The New York Herald Newspaper, January 19, 1853, Page 7

+ MVORPANT CONGRES*IONAL PROCERDINGS. THE MONROE DOCTRINE RESOLUTIONS. nee Speeches of Senators Cass and Butler. History of the Foreign Policy of the United States. _ew EXCITING SCENES IN THE HOUSE. THE NEW YORK BRANCH MINT BILL. ’ pigicalty in Procuring a Quorum, &e., &., &e. THIRTY-SECOND CONGRESS. BEOOND SESSION. Senate. Waranxeroy, Jain. 18, 1863. VACANCIES IN COMMITTEES, ETC. Mr. Resx moved, and the Chair was authorized, to fill ‘the vacancy in the Committee of Post Offices und Post Reads, in plaee of Mr. Upham. Several petitions were presented. ‘My. Bapcer introduced a bill changing the law relative to Dail, in civil cases, inthe District of Columbia. It * * qhotishes all right to demand bail in any civil case. Mr. Unpenwoop spoke in favor of the bill, and it was referred, RELIEF FOR CLARK MILIA. Mr. Bapcxn introduced a joint resolution for the relief of @ark Mills. Referred. BQUNBTRLAN STATUE OF WASHINGTON TO RE ERECTED, ETC. ‘Mr. Sumas reported back the House bill appropriating 990,000 for the equestrian statue of Washington. Mr. Shields said that it had passed the House unanimously, and hoped it would do the same here. ‘It was taken up, and passed unanimously. Several reports were made. Mr. Mancum offered a resolution directing inquiry into the propriety of purchasing Espy’s conical ventilator. Adopted. CLAIMS AGAINST BAYTI—THR WORLDS FAIR AT LONDON, FTC. Mr. Sout offered a resolution calling for information * from the State Department relative to claims of American citizens against Hayti. Adopted. Mr. Pearce offered a resolution for printing Mr. Stans- bury’s report of the World's Fair, held in London. Re. derred, ‘The act for the relief of the widow and children of Me- Kee, of Kentucky, was passed. THE DISMISSAL OF THE NICARAGUA MINISTER, ETC, Mr. Brooke's resolution, calling for the reasons why of: ficial relations with Senor jeta, the ‘aguan Min. ister, were suspended, was, by consent, withdrawn, with @ view to be offered in Exective sersion. ‘The Pacific Railroad bill was taken np and postponed. NEW SENATOR FROM INDIANA. Mr. Briar presented the credentials of John Petti nd Semator elect from Indiana, who appeared ‘HE MONROE DOCTRIN ESOLUTIONS: . CARS. The following resolutions, introduced by Ge en the 4th inst., were taken up as the speci * of the day :— Be it resolved, That the United States do hereby de clare that the American continent, by the free and inde- pendent condition which they have assumed and main- tained, are henceforth not to be considered as subjects "for future colonization by any European power ; and while existing rights should be respected, and will be, by the United States, they owe it to their ovn safety and in. terests to announce, as they now de, that no fu ‘Baropean colony or dominion ‘shall, with their consen de planted or established on any purt of the American ontinent ; and should the attempt be made, they thus deliberately declare that it will be viewed as ‘an act eriginating in motives regardless of their interests and their safety, and which will leave them free to adopt such ‘measures as an independent nation may justly adopt in defence of its rights and its power. . And be it further resolved, That while the United States isclaim any designs upon the iskind of Cuba, incon sistent with the laws of ions, and with their duties to Spain, they consider it due tothe vast importance of the subject to make known in this solemn manner that they whould view all efforts on the part of any other power to procure possession, whether peaceably or forcibly, of that inland, which, as a naval or military position, must, un- as sworn, or i, ages eee safety.’ re Ido not know that the general principle of this oss on eee is neg et Conon: it cannot be upon ee ive gov- ernment peagpeten it upon full consileadion, and the history of our negotiations with England, to be found in ‘the interesting account given by Mr. Rueh, oor able and faithful American representative, of his mission to that country, proves, beyond doubt, that although the British ry were organs to our anti-col ion doctrine, lest it might interfere with ulterior projects of aggrandizement on their part, yet they entirely concurred in the application of the principle to the recently emancipated Spanish colonies, which, in fact, conceded the right of the United States to extend the same policy to any por- tion of the continent ee Ga aanerly —_ by an power; r. Monroe ictly an- socnoed aia fact, saying, “It is gratifying to know that some of the powers, with whom we enjoy a very friendly intercourse, and to whom these views (concerning the condition of the Spanish American States) have been communicated, have appeared to acquiesce in them.” When Mr. Canning announced to Mr. Rush that “England could not see the trans- fer otiee portion of them (these same States) to any ier power with indifference,” she acted pon considerations much more applicable to our condition than to hers, and which are co-extensive with this continent. There is great force in the re- mark of that eminent British statesman, upon our situation and political duties—“It concerned the United States under aspects artd interests as imme- diate and commanding as it did or could any of the States of Europe. They were the first power on that continent, and now confessedly the leading power. a were connected with — America by their position as with Earope by their relations; and the also stood connected with these new States by politi- cal relations. Was it possible they could see with in- difference theirfate decided only by Europe? Could Europe expect this indifference? Had not a new epoch arrived, in the relative position of the United States towards Ewrope, which Ewrope must acknow- ledge? Were the great political and commercial in- terests, which hung upon the destinies of the new continent, to be canvassed and adjusted in this hemisphere (Earope) without the co-operation or even ledge of the United States ?” These words of wisdom, of one of the most en- lightened mea of England, commend themselves, by their justice and liberality, to the consideration of every true American; and they are not the less just and liberal because they were urged with a view to induce our government to become a Party toa Euro- pean Congress for the arrangement of American aflairs, It was wise to reject. the proposal; it is not less-wise to acquiesce in the doctrine which led to it, and tomake ours, by its practical enforcement, in our own way, a8 a question of American policy, beyeud the just sphere of European interposition. ‘hen such statesmen as Mr. Monroe, Mr. Polk, and Mr.Canning, unite in their general views of our rights ant our duties, those of us who believe in this saluta- ry doctrine, and in the expediency of enforcing it, may well bear the censures, and sneers, and ridicule and reproach which our efforts encounter from some, be- cause we do not go far enough, while the cautious and the timid see in every assertion of national rights and honor a fearful cloud imy ding overour coun- try, ready to burst upon us and sweep away our pros- perity, if not our existence. One third of ntury has passed away since these i i sions; and if our position and cir- is the oldest of the family of nations i nferred upon us, at that d by such duties, how mouch stronger is the appeal of this policy of continen- tal independence to our earnest atttention now, when time has Severed our strength and our danger, and when our American interests are primary, and those which connect us with Europe but secondary, in im- portance, and when, from day to day, this disparity is increa , being our settled plan of policy, and having been so announced to the world by two chief magistrates of our country, why, it may be asked, does it become necessary tor Congress to interpose, and, by a legislative declaration, re-affirm it? The nature of our government furnishes a satisfactory answer to this question. ‘Though there is no doubt but that these executive declarations were benetigal in their operation, and aided in checking schemes of aggrandizement, which, had they gone on, | would have changed the political aspect of the countries south of us, and greatly to der circumstances easily to be foreseen, become danger. ous to their southern coast, to the of Mexico, ant our injury, still they have not been wholly regarded, as events upon the La Plata, and in in operation for checking our progress, but recent events bave added, as well to their numbers as their gravity. We have acquired an extensive upon the shores of the great ocean of the West, and our flag now waves in the breeze that comes from the islands and continent of Asia. Think you, Mr. President, there is a maritime nation in’ Earope which does not desire that every ible obstacle should be interposed in the way of all communica- tion between the Eastern and the Western_portions of this nlagnificent republican empire? ot one. And Nicaragua routes, and Panama routes, and Te- huantepec routes, and all others, if there are any others to be used by us, are so minations in their eyes to be tolerated only till they can be closed mn us by the occupation of commanding positions, rever opportunities can be found or made for seizing them. Considerations of this nature, far more than their intrinsic value, give importance to Hon- duras, to the Colony of the Bay ds, to Sonora, to Chihuahua, and to other points, where European intrigues have been at work to obtain possession. All we want is a free and equal field for exertion, and if we have not indastry and enterprise enough to hold our own way in the great career of advancement, we deserve to fall behind our rivals and contemporaries, and ought to find no one “to do us reverence.” But Thave no fear of this, nor indeed has any one else. It should, therefore, be a cardinal maxim of our policy to preserve, as far as we can, the integrity of the cis- atlantic republics, for it is almost as much for their interest as it is for ours that these it lines of com- munication should be open to all world, and free to the competition of every nation. There has recently been an attempt to wrest So- nora from the Mexican dominion, which at first at- tracted some attention in this country, but it has ap- ntly failed, and the effort seems now rather ridiculed than condemned. The circumstances connected with the origin of that movement are obscure, but public rumor at first assigned it to French agents, made with a view to the extension of the jurisdiction of their country over that region, ‘There are strong reasons for believing that this con- jecture was right, though to what extent those con- cerned acted from authority will probably never be known, especially as the result was unfortunate; and such an event generally leaves these secret poli a ents to miect the consequences of their own respon- sibility. But it is nota little curious. that it was known here that such a movement would be made before we had any actual information of its occur rence, and it was understood to be under the di- rection of Fre interests and with the design f Fy » J received a letter myselt, from a quarter I am net at liberty to disclose, some days before we heard of the enterprise, which 1 mentioned to my colleague, and to other gentlemen, foretelling the movement, and coupling it with de- signs of permanent annexation; and a document has since reached this country which is worthy our attention, and which goes tar to confirm these anti- cipations, It is a memoir, published recently at Paris, by Mons. Dupasquier du pose of drawing and especially of France, to the purpose of colonizing Sonora and Northern Mexico, as the only means of checking the rapid and formidable growth of the United States, and preventing forever the acquisition of a railroad route from the Mississippi to the Pacitic ocean. The writer has devoted himself for some time to the careful study of this subject, has thorough- ly explored the region of which he writes, and has laid the foundation for the policy he recommends by rocuring, through the aid of the French Minister in y wi Mexico, large grants of land, for the purpose of co- | Jonization, from the local authorities of Sonora and Chihuahua.” It is well remarked by the New York Times, to | which paper | owe the above extract, as well as the translated memoir, that the fact of the commence- ment of such a colony, with the open avowal of such a purpose, is of itself sufficient to command the prompt attention of the American people and go- vernment. And the interest is increased by the con- sideration that such an appeal is thus publicly made for co-operation in the plan—made, too, in the French capital, where no such publication could ap- pear without the consent of the government—that a french company obtained exclusive grants in Sonora, and that an attempt has been made to wrest that region, by arms, from Mexi All these may by pos- sibility be Cine coin cae and on oe rating causes; but the suggestion requires a goo deal of national charity before it can Tecome even credible. | wish there was time to lay this memoir before the Senate, for it is a significant document, jommartin, ‘for the pur- | ‘he attention of European powers, | tenpt to enforce it? If so, it wonld be much more ble to repeal it Or do you desire its efficient act in great exigencies which may come-—pro- ly, indeed, will come?—for, if you do, you must for ol the declaration of your’ zealous concur- rere, and, if need be, your powerful ion. Orare we afraid to speak out boldly, plainly, as be- cones the American people, trusting to the utiserable pokey of expedients, instead of asserting. or rights an¢our determination to maintain them? It may be comoling to observe, at least for those who Maar the comolation, that a legislative declaration would, to saythe least of it, have a strong tendency to pre- vert attempts which, without such an imy mea- sun, would doubtless he made, for assuredly the con- testwith the United States for the acquisition of ter- rita in North America, the very seat of our power, woud not be hazarded without very powerful consi- dei » Which it js difficult to foresee, in the face of oe of thiy country putting forth all its strength. Se much for this project of re-converting the Awerian continent into European colonies, and for the postion it is our duty to assume and maintain in relatior to it. And now for the second resolution, whith looks to the present and the future of the Island of Cuba. Rat before proceeding to the consideration of it, it is proper to remark that its form bas provoked a good deal of animadversion and some opposition, because thejlesire of the United States to purchase Cuba is notiistinctly announced upon this occasion. Mr. President, it is an occasion which is not appro- Pie forih a declaration. Our present purpose, ma this appeal to the world, is to annonnce our policy shoud any other nation attempt to obtain erage | by the consent or without the consent of Spain, and in the conviction that such @ solemn procedure will have a tendency to prevent designs which might otherwise be undertaken. But our purchase of Cuba isa pueeeon between us and Spain, and requires no public annunciation to other nations, and to make it would be a sacritice of our own self-fespect. So far as respects my own personal views, these L have already explained to the Senate. 1 desire the possession of Cuba—earnestly desire it, whenever we can justly obtain it, and the sooner that time comes the better, for then will be finally settled one of the most delicate questions—the most delicate, perhaps, in our foreign policy, always liable to embarrass us by freye conjunctures more easy to be foreseen than to guarded against. Ag to the means—though, as I have already said, I am prepared to advocate its purchase, even at the most liberal price, still I should prefer its acquisition by the action of the people of Cuba—and a noble tribute it would be to our institu- tions—in the exercise of their power as an indepen- dent nation, could they succeed, by any arrangement with Spain, in procuring her recognition of that con- dition, or should they be able and prepared to esta- blish their right to a place in the family of nations. There are two questions involved in this subject of Cuba—one of right, the other of expediency. Whether we can do anything justly, and if we can, what and how much we ought todo., This great measure of policy, connected with the destiny of that important insular position, has long occupied the at- tention of the American people, and the considera- tions bearing upon it have been so often and 60 elabo- rately presented, that I shall confine my present re- | marks within the narrowest compass which the | gravity of the inquiry will permit. We are all aware | of the recent circumstances which have attracted | and arrested public attention, and though the crisis they appeared to foreshadow has passed away, still there are elements of difficulty arising out of the un- certain condition of the Spanish monarchy, both me- tropolitan colonial, which must be in active op- eration, ever liable to produce results gravely affect- ing our vital interests. ‘The right of one country to occupy or control _por- tions of the possessions of another is deducible trom | the great law of self-defence, which is as applicable to communities as to individuals. There are many instances in modern history of the application of this doctrine, and the code which regulates the inter- course of nations, and which adapts itself to the ex- isting circumstances of the world, recognizes this power of selt-preservation. Like other human tensions, this is liable to abuse, and has been | abused in Europe, and oreo, by the usurpations arising out of the balance o} wer, & inciple avowedly introduced for the protection of the weak against the strong, but practically peaverted tomake the strong more powerful and ‘the weak more de- pendant. A nation Sealing the responsibility of its conduct towards God and man, and sensible of its own duties, should take care, when driven to avert greatly countries? The Gulf of Mexico, sir, mast be practically an American lake, tor the great ie of security, not to exclude other nations from its enjoyment, but to prevent any dominant power, with foreign or interests, from ‘controlling its naviga- tion. It beéomes us to look our difficulties in the face. Nothing is gained by blinking a great ques- tion. Prndent statesmen uld survey it; » far as may be, provide for it. We have, indeed, no ‘armel, like that of Judea, nor prophet to ascend it and to warn.us against a coming storm, But the home of every citizen is a Mount Carmel for us, whence he can survey the approaching cloud, even when no bigger than 4 man’s hand, which threat- ens to orerapeead the political atmosphere, and to Mae Ca hil Bs pent pomemn as Cuba is hel resent neither we nor the cevaneretal word have anything to fear from the projects of England or France, for the latter country also has its schemes of territorial and mercantile aygrandizement, as is apparent from the considerations 1 have already presented té the Senate. 8 .j4 not now in a condition, and in all human probability never can be, seriously to annoy us, even if she had the disposition; and we may well rely upon her want of power, and her want of will, and rest satisfied that her most precious depen- dency, the Queen of the Antilles, will not be hazarded by converting it into'a military and naval arsenal for interrupting and ‘seizing our commerce, and devasta- ting our coasts. ‘But tet the dominion be transferred to England er France, and where are we? The mouth of our great, river might be hermetically closed, and the most disastrous injuri l ies inflicted uponus. I need not pursue these considerations further, for he who is incredulous to their force could not be driven from his incredulity by any effort of mine. y Such heing intimate relation between this island fortress and our safety and prosperity, are there such indications of danger as call upon a provi- dent nation to decide upon its course promptly and pursue it inflexibly. The signs upon this subject are neither few nor doubtful. 1 am not going to review them ; but no man of ordinary mercy looking to in; the acknowledged policy of France and England, can question the desire of both of them to acquire this commanding posi ition. Aud a characteristic incident occurred not ne since in the House of Commons, which shows the views of British statesmen upon this subject. Lord George Bentinck, one of the most, distinguished public men of England, and then the Tory leader in the Commons, in a discussion which took place there, said:—* He had read in the Times an extract from a United States paper, in which it was stated, that if the United States did not possess herself of Cuba, Great Britain would; and that Eng- land had a greater claim, by one hundred fold, to Cuba than the United States had to Mexico, because asum of £45,000,000 was due to British subjects, and Cuba was hypothecated for the debt, &c. He would, therefore, say at once, let them (the British) tale possession of Cuba, and settle the question alto- gether. Let them distrain upon it for the just debt due—and too long vain—lrom the Spanish gov- ernment.” And then comes the true key to the Kng- lish heart. ‘Then, depend upon it,” continued the speaker, ‘when Great, Tirituin possessed the Havana, as once she did, in 1762, when she held it for about a year, and then exchanged it for the Floridas, and when she could cut the trade of America in two, no more boasts would be heard of what the United States could do,” &c ‘The importance Cuba. to our interest seems to be pretty well appreciated in the halls of British legislation. This last candid avowal of a design and a desire to cut in twain the mmerce along our Southern coasts would tind its proper place in a pre- cious article, published some years since in “ Kk wood’s Edinburg Magazine,” entitled “A war with the United States—a blessing to mankind”—iilled with some of the most cold-blooded suggestions that ever marked even that notorious receptucle of yile slanders against this country. The present security of Cuba from European interference, independent of our position, is to be found in the jealousy of France and England; and could this be removed by any scheme of partition, the mortgayze would be fore- elosed—for France, also, has a similar lein—und the property transferred as soon as ‘ completed. And we are reminded, in the recent cor- respondence between Mr. Everett and the Ministers of France and England, on the subject of the pro- posed tripartite treaty, suggestively or significantly, as may be, that this hypothecation is yet in full force, as “British and French subjects, as well as the French goverument, are, on different accounts, credi- tors of Spain for large sums of money.’ How soon he process could be Peace, peace,’ when there is no Now, sir, I have endeavored to show Intions should pass. 1 have endeavored our right and our Cd to adopt them, and bv sey send a have a powerful cl ing projects of aggran our interference, will would be, and perhaps promptly, carried fect, will be, if not Sbemenet: at least delayed till a more convenient orrorruntty, which will come when pone ged guides the councils of our coun- try, and not till then. Why, then, pot say what we mean, and do as we say? Gentlemen opposed to this course, while they avow their indisposition to act, potlietabaie also, that forced by necessai to thwart our polic: and to our safety. A highly estimable member or the Howse of Represen- tatives, for whom | have much regard, has ly remarked that “ He was not wilting tosustain the're- spilen Doe solutions—he was opposed to’ a and Richard Roe pouige to the F pe he avowedhis determination toact by force if colonization ‘should be attempted, or if there: ped vale Th declaration P be gv not say +0! e m ma cat do me) barn. No baie ig is" t, 8 1 to undervalue ‘bis coum: tine th howl ofa tras esotuti m her sist an’ unjust policy, d 5 ceived in with in a im] of self-exal fluence ‘by a higher mtandard’ tua we do ing, by our own differences and d sions, to cast suspicion upow our ultimate course, leading the politicians of* Enrope to believe 1 wher the trial comes the recerd our words will never be inscribed |with our deeds, Far better is it to do nothing, than‘thus prove recreant T repeat, sir, why not say in good ti faith we mean? “These annuntiations to'the a fixed course of policy, in’ certain cont be foreseen or apprehended, are common occurrences in the intercourse of nations, and therefore to be de- cided on, under existing circumstances. Why not serve a John Doe and Richard Roe notice to the world? Passing by the sneer, in which 1 join, upon the clumsy contrivances of the common law, by puerile fictions, to do indirectly what should be done direct- ly, and looking to the object, and not to any form of dd emeua Preh on h rendered unpalatable by its associations, the xerving of that notice is precisely what we may do, as a just nation, what we ought to do as a wise nation, aud what it becomes as to do as afrank and republican nation. Did not our fathers issue a John Doe and Richard Roe notice to the world on the Fourth of July, 1776, when we assumed a place among its independent communities, and did they not then announce certain great Bee) as fundamental articles of our political faith? And did not the Emperor of Russia, but the other day, issue also his John Doe and Richard Roe notice, in the form of a Muscovite decree, promulgated to Christen- dom, that nations should not he independent contra- ry to his pleasure? for that is the meaning of that memorable state paper, when divested of its diploma- tic redundancy. And is not modern history full of these declaration: re or less just or unjust, as well as more ve, down to the blockading of is made known by the same pro- for these two old pillars of the common Jaw, thus converted into pillars of the public law of the world. And I take this occasion to add, that 1 saw with dismay that these two reverenced Pee had been recently put to death by the Britivh Parliament, the most prominent event in human rogress that has occurred in my day. The old dry- hones are really beginning to’ shake. JT have no doubt but that this irreparable loss has been sincerely deplored, as well in England as in this country, by many a devout believer in the doctrine that all changes are changes for the worse, and that unless a head is covered with a horsehair wig, whatever may be inside, the outside renders the man utterly untit for a judicial station. “Ob, the virtue of horse- hair!" said the waggish progressivists of the Edin- burgh Review. sir, these resolutions, or sf lent ones, embodying the sw ‘ te) will pass the legislature of the United $ hei is but u question of time. he may fail to-day, and they may fui) again. ‘Cimidity or immobility ma; overrule that firin sagacity which befits our condi- tion. It is just ascertain that these principles them- apes hy Sir- sag ;. | Other regions, practically have demonstrated; and Sere eet clte, and tele wosited by all the means | occtrTences now going on in Central America, im their power. | and which, from day to day, occupy the earnest at- ~" Mp. Case (dem.) of Mich., took the floor and | tention ot the Senate, showing the steps by which advocating the very policy, from which we have so | danger by anticipating it, that it does not mistake a much to fear in all our foreign relations. But I must | spirit of aggrandizement for the just claims of self- confine myself to a very general summary of it. The | defence, and seize the tleet of a friendly power—a writer adverts to our commercial interests, and to | Danish fleet, for example—as 4 mere instrument of their extension, to our object to obtain absolute com- | maritime supremacy. selves be permanently engrafted into the Ameri- can policy, and in the most imposing form, as it is that they are now engrafted in the hearts of the Americon . The honorable senator from Now Hampshire (Mr. the creditors may destrain, in the language of Lord George Bentinck, may depend upon our course. 1 arn satisfied they will nt to no such remedy should we keep on Mr. Canuing’s line of political knowledge, and say, “If you touch the island that act {oll | the merest shadow of possession becomes a claim, and . Spoke as follows :— Mr. Prestpent:—The question of the re-coloni- zation of any part of this hemisphere, by the Euro- ‘pean powers, has occupied the attention of the Amer- ican people for many years, with more or less inter- | est, as passing events seemed to render the effort more or less probable. The subject, as wellas the | principles involved in it, has been so often discussed, | that I do not propose to enter into a very full exam’ nation of our rights and condition, connected with this important topic, but rather to present the gene- | ral considerations belonging to it. Two Presidents of the United States have, by solemp public acts, in their messages to Congress, declared and maintained the principles respecting | American exemption from European dominion which are Jaid down in the first of the resolutions before us, and have distinctly and satisfactorily established, not only our own right, but our duty to do so, as one of the great elements of our national safety and pros- ) perity. “We owe it, ther eable relations existing between the U and those powers,” said Mr. Monroe, in 1823, ‘ that we should consider any eee on their to extend their system to any portion of this Serotephere ag dangerous to our peace and salety. | With the existing colonies, or dependencies, of any | ‘uropean er, we have not interfered, and shall not interfere. But with the governments which have declared their independence, and maintained it, and -whose independence we have,on great consideration, and on ju aileron acknowledged, we could not view any interposition, for the purpose of oppressins #bem, or controlling in any other manner their desti | fay, by any Kuropean power, in any other light than asthe manifestation of an unfriendly disposition to- rds the United States.” Mic The people of the United States cannot, there- fore, view with indifference,” said Mr. Polk, in the + same spirit, in 1845, “attempts of European powers to interfere h the independent action of the na- -tions on this continent. The American system of government is entirely different from that of Europe. fore, to candor, and to the ami- 1 States | | Jest any one of them might become too power/ul for the rest, has cansed them anxiously to di tablishment of what they term the * halance of po er?” * * * * * “Tt cannot be permitted to have « Ww ® iy application on the North American continent, and cially to the United States. We must e maintain the principle, that the people of this continent alone have the right to decide their own destiny. Should any portion of thei constituting an independent tate, propose unite themselves with our confederacy, this will be mestion for them and us to determine, without « t saropean ers shall interfere to, prevent such a beh ‘because it might disturb the ‘ balance of uarter of a century ago, the tinent. Near a ¢ h “ort y announced to the world, in rinciple was distinct! The pico message of one of “ «the American continents, by the free and indepen- dent condition h they have assumed and main- tained, are henceforth not to be considered as stib- jects for future colonization by any European power: “This principle will apply with greatly increased force, should any European abe attempt to estab- ish any new colony in North America.’ a Yew days since, I alluded to, rather than considered, athe general grounds upon which this claim of pendent action for the nations of the American con- tinent rested for its assertion. | shall not repeat these views, contenting myself with sa) hat right of exclusion results trom the condition of this weontinent, and from those general principles of the * public law of the world, by which it protects the in- terest and safety of nations in the varying eircumn- ttances in which they may be placed. The history af that code shows that it has a power of adaptation t the odvancing condition of nations, and that rigid iflexibility is not one of its attributes. The ch ittroduced into it hy the discovery of Aan etablishment of the principles of occupation and set- and fornish an illustra. The right of d iment, are familiar to all tim of this progressive improvement. reolonization would necessarily lead to the —indeed, to the perpetual—domination of ors; and their colonies, wherever Eee parties with the mother countries in all the wirs, though far beyond the aphere of their emses and objects. We rhonld thus find ourselves, in juxteposition, it pright be, and, at any pate, with wer a | aclaim a title which carries with it dominion and so- | | vereignty, treaty or notreaty. These occurrences | announce that our declared policy of exclusion will | the French prime minister, M. Guizot, in the Cham- | Jealousies among the different sovereigns of Europe, ; the es | m, | Aoreign interposition. We can never consent that | power ’ which they may desire to maintain upon this | my predecessors, that | {n some remarks upon this subject in the Senate, be_ still farther disregarded, unless authoritatively re- affirmed in the name of the American people. An experiment is making upon onr forbearance, or rather upon our apprehension, and as it is resisted or sub- mitted to, it will be abandoned or pushed to results which no nation now ventures openly to avow. It is but a few years since that a principle looking to an American balance of power was announced by her of Deputies, in relation to occurrences at Buenos Ayres, utterly inconsistent with the true American doctrine. And no doubt our own negligence, or rather our timidity, has encouraged this spirit of presumption, and led to the belief that we do not in- tend to carry out our principles, and that therefore | they may be safely disregarded by other nations. I | repeat, that the nature of our government furnishes a | satisfactory solution of this course of foreign policy. ununciation of our views upon this subject was ded to warn the powers of Europe of our policy, nd thus to prevent the violation of its principle, But upon this, as upon many other occasions, we halted in our course, and did not come up to our work. We did uot keep on the line of political know- ledge, as Mr. Canning said. We should have added the solemnity and the force of a legislative concur- re o these executive declarations. Such annun- ciations, when made by the head of a European State, a ide authoritatively, because he who issues therm has the power to enforce them. They become settled maxims of policy, and other nations are aware that they cannot be interfered with, except at the hazard of war. But it is far different he at principles of national conduct depend essentially upon public sentiment, and can only be enforced in the last resort by the action of Congress. Public sentiment has, 1 believe, with almost unexaimpled unanimity, approved his principle, but Congress has never, by action or daration, given it the sanction of its authority. easnre should have been taken when c ‘That decisive the executive first promulgated the doctrine. claim, therefore, has rested barren among our archives, only to bear certain fruit when the legislature of the The republic adopted it as itsown. Anable and distin- guished Senator from Ohio, (Mr. Allen,) now no lonyer among us, seeing the importance of this po- licy,and_ foreseeing the necessity of making it our own, and respected as such, by @ more signal pul lic act. attempted, some six or seven years si to pres: the subject on the consideration of Co: gress; Int his exertions, which deserved a better | fate, wer fruitless, und we compromitted alike r honor and our interests by shrinking from responsibility not less noble, in my opinion, | than it wai important. The Senate, if’ I recollect | right, refuse! even to consider the subject. We would not daounce interference, because that would he to interfee; and we should thus be led, but how | } I know not, ito entangli i e bug-bear | an ea, Which raises its spectral trout | | whenever it i proposed to take a decided step in | our foreign inttcourse. This national timidity never did any good, Ad never will. There are positions, | in the progressof a people, when firmness is not, | ouly wisdom, bu safety; and one of these we have now reached. bh. Monroe, when he first anvounced this icy, conMered the occasion c assertion af ‘4g ” | interests of the ) cirenmstances h he referred justiti and untried measur at that day, much more do the circmastances in wheh we are now placed justify the his great, mand of the commerce of the world, and to the cer- tainty with which our projects of aggrandizement will be effected, trom the wonderful progress we are mak- ing, and shall make,unless Europe interferes to prevent it. He then considers the condition of Mexico, with a view to show, that from her state of weakness and division she will fall a prey tothe grasping rapa- city of the United States, unless saved by European colonization. He also gives a narrative of his ex- plorations in Mexico, and of his efforts to lay the foundation for carrying his designs into effect. “This brief abstract must suflice for the general purpose I have in view. I shall add to it the summary made by the author himself. He says: ‘ From the preceding there re- sult two facts— “First, that Mexico possesses the key of the Northern continent, of the Atlantic and the Pacitic, by land, and by these two seas, of all the commerce which is carried on there. “Seéond, that the e: all parts by the Unit thread. “The whole question now is reduced to knowing nce of Mexico, pressed on States, bangs only by a if Europe will permit the United States to obtain so much power. A French periodical, of high and established ehar- | des Deux Mondes for 1852, strongly corroborative of the im- uggestions of Mr. Dupasquier du Dommartin. “Some attempts,” says that journal, “to afford a remedy for Mexican difficulties, have mean- time been recently made. We mention the com- mencement of the colonization of the State of Sonora, Annuaire which has been greatly aided by the French Minister.” | He who supposes that a French diplom: would take such a step without the instru government, knows nothing of that punctili timent of duty which animates his corps, and little of the responsibility he would encounter. “Three hundred Frenchmen,” suys our authority, “collected from different jee of the republic, are already settled upon the lands granted by the government. Within a few years, a Frenchman, M. Dupasquier da Dom- martin, has shown a lively interest in these projects of colonization.” * * * «This, (the adop- tion of his plans,) will be the surest. dyke against the usurpations of the American race.” * * * * “There is also involved the great interest of England for Europe, in not allowing to be ac- complished, in spite of her, perhaps against nt of the Spanish American empire.” The Courrier » Etats Unis, published at New York, the ‘known organ the French govern- ment in th country, in an article, a few days since, made a ve pregnant allusion, whether carelessly or carefully T know not, but certainly well worthy of attention. “As yet,” says the Courrier, * France has not set her foot on the American contine We may fear what she will do, we admit, but, in good | faith’she does not yet merit the least crimination.” This is honest enough, indeed, whether intended as aprophecy or as a warning. It may be that it will be found expedient to irradiate the new empire with the lustre of conquest, and it also may be that the great augmentation of the French navy is connected with the designs upon this continent so distinctly portrayed in the quotations | have made. | 1s lost by a provident forecast. Now, it can hardly be doubted by any man who | is familiar with the course of Enropean interposition, that if the effort just made to overthrow the Mexican government in Sonora had succeeded, ere long that country would have paased into the possession of most solemn declardion of our adhereuce to it. Some of the independent i " 1, and with elements of destruction active operation. The t important in oe , in population, and in ural cat ag og mae which, from its coter: position, has the ma N mate relations with | peace and inte ly the power whose | appears to be the most ibtfal. Its intemal gitations announce one of thos catastrophes whose quences are beyond the rah of hninan saga- ) city | it is impossible but that this stutye things shontd have attracted the attention of Burvean statesmen, and have given rise to schemes, mo less matured, | for turning the circumstances to the a ntae ¢ the two great powers most likely to intewre bequse most interested, and most capable of Biking their interference felt. We cannot disguise from ourselves the ony peor gress and prospects, while they “roach to many of the governments of the d, hate excited their by the contrasts theycpipp, ' and by the dangerous example they offer the op pressed masses, inviting them to do as we hav done, and to become free, as we are free. He wh qo not know that there is nota government in lrope which is a friend to our institutions, has mi te, Jearn of the ressions that our past and prey and probable fatare, are producing among fy And, while we should watch their desyc with constant, even with jealous care, « gt become vy to yuagnity yither our oy | | to resist it, or + our stances which have almost reduce France, unless prevented by our remonstrances, or by armed intervention, As it failed, we shall not know its true history until we read it in another attempt, and perhaps a successful one. That, however, will not be made, if we are true to ourselves, by an- nouncing and continuing to manifest a determination nYg*iuilar scheme of European ag- grandizement. It is obvious, trom the foregoing recapitulation, that our policy and purposes are attracting the at- tention of Europe; and whatever difference of opin- ion may prevail respecting the true origin and ob- jects of the recent movements in Sonora, it is equally obvious that we may look for similar e: ions, from time to tin yee resnits vented by ty ‘n unless anticipated and prevent &@ prompt, bold. and decisive declaration, made to be enforced with all wor, should circumstances be grave enough to reqttire us to put forth our whole strength, Tt then, we have a right to insist upon this prin- ciple of American exemption, and if the condition of things here and elsewhere may render the exercise of this right essential to our interest and our sal and still more iginal annuneiation of th doctrine meet, itionably does, the ge ral approbation of the country, what objection ¢ there be to its ratification by Congress, the depo: tory of 80 much of the power ofthe American people’ Why this course is rendered necessary | have already explained, and shown that the time which has inter- vened since ite first proclamation, and the cirenm- to a dead letter, have produced the impression which evidently pre- her, and to her detriment, this new dismember- | |. The true principle is well laid down in our own | legislative history, and was announced in the resoln- | tion of Congress of March 3, 1811, which declared that “ Taking into view the peculiar situation of Spain and of her American proyinees, and consider- ing the influence which the destiny of her territory adjoining the Southern border of the United States nay have upon their security, tranquility, and com- nerce, therefore— “Resolved, by the Senate and House of Representatives o! the United States of America, in Congress assembled, Tiht the United States, under the peculfar circumstances of'the existing crisis, cannot, without surions inquietude, sedany part of the said territory pass into the hands of an} foreign power; and that a due regard to their own sailty compels them to pro under certain conti cic, for the temporary oe tion of the said te they at the same time declare that the said t sth their hands, tiations.”” And in the Act of Congress passed on the same | day, for the purpose of carrying this declarator resontion into effect, it is provided that the Presi- dent*‘Be authorized to take possession of the country eastof the Per iver and south of the State of Georgia and of the vereary territory,” among other events, i it should be delivered up by the bcal authority, in the event of an attempt to | occupy the said territory by any foreign government.” | This is our doctrine and our policy; and the very Jroposition of the French and British governments to , to regulate, by a ey ete treaty, without the ition of Spain, the future condition of Cuba, is itself a concession of the right to direct and con- trol peculiar positions, upon whose fate important interests depend. Does the island of Cuba present those paramount considerations, connected with our safety and pros- paity, which justify the United States in the exer- se of a vigilant mapecvaion over its destiny, and in the adoption of decisive measures for its possession, shyuld any other uation seek to obtain it by force or | by purchase? The importance of the question, | rather than any difficulty in its solution, deserves a | passing consideration, and in referring to it I must reyeat views I have heretofore presented to the Senate upon this subjec The Gulf of Mexico is the reservoir of the great river of the North American continent, whose im- portance it is as difficult to realize as is the value | of the cone which must seek an outlet to the | ocean through its waters. That country is nearly equal to all Europe in extent, embracing twenty-five degrees of latitude and thirty-tive of longitude upon the great circles of the oe. This basin extends from, the summit of the Alleghany to the summit of the Rocky mountains, and its population now equals eight millions. The man yet lives who was living | wher almost the first tree fell before the woodman’s | stroke in this great domain, and the man is now liv- | ing vho will live to see it contain one hundred mil- | lionsof people. Already the hardy Western pioneer | has wosxed the barrier of the Rocky Mountains, and | the frest is giving way before human industry upon | the very shores that look out upon China and Japan. | The Mississippi is the great artery of this region, | | whica, drawing its supplies from the fountains of the | | Nort, pours them into the ocean under a. tropical | | sun, snd drains, in its own course, and in the course a ory | remain subject to future nego- | i} 1 | ' | | Nothing | of its mighty tributaries—tributaries in name, but | to the great Euro equals and rivals in fact—the most magnificent em- | | pire which God in. his providence has ever given to Juan w reclaim and enjoy. I have tha descended | that great stream two thousand tiles in a birch | | canoe, admiring the country through which it passes, ina state of nature, and lost in the contemplation of what that country is to be when subdued by human industry. The statistics of such a region, in years to come, is a subject too vast for calculation. © Its ex- tent, fertility, salubrity, means of internal navigation, | and the character of the people who will inhabit it, | hafite all efforts to estimate its productiveness, the | | tribute which its industry will pay to the wants of the world, and the supplies which the comfort and habits of its people may require. During the palmy days of Napoleon, it is said that one of his projects was to convert the Mediterranean into a French lake. England has nearly done what defied the power and ambition of the great con- sister. She has almost converted it into an English jake in time of war. Gibraltar commands. jits | entrance; “Malta the channel between Sicily and Africa ; und the Tonian’ Islands the waters of the Levant, Chere were Feasons for hegopick.4 a | short time since, that England was seeking to ob | a cession of the island of Crete, the ancient kingdom of Minos, which would give her the port of | Ci that I found one of the most mag- | harbors in the world, equally capacious | and secure. If England, in the pursuit of the same system, should acquire similar commanding positions on the Gulf of: would become a mare clausum, and no keel would lough it, nor canvas whiten it in time of war, but by jc ber permission. Now, sir, looking to the extent of | our coast in that direction, to the productions which must pass there to seek a market, to the nature of our population, and to the effect upon all these whiaba permanent naval superiority would prodnce, | | modern if not in ancient Huropean | to expres what it | there is but one rational answer to thie ii | Those two governments are able to say to us, | and hereafter, we shall take our own course wit! 8) ] the Teastires necessa' | declined to join us. We have given you warning that we do not recognise | your right to acquire that island, and that we shall | “déscowntenance’ all efforts that you may mal obtain posse: | made by the F | is easil °0, that great reservoir | where he speaks of there being something equivocal in the declaration of the United States, in cor “power,” and inviting a plain disavowal of our inten- tion ever to obtain course, he neither got, nor ex will be a declaration of war against the United States.” Besides, no man can look at the aspect of Europe without feeling assured that, from day to day, colli. sions may arixe between nations, and internal con- vulsions may shake the very frame of society, and wars may thus break out, extending their effect through the globe. The Spanish monarchy, it may he, is incapable of rejuvination. I do not know how that may be, and I leave it to a wiser or toa rasher man than I am to speak confidently. But certainly that kingdom is marked with the signs of some ap- prsachine catastrophe. If the new French empire follows the traditions, as it inherits the name and the institutions of the old, which rose and fell with its founder, the greatest name, in my. opinion, in history, it will soon make itself felt. in the Hesperian peninsular, and become the arbiter of its fate. ‘To rely, a4 some profess to do, upon the security which the presen state of things in Europe gives to the Spanish domin- ion in Cuba, is to neglect the most obvious dictates of polis and to abandon an object of it impor: tance #the mere chance of events. The correspondence to which I hav gives rise to some — serio: adverting to these, howe my warm approbation of the letter '. Everett. It is worthy of his character, and itis marked by 2 lofty patriotic American fecl- ing. [have xeldom seen a document more coue sive in its argument, or more beautiful in its sty! Ind Beto or | illustrations. If it had sunounced openly that we desire to purchase Cuba, and that declaration would have been appropriate to the occasion, | should have given to it almost my unqualified adhesion. But even with that omissiou, 1 feel proud of it. as an Awerican state paper And I thank Mr. E be it one or the oth it for the reproof or retort wustic though a little reser ed, as became his position, but plain enough withal, which he administers to his diplomatic correspon- dent, on the subject of our territorial acquisitions, compared with those of France and Eagland. If there is one chapter in the whole history of human hypocrisy, from the time of the parable ‘of the Pha- risee, who thanked God he was not as other men, and fespecially as that Publican, down to the last diatribe against the grasping propensity of the Uni- ted States, more remarkable than any other for its ident 8 it is that which records the boasts of European self-disinterestedness, compared with that Publican on the western side of the Atlantic covets all he sees and snatches all he can. Mr. Ever- ett’s defence of the history of our acquisitions ix un- answerable, as well with relation to the moans by which they were obtained, as to the metiorations re- sulting from them. Truly hus he said, “Every addi- tion to the territory of the American Union has given homes to European destitution and gardens to Muro pean want.” And he might have added, with equal trath, freedom and the rights of man to European vassalage. He says, rather slyly, that the extensive cessions made to French and English dominion have created no uneasiness in the United Stat and that “probably”—he speaks with diplomatic doubt—“probably our accessions of territory, while y | dependency of Kngland; a | ness of Providence und the f Hale,) said other day, with that ex-cathedra ‘is vuaticinations, not it, that we should manner which distinguishes i sentiment is not very patriotic, nor is the assertion correct, nor indeed is it redeemed by the charm of novelty. l heard the same taunt in 1812, though in different terms. ‘I’ke phrase then was, and it was daily heard from our political opponents, that the country could not be Kicked into a war. Well, sir, we went to war notwithstanding, and came out of it without backing. And 4 we shall doagain when necessary; and he who thinks we shall not, and urges that ax a reason for submission to national degradation, knows little of the resolution of his countrymen, when the hour of tria! comes. ‘There is one redeeming and enconraging featore of our public character, in all those contests between standing still and going on. ana that is, that the national feeling, in all graye conjuactures. has always gone ahead of the cougressionai feeling. 1 know of no. exception. The latter pants atter the former—but not entirely in vain—and it is best it should be so. The public instincts and judgments are right, and are animated with an ever active love of country, which Is its way and follows it, tuning neither to the right hand nor to the left. Mr. President, J am not going ever the old ground of our manifest destiny, ud the mission we have | to fulfill 1 other similar phrase—expletives, if adopted into onr political vocabulary, h have provoked more criticism than and been assigned more importance than are entitled to. it they are all merely | they mer the; I ta | indicative of a strong impression of the mighty ca- reer that is before us, and of the different views that prevail of | th jes and responsibilities it brings with it, as well towards ourselv the world. However these may be magnified or d cannot be avoided; and that the past, which alone fore- shadows the fature, is filled with the most startling proofs of nutional progress which bave ever arrested the attention of mankind. ‘Che zencration-has not e we were a peaceful wholly passed away zens, ix now pertnitted to fore the final acknowled; cement of Our independence by the parent comitry. A narrow strip of sea coast, and a scattered population short of three qi lions, who were hardly permitted, as it has been said in ithstration rather than in assertion, to make a horseshoe nail for them-rives, divided into separate colonies, and almost unknown, with some protitable rather than potriotic unticipations at home, as Eng- | land was then called, these possessions might be usefal for the parposes of taxation. Such was our condition about the commencement of our Revolution- ary struggle ; and at its close we found ourselves ex- hausted by the exertions we had made, and without internal trade, without external communerce, and, in fact, without a government for the protection of ial order or the prevention of foreign : and, indeed, the institutions of the count maintained by the char of the people. al organization, The seventy. p passed awit ¢ more than quadropled were following the example set us, cx an powers.” ie, Mr. Everett—well done! Addison could not have man- aged this retort with dryer humor nor ia a huppier vein of irony. But to return to my remark, that this correapon- dence gives rise to some serious retlections. ‘hy was this proposition for s tripartite treaty snt- mitted to the United States? Not with the slightest belief that it w hk ccepted. There was not a member af the Freach or of the British cabinet, who did not know, as well before the project was reterred to us as ufter, that the offer would be peremptorily rejected. ‘They all wa- derstand our principles and our px They knew we were opposed to these “entangti innces,” for these are truly so, and they knew our views with re- spect to Cubg, and that we would not sacrifice our permanent interests to “yi such scheme. a Then why this solemn farce, of an invitation to do was known we would not do? Well, sir, inquiry. for Its security, aud you have neh government; and the same view now hte e are free to act as we please, deducible from the letter of Mr. Crampton, : ect to Cuba. We have asked your participation in of it. This declaration is ‘expl of the “juxtaposition” of the words “Baroy pen ected to get. or. msequence * and possession of Cuba. This, of ‘Thus, then, stands this m France and Eng- Jand have assumed the right to decide upon the des- (ails in Lorepe, that we arg pot prepared t9 euforcg | where is the American wha je not prepared 19 | tiny of Cuba, end baye asked the concurrency of the of freedom, the advancement. of know! establishment of i is obvious that we have a to remar! tion and pertinacity with whi the area of our territory, haye increased our populz: tion eight-fold, have added to our productive indas- try, to our commerce and navigation, to our revenue and resources, ind to all the other elements of power and prosperity in a still greater ratio, while the haye given usa government and institutions as free as is compatible with the preservation of order, and have placed ns among the grea’ of the earth, ond with “none to make us afta And, at the same. time, our intellectual improvement has kept pace with is 2 our material advancement, and our whole progresafji withont example in the history of nations. Now, sir, in this state of things let no man despair of the future. Let noone fear that his country will not, sooner or later, come up to her proper » without presumption, but without hesitation. Our is from day to day; but the steps which our career belore the’ world are the decennial & when the * numbering of the people” di re- sults surprising even to ourselves, and_almost incred- ible to the nations of Christendom. Eight of these Thave lived to see, and the gigantic strides they pes pon a ht which is to the imagination. If this magnificent even now 0 Eratityipg to national pride, bat pee t so boundless ‘int its power, for evil or for with it causes of gratulation for every trae Ameri- can, it brings also grave resposibilities, which cannot be evaded and ought not to be neglected. It is thus we have & mission tafubf, in the example we may offer and in ail just efforts to promote the extension nowledge, and the of all the great prinei on which ublic and private prosperity depend. In looking ack upon our progress from infancy to matarity, it submitted to’ much that was njust and contumelious, because we had not th Tesist, as we should now do, pretensions met toe le tor their injustice than for the presump- ich they were urged. days of weakness to We had trne patriots in those guide pnd counsel ax, and well did they Fuld Nasis