The New York Herald Newspaper, January 13, 1856, Page 2

2 NEW YORK HERALD, SUNDAY, JANUARY 13, 1856. ef that seductive bijoulerie, composed either of trinkets ‘= eager plums, for which Paris at this season has frow ‘tmamemoriai time been fawoas, and which the rapid rev)- bution of years seems to present somewhat too often {01 ‘the purses of domest's aifection. When everybody must give to everybody, but one class is a gainer—that which produces the cadeaue and sells them at a handsome pries, And it would certainly be a custom more honored im the breach than the observance if some one would have ‘the mora! courage to make a resolute stand against this ‘system of new year’s gifts or ctrennes. A bachelor can- mot have dined twice at a house in the course of the year ‘without some part or the family having a claim upon him for a cadeau—all the world must give one to all the werld’s ehildsen—eyery servant, buicher and baier’s Boy, seamstress, ’aundress, charbonnier, water carrier, Jamplighter, postman, &c., begins to bonder forthwith, aad seowls all sorts of ominous threata if not recollected, and the werst is that the expec'ation of each is a> ex- alted and exaggersied that few are really satisfied, after all, with the amount or quality of the gift; and the un- happy morta! who is the source of all this compulsory generosity, has noteven a look of sympathy or grati- tude to compensate bim for the miserable inroads ‘te dawning year bas made upon his pockets. On the eentrary, it will sometimes happen that a torrent of ‘wrath and displeasure, which for some time past has been dammed up, and has only not been let loose on his @evoted head beeause the drenne season was approach- img, i# suddenly, by his compliance with the custom, re- Yeased from its self-imposed bondage, and twenty-four hours after, asif i's barriers were no longer able to con- tata the foaming flood, down it will come, a moral tor- mado, compared to which great Niagara’s waters area peony squirt, and tne unfortunate patron finds, perhaps, im addition to the joss of his money, his cook has re- mounced him, ube murrice, or wet nurse, has spat in his wite’s face, and wiil have no more cf his brat, gemcierge, or porter, has given lim te understand that he is the most troublesome, most disagreeable, m> Bsberal tenant in the house. If he callat a fi howse fox consolation, he sees his cadeaur, vhich, se much pains he bas selected for this friend’s ekiliren, Broken to pieces or thrown aside as @iferior to thove made dy more generous neighoors. ‘Alcogstuer, his only sonsolation is that the close of the year cannot be yery tam w¢, however, for heaven 9a praised © more days of the old year to osea «to plunge evecybody inte a vo f mech worse then its inauspicious ianagaration. somewhat ant, tenceney % cast tacir shalows defore them Lipiomaisits ure fiying about ike fireiifes at St. Do Ds 1d to God they may prove, as they progress, engels of pe: and goodwill ata season faved of tne importanc ui Blessings to mankinc. Much stress is laid upon ‘1. de Bowrquenzy’s visit w Paris, his long eonfereners visi Cont Wallewsky, the Emperor’s favorable insHnatioa ‘wwards the views exoressed dy him—that the eleman' ef ap honoradie and durable pesce were at hs: * the military difficalty bewg sectled as to whethe: or the allies were the strongest, nothing now Wut to declare the neutra)i'y of the Black Sea—s fact that Austria would withdraw her ambassador aa S&. Perorshorg if Russia 1d mor accept auch a basis of pecificasin. it fs even averred that an ultigatam das been sent to Russia in words to this elfect—Exclusiog et all vessels of war from the Bla ‘the fortitied places on the coasts o! tien of the provectoraie of the Principali of all the old rights of intervention in Sakan; cession of thit part of Bessarad! situated the mouths of the Danube.” Russia accept such propositions? I doubt it tiatieze will ¢vag on througa the winter. Poe French Emperor wants to have the credi: of ds peace. Russia will go on taiking about her hol equi ad nauseum, and making toos of gunpowder: w Lord Palmerston, wits an eye to # dissolation ef Pa ment, wiil telk of nothing but a peace, ‘honorable acd durable,” which he well knovs means a bloody camprign fer the year 1854. Ido nov see. i corfess, that we have arrived at the period wien Ue sword can be recarnod to the seabbard, w/ forty years it had quily sleeping. Nevercteless, pacific tale just denmense, ana sturdy thinkers, notwont to be hu Jook posed. In the meanwhile, we hear fom St. Petersburg that ne y The auoivecsary of tue foundation of the Order ¢ earge, imsticutel by Ca. therine IT., was celebrated wit eostunie, wece present. essembied ac ine Wintec Many a similar offic pol, he is repos mains to be seen 1 next yea> as at S¢ Todienen, wise engin theme of such enthuriastic ene: w are enavlod to iuspest them at ibeir iunmediately alte on his arrival at Fewrsbuzg. Tae ¢ ‘that po wor kiad could b Caazr’s return tne nal relatious of Finland and Moscow were exceeding! as Finland i+ concerned tae communi 9 military measures fir vext year, whist for Moscow tor- tifieations and pubilc works are the princi gal in view. Betwoun Udeota and Uchakoil and the Nicolaie? che wili'ia are ieavieg their positions marching towards Bessarabia. It wilt be satisfact: he frimés of the Amecican Minister, Mr. Mus . state of that gent daily. He may be soen out of de y zal appearance, thoagh not f enotes the condition of a man ‘ picking up’ is lett hand ts stil sligitly allected by the severe visi the tation be suffered, and in hie gait he halts @ tittle. Jantic, are said tw ve burning with the ic apg their country the his great and of replacing Mv. Mason’ y by theic is ore satisfactory, if poseinie, than that ble gentleman's bedy. I say I regret, be Krowing nothing about the presens American Mi ome naturally feels a smpathy wwurce flowers which are blushing unseen, aud enly want air and or place to attrac; the si @s. ere the Pier native dust, one wou: ment of the true republican st bem-bailiffs in the f eat bre Pilgrim Fathers, wear fustian, and drink not. Tmmpid eement. One uid de giad eves to orabie genueman nimself, and hear .re lipe @ homily on is expected trom the fatners of the Uni But the season of over, when ot all sorts of sations—joy " ean’t get iid of her fer the-c whore mer in doing inj stice to: and that itis jay 4 compas-iouate, ali in the same breath, tossy the honest troth, if any wotur'a Duildiog bis hopes cn the deverioration « man’s wentel quaiiications, be bad be ter t to -alitornia ane turn himself to other parsu chance is not worth adnmp. A few evenings ago, being in house where gentleman do congregate no companion to talk ty, Feaseoaced m, shot of the Ame wn Minisver, when a thon wax going on, aud from the animation t ft, Ifelc tat in sucha place I coakl not ben eavesdropping, however closely I listeasd. Say are pot usually utvered wn . olundo. to do this, having heard it roundly asserted in ecmpany only afew doys ovfore, that the paralysis which hed, at cro time, s0 serfvualy affected the American Migister, tad, whavever might be ssid to tne conteary. greatly lowered the tone of his mind. ‘The conversation I beard, embraced all forts of sub- jocte—snecdotes relating wo Jimerican and Gagliva siates- meo; the distinctive fen:ure which marked the a ‘of the two nations; the i ve of Atm the present prospest Yes; the pree in Fr wap ical secula ions; ra and tts trade, &r son bi ldly threw himeel/ and state the fact, wicboat hesitation, that of! two hones I rose trom it more ineteac’ed, wore deluravsn, apd more thoroughly impressed, than [ ever remen: ser & any pabdlic man ve a first rate wattong ol have been from the conversation ¢ fore, Mr. Mason, | shoul’ imagine, mur conrersationist. He s; neither too is words never ovicus his for a moment, it is onl pression more than usunily « yaust have a memory ef no comme T observed that he frequently made la ge pacenthosis, a sometimes repeated involutions, be not only never to-t himself, but what ix more, aever gave you rewon to suppose he was likely to domo, Afer depactiag fom is toeme ever #0 widely he always came rouna to 1° with admirable facility, clenching nis argument or * ping’ his remarks with a neatnese sod finish that ii Fa he nuarer'e mind with n sense of euch entire comp) tion that he lett him nothing to desire. 1 followed ni through names, dates. aphical bouadaries, 4 not one of which reemed to give him ® moment’s tron and therefore your readers may take my word for it, th if be fails in any thing required of him, tt is aot bee of any deficiency of brain. Lf in fast he is vot a v. perior man, in the fall possession of very #uperior 1 tal quaiifications, a1 1 ean say is, | never «at wituin hearing of © man for two hours, and was made aucy s fool of nothing bat pleasure manifosied in all circles at the “ieee Chick’ the Tweens with England apparently blown over. | hear sta‘esmen, both ¥ and English, say that it is greatly to be hope? sm: will be done by the two Anglo-Saxon natious to ri all difficulties and bring about the most perfect um standing petween them. Old causes of quarrel, su thore connected with Central America, and ochecs, thas since the lac: war have been kept open festering #/res should now be got together a ministered 19 by the ministers of the two countries, and set at rest forever; #0 that the reepective people may reasonably look for ward to a century of god understanding. If the Pierce edminiatrayion would go out in the odor of senotivy, a nobler object of ambition it could not bave than thar of an attempt to settle by one act, as it were, all difficalties of this Public opicion in Ragland would compel Lord Palmerston to meet it helt way in so landable av object, and Americans and Bri'ons mght date from the alone of the Presidency of General fierce another liok in ¢he chain of kindred which once bound therm as fellow _htizens of the sume kingsor. BERTIE. 8t nh «| tain t Panis, Dec. 20, 1855. ‘The Swedish Treaty--Its True Significance—The | United States Looked on as the Secret Ally of | Russia The Public and the Foreign Debls of the Latter Power—The English and French Presson Peace Probabilities—Curious Article in the Constitutionnel—_ The War only on its First Lege—Coust Gossip, §e., $c. The weather has again change !. At six o'clock yesterday morn’ng the thermome «r of M- Chevalier marked 21}, and at noon 25}; to-day it has beena ebade lower. You will have received by the regular channels the text of the Swedish treaty. This compact isin fact oue offensive and defensive. It is impossible that the war can go on without Russia being drawn in to make trespasses on the Swedish territory, when the excuse for hostilities will be furnished. The position of Russia certainly has an ominous look about it. But America has the credit of being her seeret ally. “Nota day,” says a letter from Copenhagen, of the 12th inst., “passes without French and English vessels passing, on their return home. The English steam frigate Proserpine, which brought Gen. Canrobert to this city, and ich has since remained at anchor in the roadstead, has at length left. She has, however, not proceeded to England, but to Helsingfor, in order to wateh the Russian vessels which are in this port. Some aston- ishment is felt at seeing a large and deeply laden American veasel remaining in this port for some time past. It is said that the Engl’ government has received information of an Amer‘ san vessel hav- ing left Boston laden with arms for Lussia, and this is seppoxed to be one. It reqnires considerable faith in the principles which we suffer to guide our juigment not to give way to the popular belief that peace is at hand. [f the acconnts that reach us throngh such journals as 1, of Brassels, the Post Ampt Gazette, &¢., can be eredited—and I know of no reason Why tuey should not—Russia is driven to ex- tremes. It is a notorious fact, says one letter in the former, that there is a general desire for peace in Russia, from the highest down to the lowest classes, ouly few fanatios still persist in calling for the coptinnance of the war, although it will complete the ruin of their country. The following fact will give you an idea of the want of monoy, The Imperial cesses of Russia have sold their diamow and pe the amownt re- ceived for them into the cotfers of the State. All the Russian families living at Vienna, most of whom belong to the nobility, complain bitterly of the war, and loudly for ise cessation, wall aware of the terrible consequences it may lead to, if continued another year. Were I at liberty to inform you of what (the party is writing at Vienna,) I have heard respecting a certain condition prescribed by the ad- versaries of Russia, namely, the neutrality of the Black Sea, ! could tell you that that clause, although ea by Prince Gortschakoff at the Vienna Con- nee, no longer appears unreasonable to the Rus- plenipotentiary. Had Prince Gorteehakoff, I wonder, any definite object in view in expressing that opinion before some high personages at Vien- na? Idonotknow. I mentiou the fact without examining it; for, in diplomacy, words often have an opposite meaning to that generally understood. ‘The public debt of Russia since the war, the Post Ampt Gazette veserts, has been increased by 326 millions of silver rubles, whilst the foreign debt, with a sinking fused, has only been diminished by 18 illious. Count Bsterhazy, the Austrian Minister 1, Petersburg, is now at Vienna on leave of ab- He is to return to St. Petersburg on the willl 24th. Now, it may be questioned, supposing the fact to be as asserted--that the princesses beve sold their jewels—whether such & cir » dees not evince qaite as moch for stance as distress. {t cannot be pre- ies are so hard up that they had vat to have recourse to so paintul an 1 it3s more natural to suppose that an rifice has been made to demonstrate he undaunted, untinching nature of nave got to deal with. As for what a y at Vienna, or some lusty lungs cry burg, the same may be said of the ja London and Paris, whose govern- r iy talk of dictating a peace. ‘The tone of the press in England is not such as to warrant any well grounded hope of peace. The Post, 1 Polmerston’s organ, deelures Russia must to the teraas—that there must be no frifing, no shally-shally, &e.,&e. Such is not the language of hope for reconciliation. Nor | Letter faith in the language of the se- ve. The Constitutionnel t is true, created quite a sensation on the article which is too long for me to ex- 1e salient points of which L give:— 8 that the Eastern war could give to France, either in mors) or political results, iu strength, con- sideration, or influence in the Councils of Europe, it has granted. Why, therefore, if the precise aim for which this war was coramenced has been aecom- plished. uid not France agree to a peace on the conditions proposed, provided sach is the wish of isis mere jargon; the Constitutionnel knows perfectly well that Russia cannos yet be so hambled as to accept such conditions as the allies have pro- pored. But now comes the excuse for getting rid of the treaties of 1s15—always the darling ambition of Napoleon, as expressed in his work, ‘(Les Ideis iD :—“France could not desire the con- war, unless in the view of passing stipulated in the treaty of April 10, ld become a question of dismembering Would not France then re- pensation? be justified in exacting it? in 4 reconstt ‘ion of the map of Europe, and n of the treaties of 1815” Certainly, if it ter into the thoughts and policy of England to France a similar measure, and it could Jconvenient and proper to France to enter- roposal, the continuation of the war with that aim in view might be desirable to many * * *.”” Whit is all this buts concealea threat? And had one not long ceased to be surprised at the capricious lations of the Bourse, the fact of the exchanges ng after such an article would startle one. v5 well enongh that the possibility ve hinted by the Con- stijutionnel—t of reconstructing the map of Eurone—is th ret of her strength: that the moment the allies abrogate the treaty of sthe 10th of April, the sword which they suspend in terrorem over ber head, their difficulties will begia, and Russia may win the race, with the whip in her mocth, after all. I confess to you, however, solid men, whose judgment 1 respect,are sorely prrzled what to think. For myself, presumptuous as it may be, [ helieve the war is only ox its first legs. Yon see Mr. Bright holds owt small bopes for England in the race with the United States, The member for Manchester is a powerfal speaker, but his counting house view of national daties will never erstade the pouple of England. If he thiuls so ittle of the chance of Great Britain, it isa pity he don't emigrate at once, to get the United States to adopt him. America had reasoned 28 hodoes now, would she ever have extorted her indepondesce from England’ She did not sit down and count the cost. She said, better is a dinner of bitter heris and freedom, than a atalled ox and Bri tyranny. England na mistaken in her policy, her dread of Kussia s aion be a bugbear—that is a mat- ter of opinion; bat having decided that she | has an enemy who was preparing to ciream- | vent and crush her; she, too, girds on the sword } of independence, and with the same indomitable | spirit that upheld the glorious sires of tree born | ‘America in their terrible struggle, wil the Old | Country show herself worthy of her Anglo-Saxon | kindred? Is she to be swayed by such an argnmeut | as that America. carrying lesa weight of taxation | and exceeding her in population, is beating her in tinuance ¢ yond the when it w the Russian empire. to prope be fox the race of nationa while she is thus employed? America would be the first tocry shame upon ‘her, if she was, The indomitable energy of the Poglish character will only be more developed by this war. It will tend to dissipete many internal abnses: and though it is quite possible hor sufferiags may be great, she will finally come out triumphant—rmach more so, I suspect, than her greatly lauded ally, France; and for this reason, that despite of her dality and ber monarchical influense, the poy base is larger, much larger, than is generally su; posed. Mr. Bright is right in bis adimir n of America. England. aa a uation, partakes it with him, and in a lar gre: degree than is believed; but Mr. Bright, with his undoubted talent and great weech, is, after all, a8 narrow a bigot as ever Wo7 broad brimmed hat. In consequence of the Empress’ state, there are to be no ptiona on the interesting 2d of January, as naval, of ladies in Manbeanx de Cour and the Tuileries. i It will be remembered that jast men, from some canse or ot) } dred of them—made a uight of it ir lendid apartments of the Tuileries, ai) sway lighted | chances of success, may suit the imag’ up as for a royal reception, by themselves. In my fox bunting days we used sometimes to give a as to the course the had taken £ wel 8 flock of sheep juddied up in a cormer of a field, where, in t and tril , they had re- at sight of long tailed varmint; and cer- to at those one hundred ladies on that ‘occasion, in silks, aatins, flowers and dia- all corners 4 not seek to har oh com aeoae and not eel ve of one r without the other. =e Berri. Our Genoa Correspondence. Genoa, Dec. 5, 1855. Sardinia Under its Constitutional System—Halian Natonality—Liberty of the Press in Genoa—The Democratic Element in Italy a Snare and a De- lusion—The New Treaty between the United States and Naples. Well, after escaping from the robbers and the cho- lera, one has reason to be thankful for a sojourn in Genoa. It is beyond a doubt one of the most beau- ful cities of Italy, and very properly called by the Italians “Genoa Ja superba.” In architecturau gran- denr it far surpasses any other city of Italy except Venice, and its republican spirit has not been quenched as that of Rome, Pisa and other cities mer commonwealths. Genoa, though sharing the vicissitudes of other Italian cities, has still prese:ved some of its ancient spirit, and is now at the very head of the movement part in Italy. It has been which are now but so many monumental ruins of for- its good fortune te become a part of Savoy—theonly ‘State of Italy which seems to have a future—which has the courage and power to maintain its freedom. I shall not trouble the readers of the HeraLp with 9 description of the town, its sights, his- torical palaces, galleries, &c.—not even with the statre of Columbus—a mere modern creation—in the City Hall, his manuscripts and so forth and soforth. Almost any book on Italy contains more on these subjects than I have room to describe. in one of my letters. What I propose todo isto give yon an outline of what Genoa now is under the benign influence of an honest constitutional government. Savoy has been a military monarchy up to 1848, and in its own way as much of a despotism as all other Italian governments. An idea, however, has always prevailed in Turin that Savoy, or Sardinia, as it isnow called, since the annexation of that island, has a mission to fulfil which is to unite Italy into one State by dnving out the foreign despots who rule iu Nuples and Lombardy, Modena, Parma, &c., merely by the barbarous right of conquest. Though the Savoyards are scarcely Italians, and though they can- not boast of having contributed much to the arts and sciences of Italy, this consciousness of an historical calling has saved Sardinia and its people from that drowsy lethargy into which the other Italian States were plunged, up to the time of the first French revo- tion. Savoy gave signs of life—it maintained a certain degree of independence, and was always ready to take a part in the great questions which agitated Europe. The country was comparatively poor, but its people were robust, frugal and indus trious, and made these virtues respected at home and abroad. In the midst of very great difficulties, aud surrounded by powerful neighbors, Sardinia main- tained its influence as an European Wwer; it was the only State of Italy which had g policy not dc- pendant on others, and the will, if @ not the means, of entering on the road of national progress. It is a great fault of Mazzini end his followers, who real ly seem to be entirely inexperienced as to the pra ¢ tical working of liberal institutions, to undervalue the honest endeavors of the Sardinian government to establish something iike a national nucleus in Italy, and especially the courage and honesty of the present King, who, in the midst of defeat and dis- asters, laid a very solid and, as I honestly believe. enduring basis of a constitutional government, A é tacking the man who, after the re-establishment § Austria and the fall of the French republic, still ad- hered to his liberal convictions, still preferred being a constitutional king rather than an absolute despot, is not only ungratetul, but unwise. It is calculated to disgust the prince, who is really willing to sj crifice his own prerogatives to the national ele- vation of his subjects, and leaves to the liberal patty no other hope of success but the very doubtful arbitration of the sword and popular insur- rection. Underthe present government Sardinia has @ ken rank among the States of Europe. It has ob- tained a rational constitutional government, demo- cratic institutions, and absolute liberty of the press. If all Italy has not got similar institutions it is not the fault of Sardinia and its King, but of the position of things which makes Austria and France prepoud 5 rate as European Powers in the affairs of Italy. A part, too, is undoubtedly the fault of the people— not of this or that period, but of centuries. And suppose Sardinia were now to be blotted out from the list of Italian States, what hopes would there be for the people for achieving their independence ¢ Has the thing not been tried by Milan, by Naples, by Rome, by Venice, and failed through the iater- vention of France or Au: ? In the present state of dismemberment of Italy, one of the other of the dis" jecta membra must necessarily take the lead ; und whether the civilization of Piedmomt isas old as that of Tuscany or Rome, in a stroke for national independence she alone has the power to accomplish apything. Let us not forget what Metternich said of Italy, at the Congress of Vienna. ‘‘Italy,’’ he said ‘ia no- thing but a geographical term, indicating an assem- blage of States on the map of Europe.” The his: tory of the Italian States, unfortunately, corrobo- rates this view; for the people of the different States of Italy, not to say towns, have never been accus- tomed to look upon each other a3 having interests in common, until the wars of the French Reyoln- tion. Even Napoleon, as King of Italy, did not sub- ject the whole peninsula to his sceptre. The word “Italy” was for the first time used iu a political ease by Murat, when, in his last extremity, he sought refuge under the national sentiment. There was, indeed,a man ata much earlier period in history who thought of the union of Italy,as a means of securing greatness and national independence; but when that man laid down his views, in his great work, ‘The Prince,” so little were the Italians ac- customed to look upon themselves a3 a nation, th they did not understand the author, and traduced both his work, his reputation as a patriot, and his memory a8 a statesman, Macchiavelli first, of all Italian statesmen, conceived the idea of the union of Italy under a great prince, who should have the power of putting down the city aris tocracies, (which were the principal ovstacles to that union,) and he laid down the princi. ples on which auch a prinve ought to act, und what virtues he ought to possess to make hingelf cherished by the people. His work was looled upon as an attempt to overthrow the effete Italian commonwealths, (which have all since ingloriously perished, and which were, indeed, ripe for tho reaper,) and to raise on their rain the prince of the houre of Medici. Italy did not heed the advice of this patriot statesman; it calumniated his polic and fell a prey to foreign princes and despots. fall of the republics was inevitable, as was the the Roman republic at the bat the building that Macc! raised in Heu of 1548, when the architects failed from hoth design and proper material to build wit changes introduced at that eventlal period hi since again disappeared, with the exception of those wrought in Sardinia, where the King himself sot the example of prtriotic devotion to his people. The attempt to weaken his government now, to arrest the progress which it has made on the road to froe- dom, in order by @ common misery and sense of woe to stimulate the people of all Its 0 insurree tion ond revolt, without counting t fiery , but has no claim to statesmansbip, and Bet To an instance of the Ifberty of the press as it now ciate in Sardinia, under ral een, e a called of 5 , now of the future of uestion ‘ns manner “completly to exslude Savoy and » by allot country a place iss “Soniederation’ to ndence, and to chase away the stranger. This an soap bubble, such as Alphonse Karr but no eerious argument. “Who is the whom we must chase from Italy? Is it he of Modena, of Florence, of Venice of Chambery, of Naples, or the cosmopolite of Rome? What is the meaning of ‘a rg ot! Italy?’ Don't let us make this a question of ship, or of birth, for all have staid long enough in italy to be considered Italians. Don’t let us make ita question of language, for the Lords of Milan ak Italian, as those of Turin, and at the Palazzo Batti (in Florence) better Italian is spoken than at the Castello (the King’s palace at Turin). Perhaps the Austrian is the stranger because he possesses Vienna and other provinces not Italian? And yet it seems that the Savoyard dynasty ese begebelyi and that there is up- on the map a province not Italian, called Hoc #, OP if the nationality of Italian dynasti depends on their estates armies being exclu- sively Italian, that of Turin haa less right than that of Naples. If it depends on relationship, who more than that of Savoy is connected with the House of Hapsburg? The of Naples was never an im- perial servant. * * * All the d, ies into which Italy is divided are the work of foreign con- quest, they established themselves by conquest, and maintained themselves by it. The Freneh and Spanish tyranny has a good right to be called domestic; because it became nationalized with the conquest of the national union. In ay, monarchy has not Ketel incapable of establishing a anion, but it has always been opposed to it, and has im- peded its foundation, because the Italian union would put an end to the dominion of the stranger. Thus tyranny has never become domestic tyranny in Italy—it remained the tyranny of the stranger. Tf it be objected that we are too severe in our judg- ment on the ruling family, it will suffice to quote few of its most illustrious names, which by its par- tisans are especially claimed as Italians. Thomas Philbert and Eugene of Savoy, were generals in Austrian pay.” - be These few extracts of the leading Mazzini paper in Genoa will suffice to give you an idea of the scope of his partizays. One would suppose that it was an Italian Know Nothing sheet, instigating the people to proacribe the foreign dynasty, which, soberly con- sidered, is the only one worth @ button in all Italy. But the best comment to this childish violence, aud at the same time the best defence of the King, is the fact that such things may be printed and publicly sold here in Genoa by newsbo) arac- ters whom I had not known since I left New York— without either peated public peace or dimi- nishing the respect for ruling Chere 4 Before the people of Sardinia throw away what they have it, they will look to what they are likely to receive stead of it. I am one of the last men to despair of a people or a nation. I believe in its recuperative faculties, and J believe especially in the capacity of the Italians to live under a respectable government, a united—nay, more. a great nation. A peo- ple with such a language, such a literature, such historical reminiscences, and such a taste for the sublime and beautiful in poe- try, in story, and in arts, cannot lack the elements of regeneration. But with my best wishes and my highest regard for Italy, 1 have not been able to discover those elements of democratic power here or in other cities of Italy— and I have been here before, and have sojourned in “the garden of the world’—as would justify the hope that the union cf Italy can be established by democratic means. Not that the democratic element is not necessary to the success of that union ; but that, by itself, it is not strong enough to accomplish its ends. Sismondi has very properly said that the Italians have always been able to master their own tyrants; but there are other tyrants, not Italians, whom they have not been able to master, because they were no match for the physical power brought to bear againet them. The democratic element in Italy, though devoted and patriotic, is not strong enovgh to cope with the aristocratic elements and the foreign despots at the same time, leagued as both are with the power of the church within. Ari-. tocracies have always first been broken down by a single ruler, before civil rights could be guaranteod o the people. Philip the Handsome, Louis the Eleventh and Cardinal Richelieu bad first to establish the unity of France and break down the power of the nobles before the revolution of 1789 could do its work, and the British commonwealth would have been a mere ideal conception, without the levelling work of Hevry the Seventh. Italy, as far as its national union is concerned, is at this moment not better off than at the clore of the fifteenth century, when Macchiavelli wrote his “Principe.” At that time the “ Medici” were fully looked to as the only fami- ly that might successfully undertake the task of breaking down the municipal aristocracies of the cities, and unite the different States into a powerfai empire. Such a task cannot now reasonably de volve on the lord of Tuscany, nor can it be expected from Naples. What, then, is left to build the hope of natiopal union upon, if not Sardinia, with its liberal institutions, and its brave army of sturdy mountaineers? Even now liberal institutions could not be maintained in Sardinia herself, against the aristocracy and the clergy, but for the firm will of the King and the honest and good men with whom he bas surrounded his throne. There are men who, like Mazzini, believe in political nostrums, applicable to all countries in all ages and conditions. I believe in tere remedies for specific cases. The King of Sardinia has met with a splendid ie ception in Paris and London, and the people of Sur- diuia feel that the honor reflects also upon the na- tion. There is, however, a feeling here, as in Paris and London, that the war is drawing to a close and a desire that it may not be deceptive. I believe my advices as regards the peace movement in Vienna, Berlin and St. Petereburg have reached the Heratp before they found their way to the London press; and that, though a mere traveler, my information has been quite as correct as any you might have re- ceived through official sources. The war bubble between the United States and Great Britain ‘as already blown over. No seu- sible man on this side of the water believed in the sincerity of the administration at Washington, «+ was frightencd by the bullying letters ot Mr. Atte ney General Cushing. If, as a leading Europe. paper has lately expreased it, the Lord has taken care that the tees do not grow up into heaven, He has also had a care not to allow shiubs to grow inio trees. The Italian papers have just published the text of the treaty concluded by Mr. Robert Dale Owen 0: vehalf of the United States with the governinen: (such as it is) of the Two Sicilies. The gist of the treaty is, that free ships shall make free goods. K.P. J. Our Pisa Correspondence. Pisa, Dec. 12, 1855. Political History of Tuscany—lts Present Condi that of an Advanced Austrian Posi in sicly—Tie Press in Tuscany as Compared with that of Sar- dinia— Gratification Experienced ty the Sardinia: People ut the Enthusiastic Reception of their King in England and France—The Probabilities of Peace Reviewed. I have seen nothing in Tuscany soemblematical % the condition of the government as the Leaning Tor £ of this city—a thing that every one looks upon asa wonder, because, with its tendency to fall, it still re- sists the laws of universal gravity. Tuscany is one of the most flourishing States of Italy, compared with Naples, Sicily, Modena, Parma, Piacenza, Xu., but it exhibits no strength and no capacity jor im provement. ‘The inhabitants of Tuscany, even under the fiourishicg Medici, were more industrious than warlike; they aimed at wealth only, and hence fell an easy prey to the martial spirit of their northern neighbors. Mere trades people form but poor mate- rials to recruit armies from, neither are they con- sidered by themseives the best custodians of public liberty. Ishall not detain you with reflections on the history of the Italian republics of the middie ages, but I cannot help adverting to the circum stance that the people of Tuscany, after having several masters, were a last traded off by France for the Duchy of Lorraine, by which bargain France became consolidated, the Duchy of Lorraine having separated the Pro- vince of Aleace from the rest of France, while Aus- tria, to whom Tuscany was traded off, gained by it nothing but an appanage, for one of its younger princes. The treaty stipulated that the raling Emperor of Austria should never he at the same time Graud Duke of Tascany. Emperor Leopold and Emperor Francis of Austria were born in Tas cary and are Tuscan princes, but when succeeding to the throne of Austria surrendered the Dukedom to the fils cadet of the family. The Grand Duke of Tuseany is nevertheless far more proud of his im- descent than of his dukedom; for pub- rents he «tyley himself Tmperial ve of Austria, Royal Prince of Hungary and Bohemia, after which comes the title of Grand Duke of Tus- cany. The allotment of Tuscany to an Imperial Prince of Austria has had great influence on the political condition of the Duchy, which was thus made to share all the vicissitudes of the House of Haps- burg and all the consequences of ita foreign and domestic without sharing the advan- tages of union @ great confederation of States. It received Austrian conservatism second hand, while as a frontier post, it was, more than other provinces of Austria, exposed to the revolu- tionary influences which, ever since the first French revolution, have agitated the Italian peninsala. The Grand Dukes have generally been good natured, humane princes; but since the revolution of 1848, the paternal Grand Ducal government has yjelded to one of a more positive, though far less liberal haracter, as a means of resisting the tendency of the age. Tuscany has become merely an advanced Austrian post in Italy—an apendage to the king- dom ot Lombardy and Venice. The police has be- come more vigilant, the censorship more oppressive— even as regards books, and among them the book of books, the Bible; while the physical condition of the people has suffered from disease, stagnation of trade and bad harvests. Compared to Sardinia, Tuscany is plunged into complete inanity, with no signs whatever of popular movement, and no aspiration that is not sanctioned by the police. Neither is there any considerable under-current visible, indi- cating a national direction of the public mind, so that it may truly be said Tuscany is the most quiet and contented State of all Italy. The reason of this quiet, however, is easily under- stood. In Lombardy and Venice the revolution has been put down by the iron hand of Radetzki; and if Lombardy and Veuice were unable to resist Austrian arms, there ean be no hope for Tuscany. The (irand Duke, as an Austrian prince, will always be able to dispose of the whole power of the empire to crush any popular movement in his own State; and it must be admitted that the internal administration of Tus- cany, though deficient in any substantial progress, is still so mach superior to that of the Papal States adjoining Tuscany, or to that of the Kingdom of the Two Sicilies, that the people have reason to be thankful that their lot has not been cast further south among the Romans or Neapolitans. If the despotitm of Naples were an honest despotism, like that of Russia; if the government of Rome were even as honestly administered as that of Russia, the agents of Mazzini would not succeed in fomenting troubles. It is only with chronic diseases that quacks may tamper with impunity. Here in Tuscany one can realize the vast strides in advance Sardinia has taken among all the Italian States. And whether the dynasty of the House of Savoy is purely Italian or French, it cannot be de- nied that it has taken the lead on the road to pro- gress. In onecountry there is absolute liberty of the press, with every manifestation on the part of the conductors of the press to use that boon with moderation and discretion; in the other, you find that species of public indifference in regard to all questions concerning the State which can easily dis- pense with newspapers altogether. In the public houses at Leghorn I found no papers, except sach as were read by strangers; and when in one of the principal cofiee houses—the Café Americano—I asked for the Journal des Débats, which was brought to me from some dark hiding place, I found to my discomfort that I had become an object of some surprise and attraction. There is, however, a good reading room in that city, where for a paulo I could read the Times and London Funch; and as a special bonne bouche, the New York Courier and Enquirer of 1st of May last. The extreme hberty enjoyed by that estab- lishment is probably owing to its bigh entrance fee, which precludes the ordinary inhabitants of the city from indulging in such choice literature. What litle privilege of motion is enjoyed here is in the nature of a special allowance to foreigners; but they are taxed in every porsihle way, for being thus made the objects of a governmental exculpation. Of arepublican spirit I have ecen nothing in Tus- cany, neither among the higher nor lower classes, though I ence passed a whole year in Florence. On the contrary, no people in Europe seem to me to be more theroughly accustomed to, and satisfied with, monarchy than the Tuscans. Republican senti- mei.ts must first be instilled into these people be- fore vbey can be expected to cherish republican freedom; nor do I see the materials with which and on which to work in sucha process. It seems to me that the Florentine spirit was never ultra-repub- lican, and thet a national Italian sentiment never existed either in Pisa or Florence, except in the heart of the historical genius, Macchiavelli, who was so far ahead of his time, that his countrymen did not even understand him. The principal merit of Florence still consists in hav- ing furnished Dante, the poet of exile and of hell, the chief characters for his Divine Comedy. If the Italian patripts wait till the people of Tuscany rise to shake off the Austrian yoke, they will des- cend to the grave without seeing their hopes real- ized. The Toscans did not share iu any of the great movements that agitated the Italian peninsula, and to this day pride themzeives more on their superior civilization, language and appteciation of the arts, than on being an integral part of the Italian nation. You can realize here more easily than anywhere else in i that Metternich was right when he said that word Italy was merely a geographical terni, COMveying no political meaning, and that that which exists in the minds of a few poets, literati, or men of superior education, requires yet years of apprenticeship and experience before it can ripen into anything like national consciousness. The best thing, the providential thing for Italy is the preent literal government of Sardinia, under a sovereign who is not likely to take back what he has promised to his people and to the world. He that does aught either to lessen the confidence of that prince in his people, or of his people in their constitutionai sovereign, is, in my opinion, a traitur to the cause of Italy, or 2 mun so devoid of political judgment as to be utterly incompetent to conduct a national newspaper, much Jess a national movement. There is no hope for Italy, in her present condition, but in the examp!e of Sardinia, and in the increases cdg and influence of that state. Tne Italians ave not only to learn a great deal, but they must aleo forget much of their former history, their form- er laws and institutions, their prejudices and mutual hatreds, to be able to unite—not again, but once ~ since the name of italy appeared on the maps, as the peorle of a common country. Italy has not to go through one, she has to go through twenty revo- lutious to effect such a change in public sentiment, and who shall say that these twenty revolutions will be succersful, and that, when accomplished, they shall not fail of their common object ? ple of Sardinia have been much pleased eption their King has met with in Eng- land, the papers dwell upon that circumstance with mech greater complaisancy than on the atten- tion shown him in France. His reception in France was more of an official natare, the honor done him due to his rank and station. In England the people and the press vied with each other in expressin; their approbation of his course as a constitutional sovereign and a firm and impertial reler. The Sardinian press has Jaid great stress on these mani- festations, which contains, to say the least, a nega- tive criticism on the stats of public liberty in France. The French press, without noticing the fact, has nevertheless ventured to predict an ame- lioration of things in France, and the Journal des Débots went even so far as to hint that after the conclusion of peace, the French nation, who was willing to make great sacrifices in a great national emergency, may reasonably expect a partial revival of that régime under which it has lived for forty years, and which it has not yet forgotten, in spite of the pressure of the times and the glory that attaches iteelf to the national arms. The con- clusion of peace would, indeed, serve the cause of freedom more than the continuance of the wor. The manner in which the Emperor of the Fiench conducted the war has won for him the good opinion of the conservative party in Europe, and conclided his peace with all the sovereigns, in: cluding that ot Russia, It is time now that he thould do something to secure the confidence not only of the French, bot of the - le of Europe; and in this he can only succeed by introducing some sul stantial changes in his mode of government. Let the measutes which for the most part have been found discreet and salutary remain, but let the modus operandi be changed; let the Chambers be a lightning rod, through which the ambitious talent and that activity which is rd bie from ca- acity may be condacted harmlessly to the ground, insteza of striking the edifice of state and pro- dveing periodical conflagrations. A people which has reached that state of civilization to which the French have at ed cannot continue to be govern- ed by absoluti i 't deteriorating in strength and éapacity, and declining a8 a nation. The 2d of December may have iad its stern requirements, but that time is now past. The nation has given the Km- peror «trong proofs of its confidence and attachment, nnd is well deserving of his confidence in return. 1 helieve that these things have been considered in the 1 er,und that the esggestions thrown out in some of the Paris papas are not without some de gree of official sancti France and all Ley te want peace; and the ple a it cape more § Sas Coby ec ire i y ¢ public opin- ion of | 0p in hiss at the close of the Paris Exhibition, he knew sufficiently the weight of that opinion on the Teapectivy governments. He knew that public securities could not be multiplied forever in Germany, Prussia, Austria, and even , With- out destroying public confidence in the governments, and that the people, who have to pay the interest of the accumulated debt, cannot continue to do.so with the avenues of trade und industry choked up in every direction. Austria, who desires peace as much ag Fang is again active in procuring an approbation of luct by the Germanic Diet ‘rankfort ; but fearing to be thwarted by Prussia, she herself has instigated the smaller States of Germany to memorialize Russia on the subject. Prussia, too, is, as I informed you in my last, actively at work io softening down the pretensions of Russia, and so peace willeither be concluded, or the Allied’ Powers, avd especially France, will reopen the cam- paign in the , justitied, in a very large degree, y the public judgment of Europe. at judgment, ou may well conceive, will be an clement of power, nd Louis Napoleon is not the man to forget to use t. Should he then make a move in a popular di- rection, he will conjure up different spirits trom those over whom he has hitherto exercised such ab- olute control. The Russian organ, Le Nord, published at Brus- sels, attempts to deride the hopes of peace expressed in the French and German papers; but it does so in 8 manner not absolutely to exclude such an event. The London Times imitates the seme warlike tones, with the same restrictions in certain cases; while stocks are going up, not only in Faris and London, butin Vienna and Berlin, where, until lately, the most gloomy feelings governed the Stock Exchange. In view of all these facts, and the positive informa- tion I have from Paris and Vienna, | again repeat my predictions of a speedy peace. ¥ Our Vienna Correspondence. Vienna, Dec. 17, 1855. Opinions in Vienna on the New Peace Negotiations —The Subscriptions to the Austrian Credit Mo- bilier—Extraucrdinary Success of the Scheme— Reperted Departure of Reschid Pacha from Constantinople for Vienna and Paris--His Mis- sion Said to be Connected with the New Nego- tiattons—Pranks of the Bashi Bazouks at Smyr- na——Accident to the Empress of Austria--Court News, &c. Since I last wrote to you there has been a, great deal going on in diplomatic circles. Austria has been negotiating with France and England upon the basis of such peace propositions as the former Power is willing to insist upon at St. Petersburg— be this hereafter in the shape of an ultimatum or otherwice. It appears that difficulties had to he over- come, especially in England, before the said three great Powers could agree upon the tenor of these propositions, involving, as it were, their joint ac- tion. We now learn that a perfezt andertanding has been finally arrived at, and that Count Valen- tine Esterhazy, the Austrian ambassador at the Court of St. Petersburg, left here last night for the Russian capital, taking with him full and ample powers to open earnest peace negotiations at St. Petersburg upon the basis of the joint under- standing come to by Austria and the allies. It now remains to be secn with what success these nego- tiations will be conducted. Opinions vary hereon. In certain political circles it is averred that Russia will now be the more inclined to give way, since the military honor of her arms has been saved by the victorious reduction of Kars. And doubtless if Russia bows to the superiority of the Allies in a moment of victory, it may fairly be said that her dignity is fully secured. But many persons opine that on account of this very victory the war party in Russia will assuredly leave nothing un- done to prevent the Emperor Alexander from lending a willing ear to peace propositions satis- factory to the Wertern l’owers. You are proba- bly aware that the terms of peace which Eng- land, France and Austria are supposed to have agreed upon, are reported to be the following: The Black Sea is tobe declared neutral territory, open for merchanimen of ali fags, but closed to the ships of war of all nations. All the Russian strong- holds in the Black Sea are to be reduced, and a cer- tain portion of Russian territory on the *Lower Da- nube is to be ceded and annexed to the Danubian Principalities for the purpose of satisfactorily se- curing the free navigation of the Daaube. I have reason to believe that this version is entitled to credit, although, of course, I cannot vouch for its entire correctness. The question of the war ex- penzes, I am given to understand, remains at present, in abeyance. It has been very pithily remarked that the fall of Kars, mainly attributable to the blameable negligence of the Porte in not sending ample reinforsements and provisions for the relief of that ill-fated garrison, will be the touchstone that will test the value of those hopes of a speedy peace in which Europe has been somewhat remarka- bly indulging for some weeks past. Russia's sincerity, in entertaining the propositions that will be now offered to her, will soon be got at. Nor must sight be lost of the fact that, besides Prussia, also Bavaria, Saxony, and one or two other of the minor German States, have latterly coalesced in strongly urging upon Russia the necessity of a pacific policy. All these endeavors for the restoration of peace, will, doubtless, carry their due weight with them at St, Petersburg. At all events, we may expect, in the course of the prevent winter, to hear a great deal more of pacific negotiations. The past week was a very busy one in Vienna, Public attention was almost exclusively absorbed by the subscriptions that were opened at the Na- tional Bank for 76,000 shares, at 200 florins each, of the Austrian Credit-Mobilier. The founders of this new credit institution had resolved, ag pre- viously reported to you, to let the public thus parti- cipate in the profits of their future operations, to the extent of fifteen millions of florins—of one-fourth of their present working capital. But such has been the extraordinary interest manifested hy the public in this new undertaking, that up to Saturday eve- uing, the 16th instant, at 6 P.M., when the sub- scriptions were ,closed, 644,666,000 florins were subscribed by 25,076 separate parties. This proves Leyond doubt the extracrdinary degree of favorable opinion which commercial inen throughout the continent of Kurope entertain of the probable snecess of this new institution. Of course these subscriptions were not limited to Aus- tia, but came also from France, Prussia, Holland, Belgium, and other continental States. At the same time it is worthy of remark that, daring the whole of last week, many theusand individnais of the poorer classes literally beleagured the doors of the bank by day and night, for the purpose of securing admission to the subscription rooms, and there to make application for smaller amounts, either for themselves or for those by whom the: were hired. This circumstance led to a good de of confusion, and the police had enough to do to maintain order. But it is satisfactory to be enabled to vay that no disturbances took place, althongh it was St agi to avoid a certain amount of abuve with the certificates of subscription for singie shores, the more so as there is a notion abroad that, whilst the larger subscriptions can hardly cal- culate upon more than pL Na cent in the final ap- portionmeat, the subscriptions for single shares whi enjoy an exclusively favorable consideration, tor the ake of the fied ange he of such # measure, We hear from Constantinople that reports were current in that capital, at the departure of the last Levantine mail, to the effect that Reschid Pasha, the Turkish Plenipotentiary at the conference of Vienna, was ae) preparations for undertaking a journey to the courts of Vienna and Paris. His mission was understood to be in connection with the negotiations ow in course for the restoration of peace Prince Calimachi is suid to havej been nominated to the post of Ottoman ambassador, in the place of Aiif Pasha, The imperial firman had not as yet been completed, nor will it be finished until an Brockerst Von Orten shall have been consulted re~ specting the opinions of the Cab ike subject. Pp Cabinet of Vienna on ‘rom Smyrna, we learn that the Bi have on a late oceusion made Shenson Sanaa conepicuous there, aud offorded thereby a topic o¢ conversation which will break the monotony o¢ £myrna life for some considerable time to come. I appears that one hundred and eij hty of these oot centric fellows, belonging to the Anglo-Torkish’ corps, arrived off Smyrna from Beyrout on the 30th ult. Having nothing to do, and no op, nity of displaying their gallantry towards the fair sex, for which they have rendered themselves so famous, they fell to bullying a number of Greeka whom for- tune, in a somewhat capricious mood, had appointed ‘o be their fellow traveliers. The captain, enveayor-