The New York Herald Newspaper, June 1, 1852, Page 2

FOUR IMPORTANT LETTERS, “WRITTEN BY GENERAL SCOTT. The Political Platform of the Whig Party, The Tariff and United States Bank. Modification or Repeal of the Natu- ralization Laws. ORGANIZATION OF A NATIVE PARTY AGAINST GANADAS, Gradual Emancipation of the African Race, and to be sent to Africa. On Party Polltics—The Jadtelary—The Ex- eeuthve Veto—Rotation In Office—One Pre= sidential Term—Agency of the President In Legtslation—Secret or Oath-bound Soci- elles, &e. 25, Wasninaton, October 1851. GENTLEMEN—I have lately had the honor to re. ceive many letters from as many different States, each propounding, on the part of the writer and his neighbors, nearly the same political interrogatories, to which answers are required The scope of the inquiries is a flattering prooff of the interest that some of my countrymen take in the opinions that Ihave formed on certain great principles of abiding importance to the sueeess of our systems of government; and as I have nothing to conceal, ifnothing of value to communicate, | shall, at once, without policy or reserve, and in thd form of a circular, comply with their several re quests. Parry Pouirics.—-Although, trom early man- hood, I have, by the profession of arms, in defence of country, been thrown out of the arena of party politics, yet I have never ceased to be an attentive observer of public events, and thus, I believe, there has scarcely been a discussion of moment in Con- gress, within my time, on which I did not form. and modestly, bat firmly, express a passing opin- jon A mere youth, I felt the liveliest joy when the alien and sedition lawsexpired in the triumph of Mr. Jefferson. From 1806 1 was old enough, by speech and pen, to call for a prompt and enorgetic redress of our wrongs suffered from Great Britain under ber orders in council, attack on the Chesa* peake frigate, and long continued impressment of our seamen; and when the war of 1812 at length came, I was among the first and longest in tho pre- renee of t foe. The insults received fr the French Directory, their depredations merce, renewed under Napoleon's decress and Milan.) which followed the Brit on our com- . (Berlin sh orders in council, also largely shared in my indignant rep- rvobation The admin ions of Mr. Madison and Mr. Monroe, like that of Mr. Jefferson, had, in their re- spective periods, my humble but hearty approb. tion, and J have ured nothing in either but the sale ofa part, and the dismantling of th: remainder of our navy, the gun system of di fence that followed, and the indefinite emba which, crippling us for war, by destroying our com- merce and finances, and oppressing agricul Jong continued, without redressing one outrs abroad. I give this little sketch of the feelings or opinior myself and a few partial have never been a federalist, i the term, so never | practicable or ab: but al the support of law a just as all my fur struggle for nati Tue tinued study been imbued wi State and fed our neither the purse to terrify, of pers th of my ays an old- UDICIARY.- system of of the whole commanit; tien every possil i ided to its cor, & the ¢x stantly exposed. | te , diction der this ¢ and treatics mad their authority.” he cor either Jand, under an act of ( T r treat once been solemnly adjudicated } principle of definitive), rehearsing be to me too clear for only declared tu no bench beyond t ‘ i t constitu inferior” tr power to Soy peals to the tended to be reached, and anareby, through a € | ratic distraction of the public mind, on grea eI of legislative and executive power, thus re amporetbie. 1 and especially turb, or impugn } ples erta hed, st a direct reve the case of a jrdi against liberiy: aud eort can alway only tion , ment it pia sa i peoy Miszeons s constitut a ected) t i tt growth collec extension « additional ayy number and necessarily A morals, perhape « the balit that we i ree Presidential ters little or no regard to wi ral “honest citizen {—of i with government hlets, handbills, and extra rauettes, sufficient, (if read) to sap the morals, pub- ic and private, of an entire generation t--of the cus- tom-house mercenaries in the large citios, living on the public, neglecting every duty for party’ moet- pgp and the polls, and rendering to power the most bribe-worthy services _—of district attorneys and collectors—ramblin; jonaries, defending every abuse of office—their own the most indecent—in or- der to maintadn power in the hands of their patron? All who have reflected on the foregoing facts must be rendy to affirm that executive patronage ‘has increased, is increasing, and ought to be dimi- nished,” I hope, then, by an early amendment of the con- stitution, to see a reduction of the Prosident’s veto. The regulation of patronage would properly follow There can be no good reason why the veto should not be overcome by a bare majorily in each house of Congress, of ail the members elected to it—say, for the benefit of reflection, at the end of ten days from the return of the bill. An amendment to this effect ve the President—the general repre- sentative of every State and district—armed with the votes of all the members, absent at the moment, from the respective houses; and there will always be some absent from both Rorarion in Orricy.—The inquiry under this head is not definite in any letter before me. It, however, is presumed to refer:--1. To governors and secretaries of territories, and some of the judgos therein; district attorneys, collectors, surveyors, and naval officers of the customs; marshals, ‘post masters whose commissions amount to a thousand dollars per annam; navy agents, ré rs and re- ceivers of land oftices, surveyors general of lands, and Indian agents; all of whom are by law ap- pointed for a term of four years, but subject, by ex- press enactment, (except the judges) to be removed at pleasure. 2. To a high class ot sivil officers (next. to the chiefs) in the executive departments at Washington; other high functionaries--foreign mi- nisters, f als, postmas ters wh than a tho eudests of Indian ail appointed ject, in prac. moved ab sto time, yets be a tice--not by pleaeure; and to very many ¢ whieb assistants of them deputies, ub-incpectors, store- keeper &e., &e., all appointed and & under the second head. am asked whether—in my poor opinion--all those functiunaries (amounting to many thousands), or any of them, ought to be periodically super: seded ,by ong ypointments? If yes--when? And, if a part only bich? We have seen that a great number of offices aro filled for a term of years, and move without any limitation as*to term. J, howeve n draw no line of just distinction between the c of the two elas: upon the favor of country or goveroment. Premising that regular periodical changes in the bordinate servants of the country, merely for the sake of change, would necessarily ‘swell executive patronage, already too much swollen —1 am oblige toadd, that 1 more than doubt, on other grounds, the policy and justice of such chang: OCMUSe, for the able and prompt execution of publie busi- nese, much official experience, in a great number of particular stations, is known to be necessary; 2. Because many oilice holders, appointed under i as we have of tried in- 3. Be- conse. again, some may be found in a state of honor- abic poverty, the result no less of stern integrity thanof a Tong and exclu: otion to the inte- rests of the public; and 4 Because, to remove such them at the end of a ourage cessors in a to out- ire communitios. I at I witnessed in 1829- *oO, of the cruel experiments, on a large scale, then nade upon the sensibilities of the country, and the mischiets to the p which early ensued. What 1 would, therefore, humbly e, is this— to turn out, not on! ident, but in any and every week of the yi 1 effiee-holders known to be defi i expacity, or industry, and te dd, men known a to possess th ‘ hout an anxious at- tention to this government of the people, resting on vi d intelligence, cannot luag be successfully for # blind us dis- tribution of ex at would soon, by the fore of the hig nple, beat down all that is in the + the school house, and the chief whom n yet mourr . your JELD Sco tu the Naturalization Laws. f uy fellow coun- trymen assign me, or ine, # prominent porition before public, Il take time to rocthodive my views on th 1s you have together, already opened te the he govern- ment elemerds of power and eorruption which it was impossible for the framers and adopters of the eunstitation tw fe or to denecive. Who, at that distant day, for example, ever dreamed of the spectacles which have recently disgusted every propored. Those view » their origin in the tori ne of the spring of 1835, and were con- firmed in the week that the Harrison eleotors chosen in New York. On both occasions I was in that city, aud heard in the streets, “ Down with the natives”? heard in almost every gro of foreigners, as signal for rallying and ow- rage Fired with indignation, two friends sat down with me in my parlor at the Astor House (November letter f David M. Stone, ect. I will write ste. This is the sl bus is is . time for sleep or ] must not, b wholly neglect your | Ihave | PEO ie Sra pp an widenecrdesigned to rally an. ‘The day after the election I set out for the Sout and have never known precisely why our was not published. Probably | election of Gan. Harrison rendered the publi at that time un- necessary in the of my twe friends. I now hesitate between extending the poriod of residence before naturalization, aod a total repe of all acte of Congress on the subject—my mind in- clines to the latter. ee Concurring fully in the -peinel plea of the Phila- delphia movement, I should prefer assuming the name of American republican, as in New York, or democratic Americans, as I should lly Suge geet. Brought up in the principles of the Revolu- tion—of Jeflerson, Madison, &c.--under whom in ‘outh I commenced life, I have always been called, if have ever professed myself, a republican, or which with me was the same thing. Dem Americans would include all good native devoted to our country and institution drive from us naturalized citizens, who, by long re- sidence, have become identified with us in feeling and interest. Tam happy to see, by the Philaduphia National Anwrican, that religion is to be excluded as a party element. Staunch Potente astam, both by birth and conviction, I shall never consent to a party or Btate religion. Religion is too sacred to be mingled with either. It should always be kept between each individual aud his God, except in the way of reason and gentle persuasion—as in family churches and other occasions of voluntary attendance, (after years of diseretion,) or reciprocal consent Wishing suecess to the great work which you and other patriots have happily set on foot, | remain, with high respect, your fellow citizen, WINFIELD SCOTT. Washington Reed, Esq., and others, To George Philadelphia. On the Subject of Slavery. WaAsmineton, February 9, 1843 Dean Sin—I have been waiting for an evening’s leisure to answer your letter before me, and, after an unreasonable delay, am at last obliged to reply in the midst of official occupations. That I ever have been named in connection wilh the Presidency of the United States, has not, I can assure you, the son of an ancient neighbor and friend, been by any contrivance or desire of mines and certainly I shall never be in the field for that high office, unless placed there by a regular nomi- nation. Not, then, being a candidate, and sevir no near prospect of being made one, I ought, per haps, to decline treubling you or others with my humble opinions on great principles of State rights and federal administration; but as I eannot plead ignorance of the partiality of a few friends, in sove- yal parts of the Union, who may, by possibility, in # certain eyent, succeed in bringing me within the field from which a whig candidate is to be selected, I prefer to erronthe de of frankness and candor, yather than, hy sili. .e, to allow any stranger un- wittingly to commit himself to my support. Your inquiries open the whole question of domes- tie slavery, which has, in different forms, for a num- ber of years agitated Congress and the country. Premising that you are the first person who has interrogated me on the subject, I give you the basis of what would be my reply in greater detail, if time allowed and the contingency alluded to above were less remote. In boyhood, at William and Mary College, and in common with most, if not all, my companions, I became deeply impressed with the views given by Mr. Jefferson, in his ‘* Notes on Virginia,” and by Judge Tucker, in the Appendix to his edition of “ Blackstone’s Commentaries,” in favor of a gra- dual cnancipation of slaves. That Appendix I have not seen in thirty edd years, and, in the same period, have read scarcely anything on the subject ; but my carly impressions are fresh and unchanged. Hence, ifThad had the honor of a seat in the Virginia Legislature in the winter af 1831-2, when a bill was brought forward to carry out those views, I should certainly have given it my hearty support I suppose I scarcely need say, that, in my opinion, Congress has no color of authority, under the o stitution, for touching the relation of master an] slave within a S Lheld_ the oppe trict of Colum » or on the te opinion in respect to the Dis- Here, with the ¢ slave in this d . to ref 0 domestic ons; | s Edo not ques- , both as to nee or 8 it may be fatal to the lives of v cd cole ‘The w without such horrid re- ian philanthropy is ever mild aud con- Hence ull vie nt to be depre¢ vs lutter shall t the rele een juutaslly found ont ween tial to thei: 107 der of Provi- The bleeding home by his fero- wud cast upoa t » the ved with anything descendant dle yegel over and comforts «l by the n bondage. A ained for him: and has alre me eenturi o remedies a muy not ar sir, that I versation, of ¢ pressir mon country, on the que , and Tmust say that T have found but very few persons to differ with me however opposite their geographical positions Such are the views or opinions which you seck. I cannot suppress or mutilate them, although now liable to be more generally known. | Do with them what you please. I neither court nor shun publicity. I remain, very truly, yours, ; WINFIELD SCOTT. #q.5 Danville, Virginia. T.V. Afkinson, On the Annexation of Canada, West Port, Jane 29, 1849. My Dean Sin—The news from the Parliament of Great Britain, this morning, must, I think, increase the discontent of our neighbors on the other side of the St. Lawrence and the lakes not a Jittle; and that those discontents will, in a few years, lead to a sepa- ration of the Canadas, New Brunswick, &c., &¢., from the mother country, seems equally probable. Will those provinces form themselves inte an inde- pendent nation, or seek a connexation with our Union? I think. the probability is greatly in favor of the latter. In my judgment, the interosts of both sides would be much promoted by the annexa_ tion—the several provinees coming into the Union on equal terms with our present thirty States. The free navigation of the St. Lawrence is already of im- mense importance to V icoge ey a third of our present Population, and would be of great value to the ro- mainder. After annexation, two revenue cutters below Quebec would give us a better security ainst smuggling than thirty thousand Custom ‘ouseemployes strung along the line that separates us fromthe British Tosenstons on the continent. Tam well’ acquainted with that line, and know a ress ton of the pte and character of the pro- vincials. Though opposed to incorporating wil any district densely peopled with the cite race, I should be most happy to fraternize with our northern and northeastern neighbors. What ma be the views of the exccutive govorn- ment on the subject, I know absolutely not! 3 but I think I cannot err in sing: that two-thirds of our people would rejoice at the incorporation, and the other third soon perceive its benefits. Of course I am opposed to any underhand mea- sures on our part in favor of the measure, or any other act of bad faith towards Great Britain. Her good will, in my view of the matter, is only second to that of the provincials themselves; and that the former would soon follow the latter—considering the present temper and condition of Christendom—ean- net be doubted. The foregoing views I have long been in the habit ofexpressing in conversation; I give them to you for what they may be worth. Faithfully, yours, WINFIELD SCOTT. Literary Notices. Tue SourieRN QuaRTERLY Revizw—April, 1852. Charleston, 8. C.: Walker & Richards —This po- ricdical displays its usual talent. It opens with a well timed and elaborate article upoa ‘* \ meri- can Agriculture,” which merits universal atten- tion. Enfranchisoment of Women,” is a fine exposition of one of tho ** isms” of the day, although wedo not admire the pompous and conceited style which pervades some part of the article, which de- tracts trom the force of the sound and Jogical argu- ment which is used. Besides this, the harsh appear- ance it exhibits towards those frailties of the frail, will not serve to attain one great point—their cor- rection. The next essay, on ** Authority in Matters ot Opinion,” is an elaborate review of a work by Mr. George Cornwall Lewis, well known in London as a composition of law, literature, and political econo- my; and as may be expected from a general dabbler, his work is superficial, illogical, and even exhibits ignorance. Some of these imperfections have been masterly exposed by the writer of this article; and Mr. Lewis’s inconsistent pi ons, want of logic and information, made apparent. It isevident that Mr. Lewis has a too contraeted, prejudiced, and unea- larged mind for the full consideration of a subject which requires the pen of a philosopher, and is not within the compass of the mind ofa red tape, ci-de- vant poor-law commissioner. He did not expect to get handled so acutely; and the writer has done credit to himself and to the literature of his country. “The Battle of Contreras” is an elaborate sketch of the Mexican campaign. “A Review of Halm’s Son of the Wilderness,” translated from the German, by Mr. Anthon, does not display that talent in the way of an elaborate criticism to which this drama is en tled. “Ingomar” has become well known glish stage as a highly effective produc- tion, and which is materially aided by the classie character and beauty of * Parthenia.”’ But it is rather surprising that the writer appears so deficient i powers of criticism, to which he might have given fine scope, and still more surprising that the fact should have escaped him, that there is much borrowed sentiment and ideain this drama—Shaks- peazre, and one or two of the old classic poets, being now and then pretty conspicuously visible. A great space is taken up wich an article upon * The Pho- netic Bible,” which betrays an inoculation of this mania, and a singular blindness to the causes of the results of the non-progression of the system, oceasion- ed by its abstrusities and comicalities, abounding with a prodigious show of rationality, ** Domestic Histories of the South”? is composed for the greater part of extracts from works of this nature, and ture of dry and interesting detail, acco: a good deal of personal incident. ‘The a1 Notices” present few features of value ov intercst. Lire anp ApvEnTURES ov Ero Jupg, 1x Con- NECTION WITH, AND AS MORE FULLY ILLUSTRATED, by THAT OF His Master, CuarLey Brrer—Parr 1.--Adriance, Sherman & Co., 2 Astor House.—-It ly got up, and ilust appropiate cuts. A negro, Ebo Jube, forms a ute hero with that of his m: ‘ogress of their youth, i the p dicrous ‘Th river from Ric state, is very pleasin There ot no flagging of int eas by the multipl sorted to’ by writers tow swell the volume of ¢ «hero, ¢ yving sim nation of old her work y The ani , of © line. th had r and playm: g of the most denive ore competent to d ad at the South f their intereours ter. Hence he is their own color. The in advance of the rough is illustrated. the price is redict for it a rapid s Another Sumptuary Law In Massachusetts, The folle eae Was prep is suid, by the Shakers, and is to be s to the Massachusetts Legislature : To te Honorable ENATE AND House or ENTATIV SSACHUSETTS— petition of the great and increasing body of shaking Quakers, commonly called Shakers —Sheweth—That whereas your petitioners are al- ready a very large and influential body in the State of Massachusetts, possessing large real estate, and daily adding to their numbers aid possessions; ‘And whereas they are fully convinced, and are ready to prove to the satisfaetion of your honorable House, chat that sort of intercourse between the sexes, commonly ealled ¢ intercourse, under whatever limitations or restrictions, is contrary to religion, and highly detrimental to the morals of the peopl ducing, noteriously, in a multitude of Asta Vickerings, fey > quarrels, and bloodshed, contrary to the best interes's of society, and the peace of the State; passing of an act entitled “ An Act con ng t manufacture and sale of spirituous and intoxicating i »” without an appeal to the people, hasshown paternal care for the u wud well being of i te, nobly disregardifig, by die- tat b Hand what he shall not drink, all absurd and exploded notions © matitu- 1 freedom, the rights of man, and the seve- ity of the people, as well as all antiquated pria- lation founded upou reason and exp rt a hus left the maint i law to be decided by fature eb in which other influences will be mixed up th the gr tion at issue, co that by the blessed aid of pol tpported by tanat erning the 4 enduring one And whereas ye » induced to be- ad reputation, persi#t in the sume just, wise, aud that you fearless co Now, Ui your hone diately to the utte: bie House to turn your atte a ition, probibition by law and prevention, of the fi aceful’ prae= tice of marrying: and of the use of all in + except that of speaking togeth i the singing of pious pralms, with as little meanin pssible, and the daucing together upon certain o fore the Ark. Your petitioners would ¢ pray your honorable Eouge to take into conside on whether it may not be expedient to probi the use of all cheese, maple 8, and 4 not made y the ¢ your petitioners bele inasmuch ie notorious that the cheese maple molasses made by otuer porsous are subj to great adulter often poisonous and highly detrimental in their effects; that the mea- sures made by other people are not just measures; and that all other mops, not their own, are valu Jess, and are injurious to the peace and welfare of the Commonwealth, being used for bludgeons, cudgels, and other unlawful instruments; and more- over, a8 the name and distinction of rummy has al- ready been extended in your honorable House and elsewhere, under your sanction and approval, to signify and comprehend all that vast majority of the people of this State, many of whom never tasted rum, or drank spirits in their lives; but who are oppored to the exercise of arbitrary power by an: body of men, or to the infraction of what they fool- ishly believe to be the first principles of human free- dom and the rights of man, your petitioners humb! pray, that by a formal resolution of your honorable jouse, the aforesaid name, or designation of rammy may be with even handed justice applied to all per- sons who are not of the community known a the community of Shakers. And your petitioners will ever pray. vias @ perminent | of the said | after the manner aud fashion of th “kangaroo, whieh y onty true, religious, and legitin aode of dancing. and such, undoubtedly, ured by David bee | ! : Ite 8 “4 A 16, 1851 PRINGS, . 16, 5 My Dear 8tx—I regret my pe: from home vented me from recei' your letter of the 9th inst. until yesterday. I embrace the first moment of leisure to reply to it. I was, I believe, among the first to desire, and one of earliest to take steps towards, the union of the democratic party in this State. I did not suppose that the object could be obtained without some yielding on both sides. If we expect to act efficiently at the next and subse- quent elections, I presume the same policy must be pursued. The Union is not consolidated—there are ultra men in both sections of the party, and they may succeed in Lichter | what they Eo desire, an open and permanent disruption ; but in that they can never have my co-operation or approval. There are difficulties in our path, but I think they can be overcome. They do not appear to me to be formidable. To restore harmony and consolidate our Union, we have, it seems to me, to do little more than to retire on to ourformercommon ground, and to lay aside and forget, so far as it gan be done, all matters which led to our differences. [ We cannot, however, forget the fact, or act without reference to it, that we belong to anational democratic party, and cannot, without renouncing that fellowship, either directly approve or impliedly sanction any- thing that is essentially sectional. No men ever went further in sustaining this position than Mr. ‘Van Buren and Mr. Wright, and no one more heartily concurred with them than I did. 1 am do- termined to keep on that ground while I occupy any. The compromise measures are generally regarded ag democratic measures, in nearly »!l the States of this Union. n not aware that there has been a te democratic convention in any of them, which has not spoken approvingly of these measures. Our convention last year did so, though not with entire unanimity. Can that which is soon to assemble, do less? Cun it be silent on the subject without: losin, its posit'on as a part of the national democracy? do not think it can. I go farth Tikink it oaght not to p ject i ee. It will un- doubtedly be brought up for consideration, and if a mnjority should refuse to act, a minority will, [um quite certain, express its opinion o9 national issues, and in this way the old feud will be renewed. On the other band, a majority of the eoavention may, in the expression of their sentiments, embrace topies aud use terms which will be offensive to the minority, and cause secession There is danger on both sides—and the safe path-way isa narrow one think, and indeed I sincerely hope, there will be a general disposition in the convention to place itself on national grounds—to show inno equivocl man- its fellowship with the democratic party of the 0; but I am very solicitous that it should do this in a manner which shall not give offence to those who were, and still are, opposed to soma of the compromise measures. Can such a course be pursued? here is but one of those mea- sures—the Fugitive Slave law—which is likely to embarrass the proceedings of the convention. I thin the practical operations of that law have gone far to yemove or abate the opposition to it. At first its constitutionality was questioned; but now it is not £0, to any considerable extent. It was then supposed it would endanger the liberty of the free colored man, but now I believe that apprehension is much less prevalent. In its practical effect it does no more than it was intended to do—secure to slaveholders the bencfit of that provision of the constitution re- quiring the surrender of fugitive slaves. If this bo #0, it really does no more than to earry out the old and revered doctrine of the democratic party—the muaintenanee of the compromises of the constitution. To this item ofthe democratic creed, as ancient and as often repeated as any other in it, all, I presume, are willing to subscribe; and a repetition of it by the Conyention, with a reference or obvious relation to that constitutional provision, might supercede any direct opinion on the Fugitive Slave law. ‘There is nothing in the compromise measures of esteemed value to the South, but this law; and they regard opposition to the law, or a refusal to sustain it, as a determination to withhold from them the practical benefit of that provison of the-eonstitution which relates to fugitive slaves. So far as abolitionists are cencerned—I believe 1 might include others—oppo- sitionto the law is, in fact, opposition to the con- stitution. They call in the “higher law” to repeal it. The great body of the democrats—I hope may say all democrats—certainly all who wish to remain ia communion with the national democratic party, who had or now have objections to that law, founded their objections upon the peculiarity of its provi- sions; but are willing the object of the law should be obtained in a proper way. For myself, [ not only acquiesce in the law as it is, but should regret to florts made to change or modify it, because ot i fied the South, and does no more erve the objects intended. It does not, as Lam aware, produce any grievanc dows not in its operation put in peril the rights or liberty of the colored man. Oprosition to it on peculiar iy h the slave ing States, undor- on to the objects of it—opposi- ion. Taking this view ot the ‘ln difficulty 1 of this, among che et, in deference to Xpression, surance to thi tional platiormn lity to rd to State pe A pi of the unconstitutiouality of the bill while it was pending. [have not nine million ged it, notwithstanding my great di ve fo of Judge Bronson. If we make repeal the next election, or if we resolve tha it sue he ne will be the duty of our candidates, if elected, to ob- t its execution, we shall probably be defeated. ften our duty to act on principle, regardioss ss or defeat. Whether th presents such i ase or hot, Lam not prepared to decide. ‘Thus fa have done our duty—shall we persevere ? I think this question caunot be definitely answered until after conferring with the delegates. I can say, as you do, that T am not disposed to thrnst my owa opinions upon others on this subject. In the end, the measure will work m ief; and do what we may, we probabi execution. My sole object is the sue been always attached. ‘a orvices as long as I live. 1m this a duty, aud inclination makes it a pl eure. not less anxious for its prosperity thi should be if my days of ation were not ail pas! ger its future prospects by advo- nining ** any wanton exclusiveness” in My advice and influence shall be harmonious result in the con- cating or s ite proceedings exerted to produce a | vention, and T hope you will be « member of it. And whereas your honorable House, by the late | y ours, &e., W. L. Marcy. Augayy, August 27, 1851 Sin—On iny return howe after a short 1 your letter of the 21st, and have ibecquently given it m sideration. 1 was apprehensive that if you aud I could not diszover grounds on which we could place ourselves aad act nivusly together, it was hardly reasonable to pe that the delegates inthe Convention would he necessful. Ihave therett r your positions asp: 1 perm Doing this, I syet a idcrabie space between us, I find no difficulty assent to most of the positic swith which you have fa- My Dean ence, Tf e felt disposed to policy neiple an her in the diatt oan In the present aspect of affairs the leclaration that the @ ie party of this a par’ » democratic party of the Union, would not of itself go far towards show- he y be allowed, without some speci- are in fact at We » we claim tobe. Our faict What is afterwards said , Would not be deemed satis not satisfactory to me. The unre- r 1 over slavery in the States—not only in those alrendy formed, but such as may be formed out of our terriveri nestionable matter by any party or any els » except perhape extreme fanatical 1 The otber clause in the hend, be deemed more obj It appears to against the present Fugiti mst any which could be en y State legislature, but it questions the right of Congress or a State legislature to make any law whatever on that subject. It leaves the slaveholder to the naked constitutional dectaration of his right esolution, would, I appre- moble than you are ction not e law, and iby Congress or to reclaim » fugitive. unaided by any legislation, State or national. While it withholds the me: it acknowledges the 1s of making it availa- ble. Experience teaches that inat clause of the con- stitution, like many others, requires logislation to give it effect. Qhis hedume apparent in the early stages of the government, and the luw of 1793 wae enacted to give it efleet. Even that law was found inefficient, and the slaveholding States thought they had a right to one more effective in its character. To refuse them such a law and leave that part ot the constitution a dead letter so far as relates to their remedy, is, as they think, withholding from them what they are a, entitled to under the constitution, and a violation of the federal compact. They look upon it in this serious light, and are de- termined to have the aid of the federal government in carrying out this provision of the constitution, or will withdraw from it. I cannot say they are wrong in this matter of claim; indeed I think they are not. If the free States should og themselves in this case upon the position of the resolution you sent me, and act up to it, the Unien would be inevitably dissolved. If we look for a continuance of the Union, there must be—in my serious opinion, there ought to be--a Fugitive Slave law; an effective law one that Sanaibe value of the ight it| . | As a democrat, wh aga staunch friend of the Union, I am in Jaw, and willing to make it a subst article o: Political faith. I do not do many who with me on this point, do ¢ the Beoseny law. If this is the fo of our ( agreement, we are not separated by princi le, may act together. Agreeing in the end, we ne to the means of reaching it. I do not think ht to be sifent on iiggubject, and ient to indorse the existing !:w| ought at least to go 20 far as to declare that slaveholding States are entitled to the full be} fit of that clause in the constitution, wh proiaen for the surrender of fugitive slaves, hat proper laws oughs to be passed to give full and fair effect, without unnecessary bj den, rendering the remedy more expensive th the worth of the right. I do not say preeene law isin all respects the best that’ co @ enneted on the subject. In some of its pro tions it might be improved; but it must, I thiy in candor be confessed that it his thus far worl fairly well. The instance of objection to which refor, was rather the fault of the Commissioy than that of the luw. With all its deteets, I willing to acquiesce in it, for the reason that fairly carries out its object, without seriously dangering other important rights, and for the fe ther special re (which is a weighty one wi that it is a part of a system of comprom| with which the North had, moe the Se reason to be gratified than the South. By p claiming a dishke te the Fugitive Slave law, erty Sontpanng ae agitation, we incur the it utation of being willing ke that part of t] Bargain which we like, cndWiee torte eee that which it likes, In this respect it ought to looked at in a light somewhat different from that e = i #F i Hi FEE: convention ou; which we would view ordinary enactments. hd is also another consideration which would deter q from manifesting dissatist n with the law, unl moved to it by the pr is the almost inevit sure of evil consequences; lo certainty that my objd my conduct gil ther irritation shor a ft or disregarding prine pl Fugitive Slave Luw upon the action! efieet to the com: act. opposed tot in the present st reasonable to ex; iffcren nnds of opposition to that Lay oved to show, in a manner not very satistactory to action of the ¢ cont myself, in what light ¢] ention will bo viewed by tl democrats here and fh other States, # it should s what you suggest, and nothing more. If more to be said—and more, | think, should be said, ey it what you propose should be adopted, what sh that more be? Here we enter upon debatable ground. if ¢ convention should express a gencral approval and aequ nce in the compromise measures, th course will be objectionable to some, because it wh include an approval of the Fugitive Slave flaw; a if that is excepted and nothing said on the subje the convention will thereby place itself in. mar fest opposition to that law. 3 will, in aw imatt] now grown into vital importance, cut itself off irc ail fellowship with Southern democrats; it will e elude them from its platform, and place itzelf q scetional ground. If it undertakes to distingui: its opposition to that law from the abolition grouq of opposition, it must place its objection to iton t pecuhar features of the present act—express i concurrence in its object—and suggest other pi visions equally effective to carry it out, taking o: that they are not impracticable’ or burdensome, order to escape the charge of insincerity. Tapp -hend there would be as much diversity of opinion the convention on such a resolution, ag there w be on the merits of the present law. I have thoug! of framing such a resolution, but experience a d: ficulty im bringing out sufficiently the strong poi: of objection to the present act. In view of these difficulties, another course h been suggested—silence on ull imatters relative the affuire of the general government. If Tam ni mistaken, I took strong ground against this eon: in my former letter. Subsequent reflection and d velopanents have confirmed the views then presente} ‘The Convention in Uhio went as far as you propo to go, in the resolution transmitted to me. b omitted ull allusion to the compromise measur: What interpretation, let me ask, has been given its course, both in and out of that State? [t hi been enid there, and reiterated here, that the re lutions of that convention, so far as they relate national questions, are anti-slavery, with the cognition of the principle of uon-intervention wi the States. By its nce, it is said ** the eompr| mise receives the e of silent contempt ;” ai ite course can. be raed “only as a free sd trhanph.” Tois may be a barsh commentagy, b the proceedings of (fe Ohio Couveution afford thing to rebut it, i should be Lorne in nitad th this interpretation of the views of the Ohio Co) ingly y ted here by tho| nd out of season to ha ise as that t ; und should their poli pubt that they woul mand triumph Leann find much fay convention, Tha either section wi it; and very ma » speak out on national qui domg so what it may, ou t ‘The latter ave determin: a] position in the eyes of t s ofthe other States of the Union ; b| avow this determination, they profe , 1 donot dow y generally feel, a since} desire to take 2 co tle offensive as possil with them. They ve generally express a willingness to stand on t same ground taken by the convention of last yea and rerist any attempt iv press matters to the oth] exbeme Itis qui our conve hy the conve he pursued, t y will our of reate the with ni any ) assume, as T presume son do, thai those who w harmony at the conventi fever the policy of saying nothing, or saying wh is equivalent to nothing, on national ‘questio They meun to uvoid and do enough af only enough to ploe fairly on a nation democratic plattorm, Under ordinary cireumstan this would be done by concurring in the resolutio| of the National Conventions of 1540, 1844 and 18, but in the present exigency of our national affair it seems to them that the compromise meas should not be passed unnoticed and unapproved some form. Inregard to the matter above considd ed, ] have nothing of my owa to suggest bettf than the sixth and nth resolutions of the la Massachusetts Convention. A large majority of 0 body were what are culled free soil democrats; at though all ofthat description did not approve vote for those two lutions, quite a number them did; otherwise they could not have been pa ed. Something like these, or a reiteration of the y solutions of our own convention of last year, stigl ly modified, I trust will find general favor in the a proaehing conventi Your resolution in relation to the canal la strikes me favorably. Perhaps it may be necessa it so ax to repel the inference tha: i if elected, wonld refus a@ valid Law, wotil its ex a by the Court. of Appew rouble vou with a letter ao lu and se carelessly written ; but I am too laay to through the work of corrcetion and cou Lam stil wore troubled with the appreho most ir il, diference of opini tween us on vints of policy. With so such an antagonism would give me little aneasine but you are not of that class. 1 amaware ya opinions are genernily the result of much reid and you ere gui u forming them by puve tives. T respect them, asf ought wo; bat not much as to be able tu surrender my own to you Our long general eoneurrence in pol.tical vie es the present diflevence between us ‘he ainful to me. 1 um, very respreti yo) obedient servant, Wohi, Many Political Intelligence. ACTION OF THE VIRGINIA LEC LATURE, IN TT MATTER OF THE PARDON OF THE SLAVE ATCHER: he followin in the Virgini come up ont Wherens, Jor JORD, leand resolution « prow n ifn murder of Wm. . Jackeon, was tried on the 12th Moreh last by the Hustings Court, of the city of Ri yud Was sentenced to 1 aad whereas, Govern th did, on the Oth of May. ¢ the said Hatebor, to United States.’ and did, on the with 5th section of Sth aiticle of the coustiution, e munieate to the General Assembly his reasons tor raid commutation » Therefore Be it resolved. that while the General Assembly bell that Gov, Johnson, in commeting the punishment of said slave, was intinenced by the purest motives, aud ac in accordance with What he believed to be the diety ofmercy and humanity. agter the most careful: examit tion of the testimony elicited at the trial of the slave; and after the most deltberate See rensons assigned by Gov. Johnson in ate mes this House for conmtiing the punishment of the viet, the General Asombly of Virginia feel constrai to express its belief that thie act of exeontive clemer was fll advised. andgo utter its decided disapprobatio “the reasons for the said commutation.” After some debate the resolution was adopted, by a ¥ of 00 to 5S ; eine gail nsportion beyond ninst. in contoliaq TEMPERANCE CONVENTION IN New Hamrsnt —The friends of the ‘‘ Maine Law” in New Han shire, are to have a State Convention at Conco on Wednesday, June 9th, and will ot a im moth petition to the Legislature, w! will be