The New York Herald Newspaper, January 13, 1852, Page 6

JOHN ¢. CALBOUN THE YOUNGER: or SOTTM CARGLINA, NOW OF FLORIDA, on Kossuth and Intervention, INDEPENDENT NATIONALITY, Detmonico’s Horet, Broadway, 2? | New York, Jan. 3, 1852. Se 7 Jame oRDON Bennett, Esq, Borvor New Yorx Herato— Drax “in:'—In recent numbers of the Herp. aud of some other newspapers of less note and | duence, reference bes been made to an address pre- | sented on the 10th inst to Gov. Kossuth, by Mir. | on, of Florid od myself, in behalf of eove- tizens of that State, then visiting this city, by whioh it seems (probably from a cursory perusal of that paper), that not only its object and mean- ing but its purpert, have been greatly misconceived. he Hexa.p, in alluding to it, has spoken of Mr. Madison ard myself as“ Basins Floridians, la’ ish in promises” to Gov. Kossuth, of ‘ materia! financial, and co-operative aid,” from “sympathy for hie cause;—of being ** profuse in pra and of ed reverence’ to him as ‘* the great apos- tle of liberty”—of our being ‘* Southern propagan- , dists and progressives”—of our having placed our: | selves, or, of our having been placed, ‘on @ plat- | form of equality with abolition and free negro de- putations,” received by him; and of our encourag- ing deotrines and measures whioh, if carried out as to Europe, may rebound upon the Southern States of this confederacy to their ruin, &e. Another print ha: stated that we avow ourselves in favor of fomenting and inciting Hungary, and indeed all Europe, to “agitation, outbreak, revolt, insurrostion, and revolution:” and that wo are ad- vocates of alliance with Great Britain and France, offen and defensive, to such ond, and for immedis r against Austria and Russia, to effect the independence of Hungary, and so forth. | And a third press, without a shadow of licence from me, has officiously volunteered an apology for the address, ae hav’ cen presented ** under the ox- citement of youth nd this © friend,” as the wri- ter says he is, ha erly stated with respect to myself, ** no 0 ¢ more sincerely, that hy [1] over having n address to lossuth than ‘ 2: ately co of its tenor, of the ive tation, of the position of those wh its tendencies, should bo credited, b undesied; and as the re to Fiori co, of Mr adison, ing th ite pre made it, or of on myself, L ha or that pur 5 “the gue racy of thirty-on States,” we cay:— dnties of the tions from epublica t freedom. You hav. derstand the talisman that is to keep this great secure. It is the ourdinal principle of distinct and independent local governments, by which each community cau govern itself, that must be maintained; and then. by the confe- deration or union of such communities, to repel danger from without. it will be perceived that in this there is no refyr- ence to the doctrines of “intervention” aud “‘non- intervention.” nor to ‘+ the laws of nation,” nor to the rights of Hungary under them. The ‘alfusion wag, first, to the “ Republican Pyramid” of com mu- nitiec--1, of towns, or precincts, or parishes, or neighborhood organizations for local municipal ro- gulation counties; 3, distri 4, a Republic or Stata, for general laws; and 5, a confederacy or union, like an arch or dome, to protect the States from external danger. And secondly, tho reference was to an elementa! maxim, or cardinal principle, necescary to be observed in the formation and estab- lisbiment of free governmente—that each community should govern itself by its own local laws, subject only to the general rules agreed upon; which the reservation of liberty eriously requires should e for ever maintained. referred to as the “talisman” of ‘constitutional republican freedom.” Since then, Gor. Koseuth, in his response to the Jackeon Association of Washington city, felicitous- ly characterizes this great principle as t hat of *self- verament,” opposed to ‘‘centralization’—that it “nothing of theoretical liberty—it is a principle ofright, waich is common to cvery state andto every nation.’ And again, in his address to Pro- sident l'illmore: etand before y i:xeellency a living protestation agai ution oppressing the State right of « Werefcrred to it ag the only cafe and proper jation for repub- lican institutions, and as neceesary to be conformed to, for their well being Surely we did not compromise in doing this. i And I may here properly observe, that allusion ¥96 purposely abstained from, by ue, to tue flagrant and accumulated violations in the United States, of this great and fundamental principle and right in tho face of a constitutional compact guaran. teeing it; though the strides of the jhe le of “centralization have been so appalling—theugh | the violations of the righte cf some of the States, and the efforts to degrade them to a position of i equality, have been co outrageous: as to justify those wronged in unfurling the banner of ** Equal ty or Independence —and though such reference would have afforded a cogent illustration ef the vital importance of the principle and right asserte1. Iver did we advert to the everlasting truth, stamped on the pages of history, and exomplified in thie confederacy as strongly as in Hungary—that “Peoples” of entirely different pursuits and avoca- tions, of different babite and ‘‘sympathiec,” and whose institutions are widely discimilar—those of one portion being odious to the other portion—can- not, profitably to either, or peacefully, long live under the same government; and that all experi- ence hath shown, that in such government neither express federati tice, will re- ho g the rights and and therefore, whea such ongeniality cannot be | y, if able to 0 then sell fe. by the # able laws I nat vendent gov violated, and m was avoid derogatory distinguished made, to have | beon to the é ne “truly under th ctrine: concurred with dw romost advo in the Old World,” we v dial paid to Gov. Koasuth, cr if anything was d republican gen- distinguished vieitor to our iloy of the degradation, apology that in their igno- they did not perceive it; and » discover wherein they paid | ’ or homage to aught but principles ened to thom hom. Governor use ho has beea ted him the ad- d re! and exiled from elves and those that auih ig “praised” only be ocat Thore who pres nd ctill have, unfeig 1 and his compatriots, exil nica! Austria. ‘I'he oegae station proper. We may rd—we are quite certain we dis- ity in his presence ot Kosauth to this country t deal of diryuisition, some | erudite, and rather orude, in public ad- r dinner speeches, in senatorial o:a- 08, aud in nowspapers, and elsewhere, and othe: wise, upon the doctrines of ‘ non-intervention, tion,” “neutrality,” “alliances,” and upon tho Laws of nations” generally “Lhe ‘patriotic Floridians” who presented the a \- droes to Governor Kossuth, did not discusa those | topics in that paper. Whether Austria had or bad pot the abstract right, without violating the “jus gentiwm””’ to conquer and subdue resisting Hungary, and to destroy ber independence merely because the selfish and tyrannical house of pg willed it; whether Austria had the right under that codo to sock the aid of Russia to effect such subjugation; or whether Russia might furnish such aid at the request of Austria, without an infraction or viola- ation of the laws of nations, are questions not dis- cussed inthe address. Ner dogs it advocate any alteration of the laws ofnations, by tho interpola ofthe rule of ‘‘non-in in cortaig Gores ecarviy #DEEMD olombers. tag we ox: “ite | repudiated tho quar Itis at with Apa. icy and Paedeol 5 war 1c of the United States, now and . The right of intervention—the law of nations, must zed. The cause of proneses of self-go- at— of political liberty, demand it. ‘*Sym- pathetic” republicans especially should cherish this right as a palladium, and should maintain the law agitis. If despots propose to abolish the right of intervention by, nations, the proposition sheuld be vetoed by the United States, ‘The right and the law skall stand,” should be our motto. Alter the law aos suggested, and our posterity in less than fifty years will change it again, and re-establish it as it now stands. ‘The address takes It for granted that tho right of ‘intervention’ is sanctioned by the laws of nations, and it declares that the individuais who made the address are “‘ in favor of” its exerciso by | the government of the United States, ‘in a cause like that of Hungary,” in a certain specified mode, manner, and form, therein plainly expressed, and at a time andunder circumstances clearly indicated. | ‘The address, in its brief referonce to the duty of manifesting ‘‘ sympathy” for, and of lending ‘ao tive, material and co-operative aid” to, “a peoplo | as “ noutrality.” when asked, somo fifty a a impunil rent m0 Lehr ary safest, the best, the chea 3 safes! » the est, and the most peaceful og, todo so atthe eot—it may cause a mpoody | of the and secure the restoration of peace on the most advan- tageous terms to ourselves and to mankind. [s there an American citizen that doubts for a moment as to which side we ought to take, and which side we shall take, when intervention ig ‘* forced” upon | us? ‘The occurrences in France, heard of withia a | few days past, strengthen the opinions just ad- | vanced. The military despotism now dominant | there cannot tong exist 93 it is. An imperial threne created by its chief, bofore or at the expira- tion of the decade of power allotted for himself, must, to sustain it, be connected with a liberal con- stitution for the People, and liberal laws and liberal | moeeures must be adopted. ‘The spirit of liberty in | Franceis not extinguished. Suppression of the press and banishment or imprisonment of republicans will notextinguish it. Itis inextinguishable. The peo- ple bave learaed to think on political affairs, and of overnmonts, and of liberty. Men that think will act. struggling to break the chains of despotism, and | ‘I'be holy flame of freedom may, for a brief scason, to establish governments based on constitutional republican guaranties, suited to their condition and | capabilities,” distinguishes between governmental interference, and the aid rendered by individuals. | It does net advocate intervention by the govorn- ment in any case, from considerations of mere “sympathy.” On the contrary, it indicates that governmental aid should only be rendered waen the protection or promotion of its own terests’ demand it. It cites bisterical examplos— the aid rendered to the United States during the revolutionary war, by the governments ef France, Holland, and Spain, as precedents for this go- vermment. All know their interference in our quarrel with Great Britain, and the aid to us by | t governments was induced alone by acifish in- be partially smothered, but it will Crecsprs hs break forth. The armed battalions of Austria and liussia, in alliance with the French Prwtorian guard, can- rot entirely atific it. Most of tho French soldiery will, ere long, reflect that thee are a portion of the French people, and thoy will ultimately yield to pa- triotic impulses. In Italy, in Prussia, in Belgium, in Holiand, in Austria, in lower Germany, and even in Ruszeia, in fact over all Europe, men are awakening | toa knowledge of their politioal rights. That kno w- ledge begets the resolution to establish and main- tain them. Hungary and Poland are destined to be free. The eufleriugs of the oppressed people have taught them the inestimable value of freedom They will yet win it and maintain it. The alarm pretended by the Kritish goverament, through t, without a particle of sympathy or kind foel- ing for s, orfor the p pies We were struggling | tain. And this is the prociso ground that | was filst assumed by the government of the United States under Gencrat Washington's administra- tion. It is amistake to say that his administration urged that we should ropean affairs, 0 long ng ow honor or our ia- ally at that timo, infancy aad woak, nt policy. "And subse: have inaintained the edit as to Europern affairs | mn afta and advantageously to the 3. Louisiaca was secured tous by a Jr. Jefferson to ally with Englaad to | keep France trou never been exere then avoid as we could, w tereats. Certainly, when our govern was this tound a uent adi H right, and bave exetc conceded to be a Nay, the nd, is dec! f such aid, on uty. We didno' how far euch zid may be reno without contravening the laws of the We were not called upon to say, what many sound lawyers contend, that no federal statuto going a jot or tittle beyond ¢ enforcement of ‘*the laws of nations,” as thi new recognized, can be sustaiued. We did not think it necessary to deny that Congress pos. s¢8 aby power to do more than enforee tac / goatium, Which many able jurists do deny The address states that those who made it wera ready for themselves, as individuals, to extend to | the cause of Hungary their aid, to the extent of the admitted duty. As to governmental ection, the addres: 3 forth that the individuals who made it were ‘: in favor of “certain measures being adopted, which, to pre- vent misapprehension, were specified. The first was, that this government should pro- pose to Great Britain, ‘if she can be relied on,” andto France, ‘if she can be safely looked to,” that allthree make a joint annunciation to tag world that they will not allow “ despotisins to com. | bine to oppress” any people, This manifesto was of course, expected to be clothed in diplomatic arb. It would probably bo said * they could not | lock with indifference ’’ upon such oppression, and so forth, though | should prefershort, straight, plain, strong words, and few of them, in such notices. Secondly—that if Austria and Ru did not take the hint, and heed the admonition, ‘tinsuch a caure as that of Hurgary” the three governments should act according to the examples set by France, Hel , land, and Spain, during our revolutionary war and thirdly—if icngland and France rofa.ed to | unite in such declaration, Ke, this governmant , Should atrend to the business by itself. Surely there is not ing in this suggesting the jnty he wise po: ofthe ‘ederal government ofthe United States volunteering to Gov. Kossath “active, material, and co-operative aid,” to com- menee or renew arevolutionary movement in Hun- gary, or cf fomenting or inciting to revolt and in- surrection, there or elsewhere. Nor is any “giliance” with Great Biitain and France, or either of thom, thereby recommended, to excite the Hun- garians to insurre or to fight their bates with Austria, consequent upon a revolt so brought | about. In suggesting the measuree, they, (the “pat: Floridians,”) had, as before obcerved, reforenc ly to the “policy and interests” of the government of the United States. The addre ¢ cleatly indicates this. We declared our conviction that this government would not be involved in any war by euch couree. Year of Austria and lussia harming us by any war they could wage, was scouted as absurd. Tho loss of all our trade and commerce with thoze us- tiens (which does not exceed in annual value a mil- lion of exports to and importe from each of them) | would not harm us. Our country is impregnable toinvasion by them, and our gallant navy fully competent to protect vur commerce with other na- tions against them, without adding to it a singly shi he croakers of this country would be ter- | ribly disappointed as to the effects of a war between Austria and Russia on one side, and the Uuited States on the other. ‘The addrossetat 6, that Engiand nor l'rance, Jare not refuse to join in the proposition suggested. On this point it was intended to refer directly and | pointedly to an element of strongta possessed by | the United States in every part of liurope whero a free prees is not prohibited, that is rarely taken into consideration by cur countrymen. We said :— proper courses probably, woul ‘yernments the Old Worid d to unite with he othe ‘Lhe mora! influ side of the Atlantic tremendous. Few America it. The power that this government—that people of this country—that the press of this cn the power that your p rt, tho to influence popular neo—its potency with animate, excite, stimulate, and encourege the tol » trodden down willions ” there, und to keop those govern ments and their political rulers, at all times, in « state of uiétude and alarm, and dangor as well, | it ia silent and urseen in ite operations, is irresistable in its effects. The British rulers know it, feclit, and droad it. A memorable instance, as to your own papers wv a year verifies this. Our country hitherto forborne to exercise this terrible power. The address intended to indicate | weg be nao tain diplematic weapon ntry on an ht be used exlat gees ee ee | an: punishment for im; rr inte ‘and interforenco in our alfatrs, nnd 28 @ means of coercion to justand proper courses . We presume it is for this you styled us Southern Bropagandists and progressives,” and that another er aoguses ua ol belong “in favor un ie outbreak, revolt, insurrection, and ion in Hungary, andall over Europe.” Per- haps you are beth correctin your deductions. Cer- tainly there is something of vine ene and hing of * oes” involved in the hint wo ) aan antey nd and E’rance, if the people d prese of the United States practice upon it, would not i iggy of the im were as implies @ er charge againe us. Supy i hould bi ' What harm would cnsae to the United Staics of America therefrom ? rt it We are im able to foreign assault. |: ve true ‘American fools it in hie and in his strong right arm. And it is that this go- vernmont should take its atand in tho front rank of nations, and as foremost in that rank; and with the lawful means (iod hath bestowed to that cnd, make itself heard, seen, folt, and respected, and, on proper occasions, obeyed. It is able to maintain ite principlee. Yt cannot shrink from its high position. Jt cannot evade its roaponsibilities or ite dutice. Why defer or postpono what will be forced upon wat ‘I'he sooner wo assume the fulfill- taoir prosves, of danger to England from the pro- gress of wilita potism on the continent, isa shallow cevice. 1% is sheer hypocrisy. AU this aficcted fright is to enable it to check the progress of liberal y ples at home. Itis to excite the loyal feed ontented English and Irish, chment for their coun- try, a3 being ed by foreign nations, and divert their aitention from the abuses of the government. The assumed dread of continental despotisms is a mere boghear, contri the English people quict Jt is a repo’ mn of the trick practised come half a century ago, of affecting to believe tbh (made to co other do- ch, it has beea not. revolu- iy politic is one of ternal. ‘I'he domest id aud in Ireland are ext fected portion of s neither i dorabl ocrata, radicals, i d reform iorists b instinct, fai host. Con eed wor cd com n€ ing ela: itute clom olution that do i the British ru. er of ag { apprehension on inenval der potisn U know that t re crow count of the up. The British rulers v fearful event t the present of republic its favorably euccess on the frenoh side of t itish Channel, might be soon followed by the reion of the Pritirh bereditary peerage, and, ero long, the sub- stitution of a republic for the present monarchy; and there is ground for confidence that such gover ment, once established in that i would be bleand enduring. Many intolligut observers st doubt that the wity and sagacions Lord Nor- aby, British Minister at Paris, encouraged tho coup atat of Louts Napoleon. A general bolief in England of the participation of the British govern- ment in thet usurpation, andin the foul deeds of perjory, murder. and treason, by which it was ef- tectcd, would probably cause not merely the over- throw of che ministry, but the speedy reform of the British constitutions by the irresistible fiat of the indignant masses excited to extremity. if the British goverament did covertly abet the Freach military usurper, the denunciations by the overnment preescs in giand of Austria and Russia, as his accomplices, snd 23 pledged to fus- tain b in the neaessi:y of conce: Ft rom the psople of Great Bni ‘Lhe propotition evgyested in the addreas as to be made by us to the British government, would test the rincerity ary despotisms. ‘The government and people ‘nited States would thereby learn the true cn they hold with referenco to the people of eat Liitain and the present goverument ot that am. They would Jeara the extent and tho ue of 'Leir influence in » good cauee, with tho avd hkewise the poterey of their power, ia euch cause, over the other. ‘Tho information thus obtained would be invaluab!e It would be worth the rick of the experiment. Ireland could not be pecially excepted from the operation of the rule propoecd to be maintained. he only hazard we could encounter, would be of being overreacked and fooled by the ior diplomatic skill of the Bri- tish government. If the United States selects for ite proxy some timid twaddlor, or ancient political tabby, who has survived his instincts, and who, whilst por over vencrable authoritie: about neutrality, wrilten ages before steam and electric telegraphs wore thought of, might forge’ this was the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and fifty-two, this would be probable. The “patriotic Floridians,” who addressed Cio- vernor Kossuth, expressing, in the terms ured in that address, ‘ the sentiments of the individuals” who mado it, said, ** We will not falter in our efforts to redeem the implied pledge given by your invita- tion hither, that this country is willing to extend to Hungary more than barren sympathy.” This may be what you designate as “lavishly promis. ing” aid to Governor Kossuth, &c. Yet, if I mis- take not, the Hrra:p had asserted previously, as | an undeniable fact, that the people and govorn- | ment of the United States were “committed,” be- yond retraction—by the sending a public ship of war to Turkey for him and his companions in exile, and the other gots and doings of Congress, and of the kixeeutive, in relation to him. So we thought. The initistory act was intervention of it- zelf—perfect, open intervention—and was so con- sidered in Europe by friend and foe. We inquired, to what end wae the invitation given, if it was not intended as a demonstration of eur willingcess and of our purpoce to further aid his cause. Canit be that it was suppored or hoped that Gov. hossath would reno bandon ber causo— rélinqvish of achieving her inde- pencence—cease his reeivtance to her and his op- preesors, and ignobly retreat to this country as an usy!vm, where be could repoee in | from Austrian tyranny an the object of the invit the hsly aspirations for bh’ life has boen dovoted ion to him to gi the iron heel of Au his native land onorably f minded ax pelicd the dem: @ manner a glory around vineteenth century cx extended to thom « libera not far distant from the ily to America for a retug ernment of this confederacy have suu them to leave their hospitable secu why try to extinguish all their u of yet liberating their cou the extinction of their feelings of devot natural and rightful ho nd the adoptio: new residence in 2 stra ere? why cuggost that all triot’s heart should be smothe od why, J ask, ehould tho gove nited States officiously do all t Deny to Hungary everything but barren sympathy, the vapor of duma- gogical profeeeions, and the answer given by our eremios in the old world to these quostions will bo, “it was all really donoto oblige and favor Austria: it was ounning!y dovisod diplomatic intervention in hor behalf.” Posterity will decide euch was the offect. whatover was the object. | donot have burshs pictons, but the world will be lese crodulous than myself. Could the federal governmont, when it invited Gov. Koeeuth hither, have contemplated ment of the giving him a clorkship in the doad letter, or some | fu! deprecations we shall hear—despite the de- , latto other public oilice at Washington, or employ him in stargazing, under Lieut. Maury, at the Obecr- vatory ; and (lid it intend to raise a regiment of Hungarians, undor Col. Perozel, to ight the Na’ joes, or the yet unsubdued Seminoles? Thatthecom- ment of our duties, the better for as and for | mittal was to do somethingisclear. Itisunequivo- nkind. 4 is favorable to | cal, and will bo so hold by the world. It can only be ma The Oe pi | 7 Alt with b bonerablo fuldiment or denne dore mentous ovents. Em and overtarned, and new governmonts established on their ruins. Despotism is armod and in the field. Libe: for the conflict. We cannot is r escape being involvod in it by any timid, traokling, over-prydan' policy, fhongh i mby ho commended is big with mo- | dealt dome will be | ov: ‘asion. ‘Tho time has passed fora resort to the idle xt that intorvention and aid to Hui ary will bo a departure from ‘‘anciont policy.’* ite together too late to discuss any question a2 to those nots of tho federal overnment Lt Bog the atrigg Cwnetions of ee hostility to continental » anything), but as being m of Roving fn. vigw the promotion of the interests of the U: States, and especially as a needful rebuke to the insolence of Austria respecting the despatched by the United States to Hungary, who the Austrian gov- ernment informed Mr. Seoretary Clayton, they in- tended to have shot or hung as a if they had caught him. But this has eothing to do with the implied pledge; the acts done constitute that. If it was not intended to do more than perferm the office of gratis ferryman from ‘l'urkey to New York, the government should have said 60 frankly. Gov. Kossuth would not then have come hither. He would not then have been brought hither by false pretenses used by the United States. False hopes and false expectations would not have been excited by the government. Governments should not thus sport and trifle. Any honest dude would charge ajury in a suit for breach of promise of marriage, that one-tenth of the circumstances ex- isticg hero would make it their duty te infer a promise, and to mulct the villain trifler, who has sported with the feelings and affections of another, in damages. Tho acts of this governmont, in be- half of the Hungarians, would, if done by an indi- vidual in a case of murder, make him an ‘tacsessory after the fact.” Ina case of treason, the aid and make an individual equally guilty with the princi- pal. All the miserable quibbles made about our inton- tions—all the flimsy pettifogging hypercriticism a3 to the terms of the invitation—all the paltry caviling about words and phrases, that can be contrived to | will but heap upinfamy. Nations are not regula- | ted by such rules in cases like this. There is no “statute of frauds and perjuries,” requiring the promise to be in writing, and the consideration | expressed, to hind an honorablo govornment. Tho overnment should have weighed all these matters ae it became committed by its acts. It cannot now retrace its steps without dishonor. The pledgo bas been made. It must not be repudiated. At | any rate, while I ama humble citizen of this con- | {cderacy, the infamy of countenancing the repudia- tion of its plighted honor, shall not be attached to | myname. Jil can do no more, I can protest, and denounce the degradation, and repel it, as I nowdo. Can it be possibie--is it credible—that this pledge will be violated! Must honest Americans prepare to hide their faces for shame’s sake? Such perfidy would make this country an object of derision and scorn everyW , and through all time. Wo | should be hiseedat, and pointed at, and jeered at, and despised, us we should deserve to b. arth. Our name would b ‘ ‘cach, an epithet of dishonor Tho government should redeem this pledge promptly, ould redeom it as becomes the government of a free, 2 tre hoarted, 2 fearless, nad rful people. Austria atd Russia must not owed to cha in the beliof that we are de- red from dé rof their dis a government, for F: falter this ¢ » to with the eye that may re y. It is cmphatically a qu , for it fs one of honor, 1s not the preservation of our integrily a matter of intercet? Is not the pro our good wae from tarnish, sound yn of the United States, ef Allth ivilling homili nounced in Congress, bout ** prudence,” and the : ib deprecated asa departure * from ancient ard eo ferth, will not ehicld the govorn- or people of the United States, from igno- miny, if they prove recreant in this criris. If Gov. ered to return te Kurepe, to obill the republi patriots there, by saying to go ent and poople of the Uaited States made very many professions, and processions, nnd parades, numerous tne specedes sympa. thy. and about liberty, and about their great and glorious country, and great and glorious isstitutions, delivered many addreeses, sent a groat many depu- tations. diupcred, and toasted, and complimented, and bored me terribly: companies, battalions, regiments, and divisions of militia turned out in full oniform, with banners and bands, and evory grade of offic from corporals up to major gon- eralz, With swords, cocked hats, feathers, sashes, and epawettes, paid me their respects; mayors of citics, councilmen, aldermen, judges, editors, law) crs, ers of the gorpel, governors of States, | ‘patriotic idians,’ and all sorts of people, French, Italians, lrich, Germans, Poles, In- diss, negrocs, and white a ists, visited me d their syn ic is true most and a fow then anid ofmy ’ sand dolls tributed by ind’ causeot Hungary; but, really, it seems as if it wa chiefly for their own amucoment and self glorifica- tion ; for, though Congress sent the frigate Missis- sippi for m d dd invite me to come to the United Steter--though both houses adopted very handsome resolutions about me--though the govern- mert did expend some gunpowder to firo satutes to me, yet 1 don't exactly understand why itis se, but they seemod to think their inv tien was only to come and let them seo what kind of a being | was, and to find out if 1 cou'd read, and write, ond speak Nrglish,and knew anything of them endef their great country, and they hainos any idea o1 intervention or aid, so we must not look foreny from that quarter. Well, well; the folks were kind and civil, gave good dinners, and we must not be harsh or cross, as they may accuse us cf in- gratitude and iiberality; and, in good sooth, they are, in some reepects, a very great people; and theirs is, in some respecte, a great country.” How contemptible we shall appear. The name of ** Yankee” will bea synonyme for humbug, triding, insincerity, gasconade, pussillanimity, and mean- ness. if Governor Kossuth goes back with nothing but barren sympathy, Americans abroad, who have aspark of gonaibility, will feel so degraded acd humbled that many will disown their country. We shall be caricatured in England, and in Franve, and all the world over, looking like that hypocri- tical scoundrel, Aminideb Sleck, or Sneak, in the * farce of ** The Scrious Family,” who, thoagh pro- fuse in professions of kind impulees, &3., when so- licited for practical aid, turned up his eyes, clonga- ted his visage, clasped his hands in pious (ashion, and exclai. in navel cent, “Raly, we can’t inter vene—it aint in our way—it’s not atallin our line.” Ont upon those counsels of drivolling imbecile sen- ility, of blunted honor, and of eervile fear, that would thus humiliate ‘and degrade our country. For God's eake, if you do not do anything for Hun- gery, send Governor Kossuth and his comradesbask totho protection of the Sultan, from whence you beguiled them by your hollow and beartloss invi- tation; and when you do so, apologise to him, to the world, to posterity, and to yourselves, as best you can. Acknowledge frankly that sou lack firmness. You may say it was * prudence” dicta- ted your course, but you mistake, if you think that eithor at home or abroad, such “ rascally virtuc” will be extolled There is another # 2 a umont in faver of prompt governmental intery n ac syggested, which, dees notinflucnce the elevated, the unsolfish, I id independent pr ative positions, m: which, it is to be regret than is requisite even f i ortment. Th ot in their grated hither- n the last Western as they may {the name of may be to our their joya, and their i from the homes of ry still lin prayors ascend to heaven mm despotism. Deep-roated hoe al rule isa part of the religion citizen of the United States. It her than a Think rom rondering operative aid” to Hunga: as the destined pio of freedom to the on:ire | continent ! No. ‘Ihe government of tho United | States may refuse to act docizively—the timid | temporizing politician may dodge | and evade and compromige, but despite the dole- consibiliti their youth—th fatherland, and c for ite liberation { tility to menareb of every Germe is too Often a pas pring therefore you tha y oan be restrained “active, material, nunoiations of the dreadful wickednoss of such | acte—though pictures of the massacre beneath the | turrets of Atralto may be oxhibitet to warn and piracy may be published, thoy will act. Ne trality laws cannot prevont them, and a large por- tion of the American poople will concur with them. ‘They will do ae thoy think right—a¢ thoy | decide good faith requires—as thoir sympathies and ty prompt. Thoy will oboy what thoy ct rogard the dictates of honor; and though thoir con- duct will probably excite tho hostility of Austria and |i eq Bad vornmontal aid would, i} may not wine footive ia aid of comfort rendered, the abetting their escapo, would | excuse the non-redemption of our plighted honor, | rs upon their | y | ping negro fe goter—though Presidential proclamations against | of tho le are often a safer guide to the true aaa eeerte olicy of a government than the reflections of Epos cians. This question of intervention is destined to bo mixed uw; with ourelections. Mark! Tho people will dise: from their ccuncils, in tho elections for the next three years, all the twaddlers, antedeluvian impedi- mente, Seek by and other littlo souled and near sighted politicians, who paralyze the one: of the government. Candidates for Presidential and other honors, in and out of Congress, should heed this kind hint. Tho hurricane cannot bo breasted. It will sweep all before it, east, west, north, and south. Is it not rather tho part of wisdom and pru- dence, to “mount the whirlwind and direct the storm,” than in stubborn obstinacy and folly strive to resist it? Is it not wise and prudent to do will- ingly in the outset what you wili be compolled to do, or what will be done without you in the end? i besides all this, there is still another considera- tion that should influence the government of tho United States to ivtorvene. The palpable, and prac- tical, sgricultural, manufacturing, commercial, and Davigating interests, the pecuaiary interests of this country, will be promoted by the independenco of Hupgary more than by any other event that could ocour in Europe. The penaoee Vloridians,” in their salutatory address to Gov. Kossuth, could not very appropriately incorporate statistioal tables, showing they had calculated the expenses and reckoned tho pecuniary profits in federal currency which would result to us from affording our aid to gaining her independence. Nor have | space for | such statistics in this letter though they aro at | hand. But tho doctrine of ‘*Free Trade” was not | referred to by them inadvertontly. If Hungary be- comes independent, whether she is a confodsracy or | ®republic, or an oligarchy, or a monarchy, it will | bo her interest to adopt a liberal system of commer- cial policy. There are fifteen millions of people inhabiting what is, or what was Hungary, and the | country becacen her and tho Adriatic, nuturelly appertaining tober, and which must be attached to | hor when she gains her independence. Theso peo- ple have not now, and never had, any commerce with the United States Uungerian’ trade and commerce bas been stifled by tho ‘fiscal bar. ricrs” of Austria that cneircio her. “She has used but few of our yrodues Onur aunual ship ments of cotton sud cottcn manufactures to ‘Trieste and al! other Austrian porca, including the amount scntto Hungary, ag well as Austria, has never exceeded nine bundred thousand dollars per annum Allother merchandise and produce sent by us to Austriu and Hungary, do not exceed ono «hundred thousand dollarea year. Hungary obtains all hee foreign imports through Ausiiiin ports. ‘The import and transit du levied by Austria are exceedingly onerous, and nearly prohibitory as to Hungary of our cotton and cotton goods. mary independent, and a maiketis at once opened | Our cotton, rive, tabaceo, and manufactures of mente value. That market is now ¢ bas always been, by Austrian revtricti can it be doubted that besides supplying tho | millions of industrious and inte noon ry, (and they are, as a people, perhaps, the mostintelligentol any in urope,) theadjacent and veighboring countries willnot aleo be tempted to cnoourege wade with r Hungary needs our cot- od to us, ton. She is rich in resouro: |, agrioul- tural, manufacturing, and of evety kind. sho is rich in products, for w we canexchango our cot- rice, &e. Willit, Lask, iojuriously affect us be english should compete with us and send | their menufactures cfeotton thither? Not, I pre- tune. as long as the raw materialis purchased from us. Our nrarket will be extended through her. If, theretore, those of our statesmon who can only bo influenced by the Almighty dollar, will cypher up the velue of this trade—this now market for our | products, worth perhaps tweaty millions of dollars dearly, they may tind an excuse for incurring tho tremendous and awful risk of a war with Austria, if it should be necessary, and which there is less danger of then theretis with Governor Brigham Young, in Utah. They may find a substantial interestinvolved thatis worth taking care of by intervention, and even by war, if it cannot be avoidod. I expected ore this to have beard taken pains to ighton Congress on the subjec' ‘They are so busy in intrigues about the next Presi- dency, that unless he or some one else takes the of Goverror Kossuth having trouble, they will know quite as little a; the closo | | of the session as they do now on this subject. Gov. Koreuth may be assured it is of more consequence than sympathy. It is a wonderfully scusitive | nerve in this country—it controls most of the others. iteelf It does not require any nursing. The inte- reets involved should be attended to. It seoms to me that this position as to our commerco with | Hungary cannot be attacked in front, in rear, or on either flank. It is by far more forcible and power- ful than the ex post facto argumen: in favor of the Mexican war, that it got us Valifornia and its gold. So far as the general welfare of the country is con- cerned, free trade with independent Hungary, and its certain ultimate results, would be more invalu- able than all the cargoes of gold that may be brought from the Pactiie coast, if ten times the present amount. Ifthe intereste of this country are proved to bo assuugested, all objectious as to the supposed re- strictions of a coustitutione! charaotor, contended by some to exist against intervention, are avoided. ‘The preamble to the constitution declares that the present government was formed and established ** by the peoplo of the United States, in order to form a more perfect union, establish justice, insure domestic tranquillity, provide for (ie common de- fence, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves aud to our pos- terity.” There aro no positi ring to intervention. It is involved in the war power, in the treaty-making power, ia the power to Sympathy, in this case, can take care of | No ono can beliovo, if he had been aware, t! firat soptence covertly maintained the “ ght” and “duty” of those held in domestio servitude, in tha Southern States of this confederacy, to revolt ety the laws of those States; and that it claim- him as the champion of those rights, that ho Neale ooh promptly and in unequivecal terms have repelled the insidious demonstration. His hast: ard brief reply to that addrosr, upon hearing it read, amidet the covfusion of an ama!gamated orowd of whites, and mulattoes, and blacks, should not, under the circumstances, be regarded by any liberal Southerner as excoptionable. Tho recep- tion of this negro deputation was at first deemed offensive, not only by myself, but by othor citizens of the Southern State, ef ‘which Gor. Kossuth was informed. His verbal exposition of his course and of his feclings, and the * card” addressed by him ‘to the people of the United States,” in the Hekaup of the next day, was deemed satisfactory as respected him, by most of tho citizens of South- ern States here. Those who were not fully satis- fied, penned a letter to be delivered to him and to be published; but upon consultation and reflection, it was concluded to suppress it. The facts did not, however, a3 1 conceived, exonerate other persons than Gov. Kossuth, and my opinions and feelings in this regard, were manifosted by my course, not necessary to be here referred to. As to our plac- ing ourselves, or ag to our being placed by others on the “same platform of equality” with the fugitive law resi ig Begro deputation, or tha less worthy und respectable deputation of white abolition incondiarica, that addressed Governor Kogeuth, 1 consider the figure of speoch used by you as rather fanci ul and much too etro under the circumstances. I should feol degrad- ed had | Pat or unwittingly placed my- éelf upon such platform of cquality. Doing an act appropriate andright in iteeif for me to do, does not recuce me to the level, moral, social, and political, of thoze of my own or a different race (whom Ido not regard ss my peors in any respect), because they have done, or may do, a similar act, cither from similar or {rom totally different motivos. I should feel humbled it my opivions were piacad under the control of others by the adoption ofa rule to think opposite to them in all ings: 1 cannot be forced by Governor Koseuch nor (you must pardon we for saying alo) by the Editor of the Hrra.y. nor by any body en carth upon such platform. My own consent is necessary. Without that consent, and 1 am positive it never has boen given, there can be no desceat from the platform of moral, social, political, intellectual, and, I add, also religious and philantbropigal elevation ocou- pied by Southora slaveholders, and which is ox | alted fur beyond the reach of tho degraded oastes alluded to Aste the r Von of the doctrines advocated ia tho Florida ac t3 deprecated by yen, 25 60 fear- ul in its effects upon the country, aad partioularly upon Southern institutio: avo LO aoprehensions whatever. Ato e, it would not be folt in the South. Tho i ong reterred to aro in a0 respect an eloment of wea s in the Southern planting Stotes. In peace and in war—in quiet and in us tines—in ticies of prosperity and they are a bulwark of strongth eble too aults from any C reo and wy g- ‘Chey are onservative us to the South, and with y section of the confederacy. t understand them and their ia- theirtendencios—who do not appreciate chal character—who do not hae the amisbility ana docility of the Africanrace ,tho stron, altachmeni= and loyalty of the negro—who do nol know that these institutions with respect to that race and alvo their protectors and guardians, promotive of morality, virtue, and religion—that in the puvichment for most offences, and particu- larly venial ones, they are more humane and mora salutary than the criminal laws and police rega- lations where tho institution doca not exist— may be excueed for entertaining approhensiona of the charactor referred to. Bat no one having knowledge and experience on the subject. can en- tertain any foars of outbreak, or ought to be heard whimpering or creaking about the dangor of sorvile conspiracy, revolt, and insurrection, or any such eril from the domestic institutions of the South. n tho non-slavebolding States, and in the large Those who d + cities especially, combinations to resist tho laws, tumults, outbreaks, riots, mobs, and disturbances have frequently ocurred, resulting in the destruc- tion of property and loss of human lives. Few such have oscurred in the South, and when dis- orderly Brosenvioks have occurred, they have gene- rally been caused by popular indignation against crime. We never have had negro mobs. But throe instances are recollected to have occarred within a century, in all the slavcholding States, of as many a8 halt a dozen slaves conspiring for ro- volt, and in every instance the loyalty and fidolity of slaves have caused speedy detection, andinevery instance alcc, free negroes, and not slaves, were the origina‘ors of the plots. The aggregate of all the negroes who have ever been executed in tha Southern Sratcs for such crime, does not equal the number that, in the eighteenth contury, were, by judicial senteree, reasted alive, before a slow fire, within a quarter ofa mile from your City Hall, or hung in choivs, for such imputed crime, by the | gtandfathers“and groat grandfathers of some of your rarkest obolition incendiaries of the presont day. The recerd of these barbarous deeds, and of the hanging. by the same men, of (he innocent Catholic | Priest, Ury, falscly accused of abetting the “ negro restrictions refer- | regulate commerce with forcign naticns, if exer- | cised for a legitimate object. gratify the sympathies of a portion of the peoplo— | itis not to hat object is not to | ropagate republican doctrines, though | wide latitule must be allowed in the uso of diplo- | matic weapons of that kind—but it is the promo- tion of ‘the interests” of this country. If the inte- reste are as stated, the right is clear, the duty is clear. ‘Then intervention becomes conformable to the most rigid rale respecting non-intermeddling in Luroy isputes. No statesman has ever boen stupid cxough to say we ought not to intermed- | dle when our interests demand it. I should not bo surprised to hear the rule so maintained now, as anancicnt rule ‘‘laid down” by General Wash- ington, though, if he was alive ond present, he , would knock down the blockhead forthwith. Inter- vention then becomes identical with the duty of neu- trality, as fulfilled by all civilized nations, from tho time of Abraham down to this day. It is hoped that the knowledgo of the important interoats of tho United States being identified with the cause of Hungary may prove a specific that willenable po- litical dyspeptics in Congress to swallow strong and wholesomo food, quiet the qualms of those who are nauseated by tho insipid whip syllabub of sympa- thy, stimulate the nervous an: id, arouse the sleepy, invigorate the old, excite tho pecuniary, urage the demagozue to be ead firm, if n his nature, and work cure of the jan measles and the I Tf it has effect, the ence is hopeless. A fow words as to your suggestion that tho aoe Bgl ‘oss ‘pa by their address to Governe b, placed themselves on @ “pl, h the deputations of abolit aby him, a that the tree 1 thet made nad. principles Ilex plo frou: coun te the “ istioguish the ange. ‘hat he ir desi ond » time, wore entircly nud emphatic declara- himselt to be mixed would nut a inter- internal con- Tue terms of his any meddling with i corns wore credited by us | reply to the address and letter of the anti-slavery or abolition deputation of free white citixens, gome days before the Wlorida address was delivored, suctnined those declarations, de influe; he ry in address + nifeet our humble to commendation of his course. | ‘Two or three days subecquently to the prezenta- \ tion cfour addrors, a gang of some scores of rtrap- llows, (whether froe or fugitive claves, | I,oapnet say,) being a deputation or & committee | of an organized association, in this city, to obstract the enforcement of the fugitive slave law, was in- troduced into hig perlor at the Irving House, ond an addrces was read to him by one of them, @ mu- Governor Kossuth was a strangor, tho guest of the city. Hecould sot repe! the approaches or intrusion of thie deputation. Tho daty devolved on | others, and it was neglected. The *‘colorod gon- tlemen’’ were in hiv recoption reom without his | connivance, and at tho same time with two quite rospectable deputations of mhite citizens from citice | of the State of New Jereoy. Surely, no Southerner | will insist that Governor Kossuth should have got | up a scene, and kicked the ‘colored gontlomen” out of his presence, in order to show the South that ho did not intend to meddlo with their institu: tions, or concerns. or to insult as. ‘Tho address of tho black deputation waa couched in artful terms. Tt was douvtless dosignod to commit Gov. Kossuth. Chat reply, ingsome | ¢ preeentation of the , Wo deemed it moet for ua to ma | | ‘institutio or fac | y | to vaunt of theirtreazon a plot,” as it was called, is yet extant. So, also, is that of the importation into this city, in one year, of nearly five hundred African slaves, and of the establishment of the public slave market, at the foot of Wall strcet. No such barbarities have ever been perpetrated in the South, as are detailed in. the authentic ac- counts, printed at the time of the executions of there accused of being concerned in the New York. negro plots, before the Nevolution, nor shall we ever have anything to excite us to such atrocities. No district in any non-slaveholding State can boast the comparative exemption from crime that any agricultural dietrict in avy of the planting slave States of equal population can show, nor the sama peace, Us, and good feeling in society. The judicial records of the country prove this. And no danger of its being disturbed by servile outbreaks, a8 our enemies, waose “wish is father to the thought,” predict. Our institutions have, however, been seized mg asthe pretext for insulting the Southem States, degrading them from their rightful equality under the contsitutional compact, and placing them under ban and under interdict—for depriving thom of their equal participation in territory acquired by their treasure and the blood of their oitize theso institutions are used as the foundation threats and denunciations, and taunts and reproaches against the South ; and it is these things, and not apprehended peril to themselves growing out of the institutione—it is not danger the result of attempts of their assailonts--it is not fear of servile revolt or insurrection excited by them that induces so many of the wisest and best citizens of the Southern States to advocate tho establishment of their inde- pendence. Why, sir, I assure youl have not and would not have a negro, that in caso of foreign war, ayo! in case ofa sectional domestic conflict, that L would not equip and arm in defence of myself, and of my home, andof his home; andif’ the crisis ehould come, what lnow state will be verified in tens of thousands of insta in every Southera ting State. It is not eri! to us from the a incendiary cflorts of the abolitionists to excite ontent among the slaves, and to in- stigate them to rebel: that has aroused the South, by tho unrewitte luca and de more loss of proporty caused {the abolitionists to se- slaves, that they may evation of the free sos and jails, or by to enferce the for thoir ‘delivery the chief grievance slation, reproach jen of our equal lt is a doretiction deotroyed the confideace ' n. vis because South- neholders fy ut the federal governmont hin anywise their government, but a govorn- controlicd by thove who sre inimical to their ” rights, and tntorests, and the powor cd to their detriment. Our oppo- » their worst; they cannot impair the ability of southern instituti Norcould th ment of Which is ex honts may protection of those rights, and who, whon they have abandoned andbetrayed thom, havo the audacity riotism! When thoee © tho impregna- States or any one of then ble ramparts of State sovereignty; whenany South- ern State shall devide to discard the worthless de- fence for her equality, her rights, and her honor, of a violated constitution, a broken compact and a prostituted Union; whon, instead of these she us- gumes that invulnoradic armor, the God of nations bath given to every State wronged by co federates, uponthe shiclt wheroof ie inseribed, * Indepen- dence;” when the States whoeo pursuits, habits, “pecdtar institution,” sympathies, feclings, and intercats sre congenial and harmonious, shatt feparate from those who are incurably inimieat to those institutions wand interests, and, as by tho eternal maxims of right and doty they may, aesert and ostablish their indopendont na- tionality; then the fall strength of the institutions ofthe South, then their immunity from all danger from revoll, will be domoustratod to tho coayiotion of the most ineredulow. No rebound from Lurope can ailect the South, while she hae this defence. Ifthoro is dangox from auch * bound” to any part of the United Statos, it isin this Stato, and in this city. The hoad quarters of anti-rontism, of ocialism, of agrarianism, of ouri orism, of vote-yoursolf-afarmiam, of equal di- vision of property-ism, of community of goods, and