba, And every comparison de- wmonstrates the folly of emancipation. In the United States, too, we have peculiar opportuni- | ties of studying the African race under different condi- tions. Here we find bim in slevery: here we find him, also, a freeman in both the slaveholding and non-slave: holdisg States. The best specimen of the free black is to be found ia the Southern States in the closest contact with slavery, and subject to many of ite restraints. Wa the theory of the anti-slavery men the most favor- condttion in which you can view the African is in the non-tlaveholding tes of this Urion. There we ought to expect to find him displaying all the capacities of big race ‘or improvement and eer, With a tem- be climate, with the road of progress open belore im—among en active, industrious, ingenious and eda- cated people—surrounded by sympathizing friends, and mild, just and equal institution:—if he fails here, surely it can be chargeable to nothing but himeclf. ‘He has hed seventy AD in which to cleanse himself and his race from the leprosy of slavery. Yet what is his oon- dition here to-day? He is free—he is lord ot himself; but he finds it truly a “heritage of woe.” After this seveaty ears of ecucation and probation among themselves, bis feriority stands as fully s confessed fact ia the non- slavebolding as in the #laveholding States. By them he is acjudged unfit to enjoy the rights and perform the duties ot citizenship. Denied ial equality by an irre versable iaw of nature, and political rights by municipa! law, incapable of maintaining the unequal @:rugg!e with the superior race, the meiancholy history of hw career of freecom is here most usually found in the records of criminal c.urts, jails, poorhouses and penitentiaries. These fucts bave bud themselves resogvized in the most conclusive manner throughout the Northern States. No tcwn or city cr State encourages their emigration; many of them discourage it by legislaticn. Some of the non- slavebolding States have prokibited their entry into their borders, under any circumsiantes whatever. Thus it wecnme Luks gICAT Iect of Iufeivitly of the sace ts equally admitted everywhere in our country. But we treat it differently. The Northern States admit it, ard to rid themselves of the burthen inflict the most crue) injuries upon an unhappy race: they expel them from their borders, and drive them out of their boundaries or into their poorhouses, a8 wanderers and outcasts. The result of this policy is everywhere apparent—the statistics of population supply the evidence of thsir condi.ion. In the non-slaveholding States, their actual increase during the ten years prececing the last census was but a iitue over one per cent per annum, even with the addition of emancipated slaves and fagitives from Isbor trom the South, clearly proving that in this, their most favored condition, when leit to themselves they ere scarcely ca- pable cf maintaining their existence, and with the pros- pect ofa denser population and a greater competition for fen fwd consequent thereon, they are in danger of inction. ‘The Southern States, acting upon the same admitted facts, treat them diflerentiy. They keep them in the subordinate condition in which they found them, protect them against themsetves, and compel them to contribute to their own and the public interests and welfare; and under our system we appeal to facts open to ail men to prove that the African race attain- ed a higher cegree ot comfort and happiness than bis race has ever before attained in any other age or country. Our political system gives the slave great and valuable iights. His lite is equally protected with that of his master—his person is secure from assault against all others, except bis master; and bis power in is respect is placea under saluts egal restraint. He iseatitio by inw'te ¢ lease, to arojte food and clothing, and exempted from ‘excessive’ labor; and when no longer capable of labor in old age or di is a legal charge upon his waster. His family, old and young, whether capable of labor or rot, from ‘the cradle to the grave, have the same } rights. And in these Jegal provisions they epjoy as ge portion ot the pro- jucts of their labor as any hired labor in the world, We know that their ngbts are in the main faithfally secured to them; but I rely not on our knowledge, but submis eur institutions to the same tests be ea we try those of all other countries. There are supplied by our public statis- tics. They show that our slaves are larger consumers of animal food than any population in Europe, nd larger than apy other laboring population in the United States; ‘and that their natural increase is equal to that ofany other people. These are true and indisputable tesvs that their poytleal cox:for's are amply recured. In 1190 there were jess than seven hundred thovsand slaves in the United States; in 1850 the number exceeded three and a quarter willicns. The same authority shows thet their increase for the ten years preceding the last census was above twenty-eight per cent, or nearly three per cent per an- num, an increase equal—allowing for the element of foreign emigration—to the white race, and nearly three times the tree blacks of the North. But these iegai rights of the slave embrace but a small B part of the privi- leges actually enjoyed by him. He has, by universal custom, the control of much of his own time, which is applied’ at his own choice and convenience to the me- nic arte, to sgriculture, or to some other profitable pursult, which not only gives him the power of purchase over many of the additional necessaries of lite, but over many of its luxuries; and in numerous cases enables him to purchase his freecom when he desires it. Be- sides, the nature of the relation of maste- and slave begets kindness, imposes duties and secures their performance, which exist in no other relation of capital and Jabor. Interest and humanity co- = in harmony for the well-seing of slave labor. ‘hus the monster objection to our institution of slavery —that it deprives labor cf its wages—cannot stand the test cf a truthfal iovestigation. A slight examination of the true theory of wages will further expose He fails cy. Under a systern of free labor wages a in money, the representative of preducts—mnéer products themselves. One of your own most distin wtatermen and patriote—President John Ada: that the difference to the slave was “imaginary.” “What matters it (suid be) whether s Jundlora enpliying ten laborers on bis farm gives them annually as ned money 4s will buy them the uecessaries of life, or gives them thore necessaries at +horthand?” All experience has thown that, if that be the messure of labor {t is mater for the laborer to take his wages in products than in their suppored pecuniary value, Therefore, if we pay {a the necersari@ and bevefits of lif» more than wny given amount of pecuniary wages will buy, then our laborer is paid higher than the laborer who receives that amount of rages. The most anthertic agricultural statiatics of Fogland, chow that the wages of agriculture and un- shiiled Jabor in that kingdom not only fails to furnish the laborer with the comforts of our rlave, but even with the necessaries of life; and no rlavehoicer could escape a con- viction for cruelty to his slaves, who gave them no more of the necersities of life for their labor than the wages paid to their agrieultaral laborers by the noblemen and gentlemen of England would buy, Gnder thete ‘system, ran has become less valuable and less cared for than do. mertic animals ; and noble duxes vill depopulate whole districts of men to supply their places with sheep, and then, with intrepid audacity, lecture and denounce American slaveholders. The great conflict between labor ‘and capital, under free competition, has ever been how the earnings of labor and capital shall be divided between them, In new end apartely settied countries, where land pte and food i ay Laie and edueation and intelligence approximate equality, Iabor can sucsesefal struggle in thie warfare with capital. But this 7 ceptional and temporary condition of society, ora World this state of things has long rinse passod away, and the conflict with the lower grades of labor long blnee ceased. There the compenration of unskilled Jabor, which firat succumbs to capital, is roduosd to @ point scarcely adequate to the continuance of the race. The rate of nearce'y one per cent per annum; and even at that rate pepulation, until recently, was con- ridered a curse. Inshort, capital has become the mas- ter of labor, with all the benefits, without the natural burthens of the relation. In thin division of the earnings of labor hetween it and capital, the Southern slave has # marked advantage over beh laborer, and often: jorth. Here, again, we: thentie data from whieh to om. The census of 1860 shcwe that on cotton estates of the South, waich is the chief branch of our pgricuture industry, one-baf of the arable lands are annuaily put uncer food croo. This bals is weually wholly consumed on the farm bs the laborers and necesrary animals. Oat the other half i tg ae? all Lg mecensary ex of jue: 2 + Bitioual yupplion of food fond the produce of the ind, which equals one-third of the residue, leaving Tat one third fF net rent. ‘The average rent of land in the older non-rlavehoiding States ia equal to one-third of the Ein and it not unfrequently amounts to one it, do it is eometimes ¢ven greater, ) the tenant from bis portion paying sll expenses of pro- dueticn, and the expenses ‘of hinsaif and family. Thea it is apparent that the laborer of the South receives al ways as much, and frequently a greater portion of the roduce ef the land than the laborer in New or Old Eng- d. Besides, here the portion due the elave is s charge upen the whole v8 aps of eapital, and upon the capital iveelf. tin dependent upon s¢asons nor subject to accidents. and survives his owu capacity for labor, and — be iin of ran siete se jut it is objected that religions instruction is denied lave, While it is true that religions instraction and pri- vileges are not enjoined by law in allof the States, the number of slaves who are in connection with the difsrent cburches abundantly prove tue universaiity of the erjoy- went of there pri anda much larger number of the race in slavery he oconsolations of religion o the combined Christisn ys tl tran the efforts world have ever been able to convert to Christianity out of all the millicns of their countrymen who in ‘heir native and of those connected with sla- mea of abolition cenunzlation. pot renee to be shown boring poor of And it is shown that our want to and. Yet the slay yery, ae constant are lamentabiy great; that they are greater than wil 3 ‘o her country. slaves are ‘wibout the additienal stimulant of the utter prosiration of it¢ moral nature ite peor wants. Lord Ashley’s report to the British Parlisment shows that in the capital of that empire— erbeps within bailing of Stafford House aad Exeter jall—hunger alone daily enguipbs its thousands of men and women tm the abyss of cri It is also objected that cur slaves are debarred the benefits of apy education. This objection is well taken, ard ts not without fo:ce; and for this evil the slaves are greatly indebted to the aboli:tonists. Formerly, in some of the alaveholding States it was not forbidden to teach to read and write; but the characte: of the litera ture sought to be furnished by the abclitionista caused these States to take counsel rather of their passions than their reason, and to lay the axe at the root of the evil. Betier counsels will in time prevail, and this will be re- medied. It is true that the slave, from his protected po- siticn, has Jess need of education than the free laborer, who bas to struggle for bimseif in the career ot society: yet it is both useful te him, his master and socict; The ‘want of legal protection to the marriage relation is also a frultfal source ot objection among the opponents cf sia- very. The complaint is vot withont foundation—this is an evi] pot yet remedied by law; but marrisge ia not in- consistent wiih the institution of slavery as it exists amorg us, and the objection, re, ifes rather to an _inci¢ent than te the essence of the sys- tem. But, in trath and fact, does exist to a very great extent among slaves, and is encouraged and protécted by their owners; and it will be found u) careful investigation that fewer children are born out cf wedlock among rlaves than in the capitals of two of the most civilized countries of Europe—Austria and France. In the former one-baif of the children are thus born; in the latter more than one-fourth. But even in this we have deprived the slave of no pre- existing right. We found the race without any know- ledge of or regard for the institution of marrioge, and we are reproached with not heriages et recured them that with all the other blessings of civilization and religion. To protect that and other domestic ties by laws forbid- ding, uncer proper regulations, the separation of fami ies, would be ise, proper ‘end humane, ‘and some of the s'aveholding States have already adopted pestis legisla. tion for the removal of these evils, But. the objection is far wore formidable in theory than practice. The acci- dents ard necessities of life produce infini:ely a greater amount of separation in families of the white than ever Barpeos to_ the colored rac. This is true, even the United States, where the neral condition of the people {3 prosperous. jut it is still more marked in Europe. The iojuatice and despotism of England towards Ireland have produced more separation of irish tamilies, and sundered more do- mestis ties, within the last ten years, than African s/a- yery has effected since its introcuction into the United States. The twenty millions of freemen in the United States are witnesses cf the dispersive injustice of the Old World. The general bappmess, cheerfulness and con- teptnent of the slaves attest both the mildness and bomonity of their treatment, and their natural adapta- tion to their condi:ion. Tney require no standing armies to enforce their obedience, while the evidences of discon- tent and spliances of force to repress it, are every- where visible among the toiling millions cf the earth. Even in the Northern Btates of this Union strikes and lator uniovs, and combinations agafust employ- ers, attest at once the misery and discontent of labor ameng them. England keeps ono hundred thousand sol- Giers in time of peace, a large navy, and an innumerable police, to secure obedience to her social institutions; and pbyrical force is the scie guaranty of her social orcer— the caly cement of her gigantic empire. I bave briefly traced the condition of the African race thrcugh all ages and ali countries, and described it-fairly apd truly under American slavery, and 1 submit the pro- pesition is Tully proven that his position in slavery among us is superior to any which he has ever attaine? in apy age or country. The pic:ure is not without shaae aswell us light. Evils and isperfections cling to mac and all of bis institutions, and this is not exempt from them. The condition of the slave offer: great opportuni- tes for abuse, and these opportunities are frequently used to violate humanity ard justice. But the laws re- strain these abuses and purish these crimes tn this as wellss in allother reiations of life, And they who as- sume it as @ fundamental principle in the constitution of man that abuse is the unvarying concomitant of power and crime of opportunity, subvert the foundatior s of all irate morals and of every social system. N where do these assumptions find « nobler refutation than in the general treatment of the African race Vaart slavebolders; and we may with hope and confidence s="*\y leave to them the of existing abuses, xad such further ms as msy be demauicd by justice, humanity and Christianity. The con- dition of the African, whatever may be his inte rests, may not be permanent among us: he my find bis exodus in the unvarying laws of popula- tion. Under the eendilions of labor in land and the continent of Europe, domestic slavery is impossible there, and could not exist here or anywhere else. The momen: wages decrease to a point barely sufficient to support the laborer and bis family, capital cannot afford to om labor, and it must cease. Slavery in England ceage’ fa obe dierce to this law, and not from any to averty and humanity. ‘The increase of population in this coun- uy may precuce the same result, and American slavery. like that of England, may find ite euthanasia in the gen ral prostraticn of alt labor. POEL next aspect in wi Topose to exam! 4 , is its effects upon So aterial fatecante of the slaveholding States. Thirty years ago slavery wis arssiled muinly on the ground that it was wasteful, unproductive and table labor. Some years ago we were urged to emancipate the blacks in order to wake them more useful and productive members of socie- ty. The result of the experiments in the West India Islands, to which 1 have before referred, not only dieproved, but utterly annihilated this theory. The theory was true as to the white race, and not true as to the black; and this single fact made Shepeitel men pause and ponder before advuncing further with this folly of abolitionism. An inquizy into the wealth and production of the slavebolding States of pritlinoens eomeneieaien that slave labor can be spon: 1! ‘and profitably employed, at least in agriculture, and leaves the question in great doubt whether it -anaol be thus employed in the South more advantageou :y than any other cescription of labor. ‘The same truth will be made manifest by a comparison of the production: of Cuba and Brazil, not only with Hayti and Jamiics, but with the free races in the similar latitudes im the seme or similar von tions in any part of the world. The slaveholding States, with one-half of the white pepu- lation and between three and four millions of slaves, fur- nish alcne three-fifths of the exports of the republic, enn- taining twenty-three millions of people; and their entire products, inciading every branch of industry, tly exceed those per capita of the more populous North- ern Btater. ference in realized wealth in propor- tion to population, is not lees remarkable and equal- ly favorable to the slaveholding States. But cisis ia not a fair comparison—on ontrary, it is exceedingly unfair to the slaveholding States. The question of ina- terial advantage would be settied on the side of slavery whenever it was shown that our mixed society w.. move productive and prosperous than eny other mixed society with the inferior race free, instead of slave. Tho ques- tion is not whether we would not be more prosperous and happy with there three and a half millions of slavos in Afriea, and their places filed with an equal n’ nber of hardy, intelligent and enterprising citizens of the supe- rior tace, but is simply whether, while we have them amorg us, we would be most Prosperous with them in freedom or bondage. With this bare statement of the true isi I can eafely leave the question to the facta al- ready referred to, and to those disclosed in the late census. But the truth i'self needs some explananativn, an it seems to bes great mystery to the opponents of tlavery how the eystem is capable at the same time of in- creating the comforts and happiness of the slave, the profits of the master, and do no violence to humanity. Ite solution rests upon very obvious principles. this relation the labor of the country is united with and protected by its capital, directed by the educated end intelligent, secured against its own werk ast 14 foliy— asecciated in such form as to give reatest efficiency in production, and the least cos’ of maintenance. Fach indrvidual free black laborer is the victim not only cf his own folly and extravagance, but of bis nce, minfortuues and necessities. His isola. tion his expenses without increasing his com- forte; bis want of capital inoreases the price of ever: thite he buys, disables hima from supplying hie waste st faverable times or on advantegeons terms, and throws him into the hands of retailers and ex:ortioners. Bat labor united with capital, directed by skill, forecast and intelligence, while {t is capable of its higheat pro- duction. is freed from a)] these evils, and leaves a margin both for increased comforts to the laborer and addi- tional profits tocapital. This is the explanation to the seeming paradox. The opponents of crit passing by the question of material interests, insist that ite eifects on the society where it existe ia to cemoralize and enervate it, and render it incapable of advancement and a high clviliza- tion, and upon the citizen to cebase him morally and intellectually. Such is not the losson taught by history, cither eacred or profane, mor the experience of our own past or present, To the Hebrew race was committed the oracles of the Slaveholding yierw administered at his veholding prophets and patriarchs received elations and taught them to their own and traus- mitted them to all other gererations of men. The biga- est form of ancient civilization’ and the noblest develope- ment of the individual man are to be found in the an- cient siaveholding commenwesiths of Greeoe and Rome. In eloquence, in rhetoric, in poetry and painting, in ar- chit eand soulpture, you mi #till go and search wertslivy, pass on to the speech of all not multiply iHustrations. Tha: domestic slavery neither en'eecles nor deteriorates our race—that it is noi wih the highest advancement of men aod soolety, is the lesson taught by all aucient, and confirmed by all modern history. Its effects in st ning che attachment of the dominant race to liberty was @!oq ueat- te sapeoas, by Mr. Bar! ¥ piri those to the northward, Bueh were all the ancient commonwealths—suoh wer: our Gothiw ances‘ors, aud such, ia our day, were the Poler; and such will be all masters of siayss who are nt slaver toemaclves. In such » people the haughtiuess of domination o mbines iteelf with the spirit of frewiom, jurtities It, w: a 1enders i: invincible.’” No stronger evidence of what prog ess society may make with Conestic slavery could ve desired than that which the p eent condition of the Sentie States yreeents, For near twenty years foreign aad dowestic «enemies of their inettuiions have ‘axored, by psa né speech, to excite discontent among the white rave, ndiceurrecthmamorg the black. Tnese effurts have baken the national government to its foundations, aat burst the bonds of Cyristian unity smong the churches 1 the lend, yet the object of their a:tack—these Siates —bave soatcely felt the shock. In surveying the whole civilized world, the eye resta not on bagi nnot woaereslt © artes of society are so well contented with thelr sos! + +ystem, or bave greater reason to be co, than thesiaveh»id- ibg States of tix Union. Stability, progress, order, perce, convent, prosperity, reign throughout our borders; aot a single soldier is to fuad ia our widely extended do- wain 10 overawe or protest society. Tne deste for ur- ganic change nowbire manifests itself. Within 1e45 than Keventy years, out of five feeble colonies, wit’ 'es8 than one and 8 half millions of inbab{tanta, have emorg-d fourteen republican States, oomtaiaiog nearly ten mil- lions cf inhabitente—rich, powerful, ed cated, moral, r«- fined, proeperous and happy; escn wich republican go- vernments. adequate to the protection of puvlic loe-ty and private rights, which are cheerfully obeyed, sup- ported and uphed by ail classes of society. With a noble system of internal improvements. trating almost every neighborhood, stimulating and rewariing the industry of our people; with mo-ai and iateliectanl, surpassing physical improvements; with churches. schol houses aro cilleges daily multiplying throughout the land. b ingiog education and religious instraction to the houses of all the people, ‘exhibit « spectacle which challerges the admiration of tue world. None of this reat improvement and progress has been aiced by the federal g vernment; we have neither sougut from it po- tection for our private pursuits, nor appropriations for our public improvements. They have been effec ed by the uvaided individual efforts of an enlightened, m»rai, energetic and religious people. Such is our social ays: tem, and such our condition under it. its politics! wi- dom is indicated in its effects on society; ite morality vy the practices of the patriarchs and the teachings of the Apcsties. We submit tothe judgment of the civilized world, with the firm conviction that the adoption of no other system under our circumstances world hav ex- hibited the individual man, bond or free, in a higher de- velopement, or society in « happier civilization, Central America. ‘We copy the following officia! documents fram the Cen- tral American papers: — REPLY OF THE GOVERNMENT OF SALVADOR TO THE NICARAGUAN NOTE OF THE 3D NOVEMBER Last, COMMUNICATING THE INAUGURATION OF A P&O- ‘VISIONAL GOVERNMENT IN THAT REPUBLIC. CosvTEPEQuE, Nov. 22, 1855. To THE MINISTER OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS FUR THE REPUBLIC OF NICARAGUA— Ihave the honor to certify the receipt of your estims bie official communication, under date ot the 3d inst., gucloning an ‘authen ic copy of the treaty concluded the 28d of October last, between the forces of Granada aad Leon, ana giving notice to my government that in conse- quence of the stipulations /aid down in the said conven- Ven, the supreme provisional government of the repubiic of Nicaragua was iustalled on the 30th of the same math in that city—the high functions of Presitent having been confided to D. Patricio Rivas—an event which leads tas people to hope for the tranquil enjoyment of the bless- ings of peace, wiich they 80 long been sighiog for. Tne Presi¢ent of San Salvador, ivstructed of this, orde: me to inform you that as the efforts of his Sate net been at various times repeatedly directed to bring the parties who made war in that republic to an accommo- ation, it must necessarily be very g-atifying to it to fad that at ast the Nicaraguan people have @ prospect of en- Joying tranquility and of consolidating the happiness and Prosperity of their Btate. ‘The government of Salvador entertains the most ardent wishes that Nicaragua may continue to enjoy thuse bene- fits, and that Providence, whica directs the aestinics of nations, may accord her days of happiness aud peace, favoring at the eame time the provisional President with the necesrary capacity to direct his government in the eifficult circumstances in which the even‘s of protracted hostilities must have placed that republic. Tbave been authorized to reply to you in the ab»ve terms, and in doing ro I bave the honor to assure ister of Foreign Affairs of the high esteem with which 1 am bis very respectful servant. ENRIQUE HoYOS, ‘MINISTRY OF FORRIGN A¥rams oF HONDURAS, Comayacua, Nov 28, 1856. My government, convinced of the imperious necessity of sasurirg to the people under its dicection peace an¢ trapguillity, and persuaded that in order to attain this inestimable good, the fundamen al basis lies in the nua'- terable relations of amity with the government of Nicn- ragus, did not hesitate to teke the measures it deems necessary for arriving at this aim, and to this purpose it bas nominated ss iva representative near toat govero- ment Sr. Lic. Don Manuel Colindres, in order that he may conclude a treaty of amity and reciprocal interest between both countries. x, rporeromers does not doubt but that yours will ac- cept this arrangement, as 1t bas ‘ufficien’ proofs of its friendly sentiments, and thet it will reveive the said Sr. Colindres in his character of representative near the gov- ernment of Honduras, being itself disposed to reciprocate the arrangex ent. Piease to bring this to the notice of hia Excellency the Supreme Director of the republic, and receive again the assurance of my particular es eem and con:ideration. JO3E MEZA, Yuscaran, Dec 9, 1855, ‘to Tag Monsren ror FormGn Arrains or THE Repupuc or NicaRaccs— €m—You will have been Informed, by an official dis. patch, that the supreme government of this Sate has a- credited me as its public agent near that of Nicaragua. Ido not doubt but that your illustrious government understands as wel as mine the incispensable necessity of adopting the usual regulations which tend to confirm the fraternal relations existing between two nations who have the rame interests, and must have been animated by the same ideas. Peace having been almost simalta- peously re-ertablished in both countries, the necessity and the daty of preserving it must be equally felt ¥ both. Should it prove otherwise, tae last remains of ¢i- taltty on which these countries can rely in their aspira- tions for happiness and perity, willbe aonihilated, even without the honor of its having perished in the de- fence of their true interests; because the bloody wars which have afflicted us, and in which one Ceatra) Amert- can State unhappily assails another, cannot be soites. otherwise than ag civil war—the worst of ail calamities fora er Ee ie teat mi yet eS governmen' t suffices the public exigencies a: makes p its rights before the civilized wor.d. My Te ee ct therefore, firm in ita noble project of assuring the repose of the people entrusted to its care, aud hoping to strengthen with your State the bonds of a loyal atoity, based on the principles of reciprocal utility bas not tated to entrust me with the mission of which the minister of Honduras gave you notice, In order to continue my journey to the seat of the su- bam e government of Nicaragua, | want but the acknow- jecgment of my reception and’a safe conduct to render effective the immunit which right of nations ac- cords to public ministers. Th Fopakniae through which I will have topass must naturally be under the in- fluence of the warlike excitement which has lately per- vaded the republic, andI deem it necessary to have de- livered to me this rafe conduct. I pray you, sir, togive notice of this demand to the Pre- mdent of your State, to communicate to me bis resolu- ticn, and to receive the respeciful consideration with Which I have the honor to be, your fai hful servant, MANUEL COLINDRES. RrrvBuc oF NicaRaGva, MINISTRY OF For. A¥FAIRS, Graxaba, Doo 26, 1855. To Senor Don Manvet Compress, Official Agent of the Supreme Government of Honduras near that of Nica- ragua— ‘To-day has been received by the ministry under my charge your communication of the 19:h ult., encloniog that of the Ministry of State offonduras, under date of the 28th inst., which accrecits you ax representn’ive of that supreme government to the republiz of Nicaragua, in onder te come to an agreement on ‘he fixed and invivia- bie baris for assuring tne fraternal relat’ons of both countries, souciting at tbe ime your admission and ® safe ecnduct to render effective the immuntties ac- corded by the right of nations to public ministers, Having communicated the above to the Provirional Pre- sident, be bas ordered me to inform you that, the pre- sem acministration of Nicaragua professing, as 1) does, the principles of amity and giod undera:anoiog with all nations of the world, and in particuler with the other re- pobites of Central Aterica, is disposed to aimit whatever reprerentatives jst may choore to send, provided they be competently authorized, In this ri Sr. Coliadres can pursue his journey to this capital t he deems it convenient; and although I think the safe condact you ask for unnecessary, I send it to you in eormpliauce with your desire. ‘The preeont opporturity fs agreeable to me, becau-o it urnishes me occasion to sign myself, for the firat time, your most attentive and obedient servan*, BUENAVENTURA SELVA. REPLY OF THE MINISTER FOR FOREIGN AFFAIRS OF NICARAGUA TO THE ADDRESS OF SR. MANUEL CARRASCOSA, TENDERED IN THE NAME OF SEVERAL CITIZENS OF GUATEMALA, GRANADA, Dee. 31, 1855, &n, Don Manver Carrascosa— Thad the henor to receive and to communicate to the Provisional President the address you handed to ms on the 8th December, wherein, in the name of your fellow citizens, you congratalate the supreme government on the obtained in Nica: y the triumph of demo- cratic principles, The President fnatructs me to tell you that he receives with sincere pleasure the congratula- tions you have presented to him, that as the different sections of Central America m' be considered as one family, Nicsregua entertains no other sentiments in re- pect to Guatemala than thore of the most intimate fra- ternity; it derives for it notbing but the blessings which make a people free and happy; and inepired by there xen tinents, the government of this republfe hopes its con- duct will merit the esteem and eympathy of ail good citt- zene ef Guatemala. ‘With the reply to your address It gives me pleatire to assure you of my esteem, and to sign myself your re. tpectiul vervant, BUENAVENTURA SELYA, anc North Carolina, Florida, Kentucky, Tennessee, scuri and Maryiand the east . At balf past 12 o'clock, Mr. G. Morriss ‘the een 10 lesen ner at the xequnet of the Com: ‘ee repgewente, nominated Jos. " Mee le eee fhe question ‘beiog put, ‘was unanimo adireased the o Mr, ps . ond on taking the chair, thus veptie Ds— Gentlewen—In tabing thw place for a short ‘the purpose of effecting an organization, Tam pected to way avytiing relavive to the objects of this c Yentivr, 1 woud bere say to the non-resident deleg im attepdsncs, that, on tae bebalf of mond, | teader them » most cordial weleome. I however, that the inclemency of the weather, which prevented the attentance of many tea who wor otberwise have been here, will render their visits bi grere than we soins, them xo be. | now take teat, and am ready to receive {tions for bu pa ese hall of the Committee of Arrai Mr. Mi rise nominsted Messrs, Wm. R. Isaacs and James A. Co ardin as Secretaries pro tm; and the question being pt they were unepimo:riy elected. ir. MORR:&S then offered the following resolution, wh wee adopied:— Rrvolved, That a committee of fifteen be appointed Lomipu'e permsnent officers for the Convention, The qcestion was put, aud carried in the affirmati Pevoing the appoiu ment of the committee, the readi cf be hat of delegues was calied for and read as { WR North Carclina—Merers. Edward G. Haywe Wall Gwyan, J. H. Gidben acd M. 2. Taylor. bag Marylund— vevsr'. W. R. Barker, Thos, Fawoett, A. Aagner ani Freoeh Tighiman. uisiana— Mr. J. D. B. De Bow, Texas—Mews#. Thowas J, Green and W. L. Cazneau. Mvscuri- Mr. Thos, U. Bay. istrict of Columbia, srs. Roberts Ould and J. Perry, of Georgetown; Messrs, Jobm F, Towers. Rich: Weilech, Silas H Hill, Jobn A. Sinton and Thomas B 1y, of Wachiig on. Virginio—Messrs, Henry C. Ward, D. Hume, Fend Meroerry, Charles W. Bliacoe, ‘unsten, 0. Brent A.W. McDonald, RK. Loving. Taomes M. Bondy taut, W. W: Forbes N. D. Morris, Perkins, Geo W. Nixon, Al-xander Moseley, J. . “Eppes, Hugh # tee, Jchn ¥, Wail, J. J. Morton, H. A. Wood L! Vaugh : G. W Richaicror, austin Woite, N. A. Thompson, A. tmub, ". A. Rovicron, W. T, Chandler, E. P, Waite, v H. ferifli, Chav. £ Haas, Myer Myers, Jno, EK, Doy! kT Hardy, FH. Mays, Root. M. Wiley, D. B Layn W. C. Hun ¢,wm. Kinney, J. Brandeburg.N. Kinney, Wil Kivg Heisheli, M Chapman, F. Gregory, Jr., Bolivi Cirstian, J. H. Lacy, Thomas Ma'thews, J. P. Leitch,’ W. Moss, S erwi Mckae, Fendall Griffin, E. G. Clay, ©. Spots.’ Henry Cox, R.'W. Styl, Wa. M. Gillespi Chas. W. Russell, C. W. Murdauga, N. B, French, ¥ Yates, W. J. Hawks, John C. Page, Henry R. Johnson, R, Palmer, Jno. H. De Jarnette, Horace L. Kent, E. Fy Chawbers, T. Carrington, Wm. Townes, J. G. Boyd, McDonald, MB, Nowhn, E. D. Christian, F. B, i‘ Jr, Thomas C. Thacks on, Thos. Flood, W. J. Haw! ‘thos. K. Price. Jon. R. Anderson, Iaaac Davenpert, Sr. R. Archer, R. B. Haxall, Sam. J. Rucherford, J. B. Fer pe Jr., Wm, B L. W. Glasebrook, Wm. ‘utler, W. M. Kiliott, H.W. Fry, Wm. H. Macfarland| Wynobam Ronertson, P. Y. Deziel snd &. Fontaine. dir. TUCKER CaBRINGTON moved that the convention ad journ until to morrow at 12 o’clock, #0 as to enable gen} Uemen on their way to arrise and take part in the o: Dizsticp. The prevent at*endance is too smail to transac any business, anc it ot delegates did not arrive, hi should look cn the a sembisge as a failure, Mr. J. HB. Grsson, cf North Caro/ina, thought the cau of the slim atten cance attributabie, in part, to a rumoi in circulation in the South of prevaience of smallpox ir Richmond, ard partly on account of the extreme severi o! the weatber, which rendered travel very difficult. Hi did not believe that it was for want of interest in the ob jects of the convention that prevented the South from.be| ing fully represen ‘ed. Mr. Wa. H. MAcrARLAND suggested that in taking thi vote :z the revolution tor adjournment, none of the Vir givia a: legation shoule voie; and the proposition being agreed to, The President put the question, and it was carried ir the affirma ive by the fvliowing vote—Ayes 11, noes 8. So the cunvention adjourned until to-cay, at 12 o’clock, The Season. [From the Washington Globe, Jam. 29.) It is barcly necersary to refer to the authority of tha myth of the weather, Mr. E. Meriam, to show that wel Dave passed througy a coid term—one that has hardly ever ceen experienced in vhis region since the winter a] 1783, when the Chesapeate bay was crossed in wagortt| end trat previous wiu‘er whea, arcording to Virginis| chronic'ers, it was cold ensugh to freeze “inter regem a reginam.” At the tame time, we feel under great obli- gestions to Mr. Meriam, as *e!l as to ali other scientific! men, for their meier i gical observations, and have n coubt that, if dilgemtiy pur ued and accurately record’ ed, they witli furnub material fora more accurate know leoge we now hi ‘® rudject that comes home every man’s buriness and bosum—the weather. If the ‘weather as it {s commands our.atten'ion, the weather asi is to pe is of like importance, How loog is this ‘‘cold| term” w continue? t umportant in its financial ané jth Merl as well as in view of its effects upon oui fruit cr ps’ We bave good authority tor the assertion that the frost ar tn this vicinity dwtruyed vines, shrubbery and fruit rees, he observations of Professor Page on this sub: ect are confirmed dy our own, Profestor Page writes #8 follows:— The i: jury acre to rege.ation by the intense cold o! this winter is already probably greater than has ever been known before in this latitude and locality. As a general thing, apric't trees are so far injured that few will survive the shecx. My own trees are enticely kilied. The grape vines sre severely injured; rose bi and maby rbiubs that bave fstood tour or five past winterr are bile pai) peach trees which mace rapid’ hurt. fhe Paulonia i: is pro- magnificent show ef flowers next spring, but ‘the flower buds ave frozen to death. These are a few exsmyles of tre effects of the cold visible at this time; but what will be the state of things after a thaw! The anticipation is gloomy enough. a the Lou'sville Courér ot January 18, we take the following :— THe iT Knizp We expressed our apprebensions several (ays vince that the recent posts: cold wea- ther bas been sufficient to kis] the fruit bads on peach trees, Investigations made since have satisded us that ‘bere fears were well grounded; and we may all make up cur rings todo without pesches, apricots, plums and cherries the coming season. we have examined were killed, and several of our fruit growert have toid us that their investigations led to the same conclusion. One gentleman, however, near 1! pnder the im:ze sien that But few of his and cherries are injured, and this is the only exception we Lave heard of. ‘Throvghout all the West and Northwest the thermo- meter wee low epovgh to produce the same effect as here. In foutbern Kentuchy and Tennessee, and at the East, we. presume the fruit is #/ill injured. -4 The Ma¢ison (Indiana) Banner publishes the follow- ing:s— Laure Hit, Jan. 16, 1856, We Lave bad news to report you respesting the fralt crop. The peaches are all ki The apricots, plane and cherries, I think, have shared the same fate. Yeure, with bay yy R. W. TODD, We learn from the Alton ({linois) Courier that at a rn eeting of the Alton Horticultural Society, on Saturday last, it was stated hy Dr. Hall, others con! the ftatement, that on examination of the fruit buds of trees, im that vic nity, it had been found thet the re- cent severe cold weather a ‘promise of yield of this lureious frait the coming season. In yesterdny’s Intelligencer, Pro‘essor Page, of this city, states, that on Thursday morning, the 24th inat., ther- memeters in this city indicated two or three degrees below zero at seven o’c'ock; but at Gratton Cottage, his re. idence, north of the city, near the Montgomery turn. phegate, the thermome‘er indicated fourteen degrees a>ove zero. Riding into the city that mornivg, he en- countered 8 belt cf cold air at Boundary atreet, which is below the bill. The coid. he says, seemed to increase ag be spp cached Penasyivania avenue, On Saturday morning be found that the thermometer in this cit; bad ncicated reven d+g'eer below zero at reven o’elocl A.M. ‘the difference in temperature be'ween the twa localities, only ® mi¢ anda haf apart, was thirteen de- grees on Katur’ay morsirg, and on Thuradey morning it war sixteen degrees Thereupon be draws the concluston that “if Lieut. Mavry’s aystem of metecrolog'cul oorerva'ions had been in opers ion at this time, it would have been hi in- tereriing and important to trace out the limita of thisy Snrenst ax loca’ cold, sua to learn its truecause, This Very Marked difference of temperatures shows the im- periance of ga'bering o vervations from nomerous and Feattereo « beervers, und ‘hat xo single report can be re- able for enytbing wore than the presire situation of a siigle the:mome'er. For instavee, an observation at the Emithe-nisn Ineti ute or the National Cbservatory will ot give the tompe ature for the District of Columbia, or even Washicgton c unty, nor even can an extended ferict of observations at ‘bose institutions furnish-suf- flewnt cements for reducizg the mean of temperature jor this limited verritery. Five or six observers, at least, would be equired to give a reliable mean for Wash- ingion aloe.” te striker us that the phenomena of the difference of temperature referred to is owing to the difference in the on obove tide water of the different looslities which, . Vege indicated. Thus, within the city boundaries, thre is # ruccestinn of three plateaus, each rising above the other. ord in the lowest of these the cold was the mort severe Parting Bouncary atreet, we have another «levation, and there we find a more moderate tempera- ture. ‘The wilter of this has repeatecly noticed, during the aot thirteen years, that lis peaches (in tne north part of the city) were desrreyed by trost, when the peach trees on the bigh range north of the city produced abun- japtcrops. Ire reason was, that ft was colder in thé mcie depressed thau fn the higher localities, Nepraexa Lr@isiarure—-The House recently pared o resciution requesting the Governor to repair im- mediately to Warhirg'.n, to look after the interests of the yenng Tertitory. A lew days since that body admite ted to his seat a twen(y-scventh member, from some district of bait-breeds ana Indians, whore olection waa urauthosized by tho Grvyernor’s’ proclama‘fon. Tho Courcil retured*to oc-operate with the House whilst this ovgerized and consti uted, The Houre, finding that nothing coula be cone, induced the No. 27 to re- 4 sign, and Low metters «x6 sgain in motin. Im one Houre a dill bar parsed for e ecting a penitentiary at Tccama, Burt county, fills haye been introduced into beth Houres for near a dozen banking institutions for different towns and cities in the Territory.