The New York Herald Newspaper, May 27, 1851, Page 2

INTERESTING SOUTHERN CORRESPONDENCE AND SPEECHES. @ur Southern Correspondence. Aveusta, (Ga.) May 18, 1861. Georgia Politics versus South Carolina— sions of Great Britain—Comprehensive Mo vement for a Southern Confateracy—The Cuban Conspi- vacy Part of the Platform—The South and Cuba, ‘The politicians of Georgia are immersed in the | Preliminary business meetings of a very important | State election. The breaking up of the old whig ‘and democratic parties, and the re-organization of the fragments into the constitutional Union party and the Southern rights party, will give to the can- vass considerable novelty, a3 well as a great degree of national interest. In cach of the two new par- dies men of the mest bitter antagonism, ® year ago, ‘are now shoulder to shoulder, arm in arm, side by aide. Thivk of Mr. Speaker Cobb, for example, @emocratic Speaker, with Toombs on one side and Stephens on the other, all three of them duly en- rolled as members of the constitutional Union party. The several experiments made at Wash- | notions however, liberally diffused. Two fountains, aA located, complete the beauty of t! ‘We expressed our par:icular gratification at this beautiful feature of the premises. ‘Yes, sir,” said the manager, ‘‘it has not cost us a it deal; and it is a part of our policy, by beautifying the pre- mises, to make them attractive to the operatives.” «The Fourier idea of the attractiveness of la- bor ? “Something better, sir, and better adapted to our of common sense. Cur operatives are nearly all females; and whatever may be her station, a woman has an instinctive arepe with the beauti- ful. By giving, therefore, and the fac- tory these little embel which cost but lit the , the mill, and the daily life of the operative, is beautified and rendered attractive from pleasing associations ever present to the view.” ‘We concur with you. The labor of the slave ia the cotton field is lightened by a song; and the caanel es on patiently, forgetful, perhaps, of the days he has travelled without water, beguiled b Bao Bre) of his bells. The be grog ~ and its imposing pageantry, have thus be- the flock of Their fiseoes. “The gorgeousness of his military establishmeat attracted universal ington last winter to get up 4 constitutional national Union party, and a constitutional round robin Union party, having failed because Cass, Douglas, Dickinson, and Sam Houston wouldn't si Cobb, Toombs, and Stephens, in Geor; Foote, and Judge Sharkie, in Mississippi, have { ing been left to shift for themselves. The experiment im Georgia has succeeded. It is supposed that Mr. Cobb, if put up to-morrow for Governor, as the eandidate of the constitutional Union party, and the lection were to follow ten days thereafter, that he would carry the State by at least 20,000 majority. Neither party, however, is yet ep organized, nor wan they be ‘till after they shall have beld their State conventions respectively, and promulgated their platform and their candidates. But while the Union party of Georgia can com- mand apparently an overwhelming majority of the people—and while Cobb and Foote, of Mississippi, are each supposed to be playing a game for the Vice Presidency—while openly the Southern Rights | Convention of South C a, and its proceedings, searcely meet with a single avowed advocate in Georgia—there yet exists in this State the nucleus of a wealthy and pire pete, sympathizing and fraternizing familiarly and confidentially with the seditious of South Carolina. The basis of this Southern Rights organization, extending throu; out the States of South Carolina, Georgia, Flori Alabama, and Mississippi, is a Southern confe- deracy. South Carolina may secede or not secede; but this organization in no event is to lose sight of | the ultimatum of a Southern confederacy. Its | Jabors are to look steadily in that direction. Y We find men in Georgia who, notwithstanding they repudiate her ultraisms, still have the sagacity to see much of danger to the Union in the present | attitude of South Carolina; and that, in the event | of a collision between her and the federal govern- ment, Great Britain would almost risk her exist- ence to widen the breach into a war and a disso- ‘Jation between the two sections of the Union. An old Georgia pistes remarked to us to-day, that the interest, the principles, the policy, and the very safety of Great Britain, will make her the most dangerous ally of the disunionists in any move- ment looking to a destruction of the Union. He declared his opinion, that if South Carolina, single handed, were to pronounce herself out of the Union, that England would immediately be on the ground; and that, at this moment, Lord Palmers- ton stands much more of the real plans and extent ofthe disunion organization in the South, ‘han Mr. Webster or the President of the United States. If this Union continues, Great Britain is ljanted on the high seas; if it is dissolved, the its will be hers. It has been imagined that the lately discovered (Cuba conspiracy was limited to a few speculators sand various rr nace of pennile 8 adventurers, picked up here and there wherever they could be obtained, and that, in arresting the threatened invasion, ‘the Fillibustiers have been suppressed. is a very limited view of the plot. We under- stand that many wealthy planters, Southern rights men, in Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi and ana, were implicated, and continue to be im) jn it—that it not exclusively rest upon the pros- sta of the rich plunder to be had in conquering island, but upon the re-annexation of Cuba to ‘the United States as a slavebolding State, securing 0 the South two additional members in the Senate, This | France to the standard of Napoleon. In fact, man- kind are led more easily by their senses, than by the dry abstractions of reason and philosophy. But, sir, we commend these embellishments 5 we should like to see, everywhere, your idea adopt- ed, as far as possible, of not only indul labor in its tastes for such embellis ments of the localities of labor, as give to this locality th: charms of a pleasant home to the operative, but more than that—we should re- joice to see such motives enter more largely into theelements:of a common school education than thes do " And speaking of schools, the Prussian law ofcom- pelling children to be educated, is enforeed at this factory. There is a school attached to it, of 130 scholars. All the children employed in the mill, under twelve years of age, are compelled to go to sebool one-half their time—a day at the factory and a day at the school ; and they are taught the essen- tial rudiments of the common school system, free of charge. By the rules— 1. Intoxieating liquors are contraband in the vil- re. . Noidle people to be permitted in the place— no loafers. 7. No sports or disorderly conduct allowed on the Sabbath; but parents an 1 heads of families are re- quested to bring their families to church, at least | once during the day. Take it altogether, the factory and its dependent village of Graniteville, are superior in the plan, order, arrangements, discipline, &c., to any thing that we have seen from Maine to Georgia, in the way ofa model establishment. A portion of the population of the surrounding country, heretofore reduced to the last degree of poverty, for want of employment, are now comfortably subsisted. The experiment pays. It improves the neighborhood, developes its resources, and enlarges its wealth,,com- forts, refinements, and capacities for improvements. We doubt not that the capitalists of South Carolina will follow up this, and other good examples, and as the first steps to independense, prepare to be in- dependent of all such manufactures as be made cheaper and better at home than abroad, especially the manufacture of coarse cottons for everyday consumption. ‘We shall next recur to to the existing aspect of the secession question, and the prospects of the latest project of a Southern contederacy. W. Cuarteston, 8. C., May 21, 1851. South Carolina Politics—Three Parties in the Fiddd— Curious State of _Things—The South Carolina Law in rédation to Fre Colored Seamen— Friendly Understanding between this State and Great Britain, on that Swhyect—Exemption Pro- mised. From a brief excursion into Georgia, we have re- turned to look after the killed and wounded of the remarkably rebellious Southern Rights Convention, lately held in this city. The effects of that con- vention throughout the State are also remarkable. The proceedings and the debates have set men to thinking; and unanimous as was the action of the convention, the State is not unanimous for seces- sion by separate State action; nor even for secession or, in the event cf a domestic rupture, securing to ‘the South the gateway of the Guif of Mexico. _ if not by actual invasion, befere the spring wf 1862, the acquisition of Cuba will be a to wonstitute the flooring of the democratic plattorm, asthe re-antiexation of Texas did in } in the interval, the organization, for an armed occupation, ‘isto go forward. as quietly as possible. And mark the result. We count mh a scrub-race for the Presidency. Upon & contingency, we may count upon a democratic President ;. and im that event we may expect to see Cuba invaded and revolutionized, while the fleets of the United States are looking after our commer- cial interests in other quarters of the world. Of course the administration will do all it can to main- ‘tain our sid pode y as P Van lege did to vent armed men and armed companies from pass ee ofthe United States over into Texas in 1886, oo Gen. Gaines five hundred miles up Red Kiver. But if no Northern candidate can be had favorable tothe diplomatic acquisition of ‘Cuba, we may expect to see such a candidate start- ed in the South. All these estimates, however, depend upon the altimatum of South Carolina. if she remains in the Union, it will be to carry out some comprehen- sive and practical plan of a Southern confederacy, the developements of which mon get @ peculiar zest and pungency to the Presidential election, and, in in their ultimate results,will probably be as directly interesting to the government at London as to the government at Washington. If South Carolina se- eedes, we may not only count upon a war with her, ‘but with the whole South and :ngland combined. If the Union remains intact, we shall have Cuba and — rights mixed up with the Fremieney in P.S.—Weather hot as July. Cotton wants rain. GRANITEVILLE, Eperrmtn District, 8. C., May 19, 1851 } The Medel Cotton Factory and Village of Granite- ville, South Carolina—Description and Observa- tions thereupon—The Garden of Roses, the Fown- tars, &¢.—Philosophy of Attractiveness to Labor Practically Applied. The cotton factory and village of Graniteville, though frequently the subject of newspaper eulo- giums, are entitled to a more particular notice than a mere passing compliment. The village of Graniteville is 125 miles south from Charleston, D1 miles frem Augusta, Ga., and one mile from the South Carolina Railroad. The company was char- ‘tered by the Legislature of South Caroliaa in 1845; work commenced in the spring of 1846. The factory has been in full operation two years. The village contains twe handsome churches, ho'el, academy, a very tasty market Louse, and about 60 dwellings, shops and stores, all dependencies of the factory. ‘The factory buildings are of massive granite— one building 350 by % feet inside, with three floors; another, used for opening the raw cotton, M4 LV! —two floors. The factory contains 4,600 spindles, 300 looms, driven by iron turbine wheels, | under a head of forty feet. This establishment | turns out from 70,000 te 75,000 yards per woek, of | sheetings, shirtings, and drills, from No. 14 yarn. ‘The goods are well known, in the principal cities | of the Union, to be of superior quality, not eur Ex by any made in the United Statos, of the So says the superintendent, and we have ory, reason to suppote that he is correct. e faetory is turned by the waters of Big Moree Creek, the only cotton mill worked by horse power in the United States, excepting Vau- | cluse, three miles above, on the same stream. Win. Gregg, of Charleston, is Prosid ames Mon ery, late of Newburgh, New York, Manager. Crapial stock “ se 808 000 oo i ratives, two-thirds femalee.. ‘ards of cotton goods, weekly. Bales aunually consumed of real estate... . . «$300,000 ‘retent value........ es 8450,009 bay yf expenses, from. ... «3,000 to $4,000 But figures will afford no idea of the complete- mess tastefulness of the village, the factory, and everything connectod with iberohabiisement ‘The houses in which operatives live are neat and tidy Gothic or Swiss cottages, with gardens attached, and trees and shrubbery around them. The little church looke to be a very comfortable for a country clergyman, and even the stores and the market house are built upon a Gothic plan; vate houres not occupied by operatives, aro more commodious, painted white, with green window shutters, and set back in a bot of an by co-operation with the other Southern States, just at this time. ‘There are three parties in South Carolina :— . The separate State action party in favor of seceding alone, and as soon as possible. 2. The wait-awhile party, who think it, beet to postpone the act of secession, until by the continued ssions of the North, the other Southern States will be compelled to form a league with South Ca- rolina fora Southern confederacy. 3. The Union party, commonly called, here, the submission party—or the party who are for the Union first, and the protection of slave property afterwards. ‘The secession party is, by all odds, the most ac- tive, unanimous, and energetic party in the State, comprising the mass of tho young men ambitious of glory, even if it be that old hackneyed sort of glory called military glory; and really outraged beyon forbearance at the tampering of Con; and the North with Southern rights. Among their leaders are such menas Mr Rhett, Mr. John A. Calhoun, Colonel Wade Hampton, General Adams, Gover- nor Seabrook, Mr. Coleock, General Wallace, Mr. M’Queen, and others, among the wealthiest, the ablest, and most influential men of the State. They are the dominant party, hold the destiny of the State in their hands. re decided for seces- sion; but much may be d& 0 prevent it in an in- terval of six months armisti and much, on the other hand, to insure the separate secession of South Carolina. The State elections, North and South, the meet- ing of Congress, and the proceedings in that body, and the intrigues for the I’resideney at Washington, will have much to do in settling the policy of South Carolina. With anything like the shadow of an additional provocation, the seceders could carry their point at once, and rally the whole State to support the overt act. he wait-awhile party rely upon the prospects of ® combination of Southern States to move with them in the work of secession. Of this party are such men as Judge Butler and Messrs. Barnwell, Owens, and Langdon Cheves. This latter gentle- man, so conspicuous at Nashville in both the Southern Rights Conventions held there, in favor ofacombined movement of the Southern States, recoils at the idea of South Carolina moving alone. He possesses a rice plantation on the 5 river, the border river between this + Georgia, and the product of this plantation last ear Was 000, a8 we are informed. And this is | but one of several highly Fg wor ag jlantations. | With such interests on the border, however, we can hardly wonder at Mr. Cheves opposing the act | of revolution by South Carolina alone. He is, | notwithstanding, a firm believer in a Southern cen- | federacy, while Judge Butler, we suspect, has an | old-fashioned prejudice in favor of staying in the = as long as it can be tolerated. The wait- | awhile party is a very respectable party; but is in | the minority in all exee three py 43 districts, including Charleston, which, by the way, exercises | an immense power over the es 1 of the State, although completely overwhelmed in the late con vention. Next winter, it is very likely the division will be much closer between these two parties. The Union party per se, is a very small party. They have a paper in Greenville, the only avowed Union paperin the State. There are several other papers that have asly inclination that way, but lack the courage to place themselves in an attitude so hostile to the public sentiment of the State. Still, we learn that a Union organ is soon to be estab- lished in this city, The difficulty appears to be in etting either capitalists or editors to embark in the experiment. Mr. Poinsett andGeneral Waddy Thompson are prominent as the leaders in the Union party, but they are powerless These differences of opinion would seem to indi- cate a tendency of things to submission. But there is little ground for any such flattering unction, as that disunion is a deep-seated sentiment, and un- d qualified submission in no event can be antici A very extensive movement is on foot, compre- hending all the cotton States, and looking to the ultimatum of a Southern Confederacy. The cor- respondence between the managers of the Southern Rights Associations in th cotton States would doubtless throw cowsiderable ligut upon their plan operations. In the meantime, the quiet, look vigilantly £ England is to keep ome forward at the and nick of time and o@rry spoils. Her own safety and her commercial ta ate involved in the question, and her gam simple as profit and loss What is to be the end of all this, the verieet stickler for the perpetual duration of these United States under one general government, will hardly undertake to say. Secession, by the last recorded action of South Carolina, is a concluded ieswe. An armistice of six months may, howe tarn up more astonishing things thaa the separate 4 tion of @ single State in ng from the Union The late correspond: between Mr. Mathew, the British Consul at thie port, and the authe of the State, needs only are nee to recall the ject matter discussed law of thie State, all States or f ther entering ite por na free acre of ground, more or levs, appropriated (o orna- mental and kitchen gardens. The fencing: of the Tots, and the bi over the canal, are painted white; and the entire appearance of the village is | ‘Beat, fresh, verdant, tasteful and wh ™m A Very prominent feature of the nis the ox flower garden in front of factory, the Like of which we have not seen anywhere else. The | den extends the wholé length of the factory T into flor vere four apres gilond. if is laid m hgard, a © the loca that gor q plea that this State law was a violation of the on federalconstitution, and aoayatine lations. The subjects of Great Britain, especially those free col men in the tue trading craft from the West Indies, under instructions, were presented to the State authorities by Mr. Mathew, as by a State law to im eons deten- ation of the su reme laws of tly suggested the them as far as her Ma- subjects were concerned. — tion and costs, im vis the land. He sears Now, we w that on the reosption lately of a protest of the it India Company, by the home govgament, ‘@gainst this law of South Caro- lina, the British for Foreign Affairs ad- vised the said company ‘has the matter was in a fair way of satisfact accommodation ; and we are further informed, that Mr. Consul Mathew has achieved a definite padesaniing with the Go- vernor ef South Carolina on the subject ; and that, at the next meeting of the Legislature, steps will be taken promptly to exempt the subjects of her Britannic Majesty, of all cvlors, acting as seamen, &c., from the operation of this law, so obnoxious to Massachusetts. If this is uot correct, Mr. Ma- thew will probably set the matter right. expect any information from him upon the 3 but we derive the facts stated from au ity which we cannet doubt, and better ac- quainted, perhaps, with the friendly dispositions of Great Britain towards South Carolina than the British Consul. According to Mr. Mathew, the disruption of this Union would be deeply deplored by England, and she desires most earnestly that it be perpetuated. Of course she does, of course he says so; but we take to say that Great Bri- tain, in the event 8¥ South Carolina’s seceding from the Union, will be more prompt to recognise her independence than the United States were to wel- Texas. set 3 Cranreston, 8. C., May 22, 1851. Tie Charleston and Memphis Railroad—Public Din- ner’ to the Tennessee and Alabama Delegation-- Secession State Central Committee--Military En- campment, §¢. Sc. While Boston, New York, Pltiladelphia, and Bal- timore, are competing in their railroad lines for the inexhaustible trade of the West, the cotton States of the South have also roused themselves to action. From Charleston to Chattanodg., and the valley of the Tennessee river, the railroad, in full operation, has already given abundant proofs tha: its continuation to the Mississippi river will pay. ex-Governor Jones, of Tennessee, is President, (ad- much for Old Kentucky), and of this company ani the proposed work, the followin, from the Courter, of this city, is at once a brief, clear, and satisfactory state — ‘The company was organized in May, 1850. stipulated, in the organization, that the work should not be put under contract until $2,500,000 was subseribed. ‘The preliminary surveys have been made, and it is as- certainod that the distance een the termint is 281 miles—that the ruling grade is 42, and the maximum 52 feet—that the entire cost of construction and equipment will not exceed $3,500,000. Of this sum, $2,200,000 has been already subscribed, of Which $1,600,000 was taken by the planters and others along the line, and the balance by the city of Memphis and citizens of New Orleans. Only $900,400 remains to be subscribed to enable the company to go on with the work. The object is to perfect a communication between the Southern and Eastern Atlantic seaboard, and the great valley of the Mississippi. This once accomplished, and Charleston will thrive to a degree little thought of by those who have not looked closely to the subject, in con- sequence of the immense new sources of trade that would be opened to her. ‘The road is intended to commence on the east at a point of intersection with the Nashville and Chatts nooga road, somewhere in the county of Jackson (Ala. ), ‘and passing west through the valley of the Tennessee, ssippi, and the Western District of Tennessev, to,the city of Memphis, on the Mississippi river. ‘The Tennessee valley produeed, according to the sensus of 1840, 109,000 bales of cotton—since, doubtles, in- creased fifty per cent—and at present consumer about $2,000,000 of merchandise. At least one-half of her ex- ports and three-fourths of her imports are within the reach of Charleston. The counties in North Mintetovl and the western istrict of Tennessee, through which the road will run, and those adjacent, which would reek no other outlet, produce ut least 200,000 bales more cotton, and consume not loos then $4,000,000 of Len oy Chasieston will be ‘@ position to compete export, and com- made e peaien of the imports, of these sections. The population along the line, aud in the counties con- tiguous, amounts to at least 600,000, and it may be said that there is searcely # mile within thirty miles, on either side of it, that will not contribute to ite business, 20,400 bales of cotton from the valley of the Tennessee have been shipped to the South Atiantle cities, this seasow, and many of the merchants of North Alabama, Southern Tennessee, and North Mississippi, have purchased their goods in Charleston this season. The preductive country through which the road passes ives assurance that when any one portion is completed, its business will pay the expense, if not yield a surplus— ‘and, of course, as each connecting link is added, addi- Tt was tional business and increased income will be the inevi- table consequence. or; « A committee of the company, consisting of Gov. Jones, president; Col. J. J. Donegan, Col. G. P. Burne, directors; Col. A. E. Mills, general agent, and Gov. C. C. Clay, of Alabama, are now on a visit to this place, with the view of filling the sub- scriptions to the capital stock. e city merchants gave them an elegant dinner at the Charleston Hotel last evening. Speeches wore made by Gov. Jones, (one of the best stump speakers in the United ter) by Gov, Clay, (one of the next best,) by Col. Mills, of Ala., and by Messrs. Memminger, Andrews, Gadsden, Judge Porter, and others, of C) partes, eae t appointment of a committee to look afver subserip- tions. Meantime, the more engrossing business of seces- sion progresses. The following eonegrore feparate State action men, excepting perhaps two or three— but all for secession in some form—have been ap- — the central committee of all the Southern Rights Associations of the State :— Col. Maxey G Gen. D. F. Jamison, Gen. Joho Buchanan, Ccl. J BE. Carew, Col. A. H. Gindden, Gen. James Jones, Edmund Bellinger, Jr, Be , Hon. Jos. A. | ment | taking refuge in watehfal silence and prudeut new Black, Major Wm. Laval ‘The chairman is the same gentleman who headed the committee of twenty-one at the late convention, and the author of the secession report and resolu- tions adopted. The tent of the committee is to keep up the Southern Rights organization 10 cor- respond with similar societies in other States; in a word, to keep the pot boiling till the next meeting of the Legislature. The Hon. Armistead Burt, who will be readily recognized as the able chairman of several com- mittees of the House, from time to time, and espe- opposition to any rashness in the act of secession. ms is very gratifying to the Charlestoaians, who taken aback by the convention, and coneiderab: description of the bargo of the port. were completel rospective blockade and em- prospe’ Ww. BEFORE THE CONY SOCIATIONS AT CHARLE: Mr. President and Gentlemen sion that has asvociated with it in sequences, grave rexponsit ilitie tensely engaged and heavily The highest exertion of haman wisdom is to m: a good goverament. To change ostablished institu- tions with a view of substituting others in their lace, requires boldness, foresight Seagn. While impulsive enthus regarded as the motive power, and ment in such a conjuncture, it ou; the tone of proscriptive impatie Indeed, those who have th should endeavor to make it ciate with the dictates of judgment and experien ‘The feelings which | see here manifes do honor to the hearts of thore who entertain express the They spting from the hearte of intelligent freemen—who, knowing their rights, are willing to make any sacri- fice to maintain them. In taking counsel from the highest impulses of their nature, bes are impatient at any enggestion that might inte with their free indulgence. The venerable Cheeves—who hag been regarded as an adviser of both wisdom and courage—ha. esented to you a communization well caleulated to arrest your attention. [tis ono that will command, I am eure, throughout the Southern States, a profound respect. Yet I have soon that paper meet with the impatience of the great and almost uncompromising excitement whieh Prevails here ; and even with some who have, no doubt, taken their heat from the fires that were kindled by his bold and commanding eloquence. Under such intimations, I might well pause in giv- ing you my counsels. ‘ We are, gentlemen, in a crisis, that calls upon every one, and especially every man who has ac- cepted a seat in this Convention, to do his duty; and to give you the convietions of hie deliberate judg- "No man should avoid responsibility, by m may even a wi ht not to assume ntrol of reason, have thought that my official — would b wed me to remain away and take advan- ' e current. I have been summoned by my +. ow-eitizens to mingle in the current and help to ig r be overwhelm its viglenee. Tem We have | not ventured. to ask, because we had no right to | come into the family of nations the bg a of | | ready to stand by is, Hence, acompany has been organized, of which | mitted to be a greater man than Mr.Clay, by old Hay | himself, because, while Jones defeated Col. Polk for ' Governer,’with comparative ease, Polk was too ' par discomposed at Judge Butlor’s | | question the policy | ence of office and with | ought not to take cognizance of so grave a matter { might be d to take all ad es, and it a ae ae | Ra a ae | Rhee gear oe may ei 5 I not r s near lina, the for my | many who hear me. Peis Convention consists of | Charlotte. What then ‘ould A goose ten per 3. In the advice and coun- | repusemmtives, in number—of self- cent in Charleston, forty at these 3, in Lem willin, wt the tri-' “ por Sanations. seveation of the people, compeiion ae t a . waraneah ‘and toal e judg- r convenes the s ig & or forty per ~aeiage si si of decision, ought to be sated 4 form pels creat not. I will not ‘dwell oaths vow for the last five years, to! the best judgment in its power, under the actual | of the subject any longer, as I do friends the take, as your representative, a responsible position | juncture of circumstances, that may exist at the | justice to sa that they have a much her aim—, in the national councils of the confederacy. I have | time of its meeting. It coger neither to be in- | one whose dignity of purpose may give their move- been made to feel the exposure of a straggling and nor superseded by the pre-determination | ments 2 different character. To move with the isolated minority to an arrogant majority, who, le body—i nsible, I mean, in | first view alone, would be to make the mubmit ‘the vulgar stre of self-sustaining mem- int of view. Such pre-determination | 40 something more than a vain sacrifice, She would bers, bave resorted to all the machinery of a taunt- issue not called for by the occasion, | not have the consolation of blind Metellus, who lost ing eadience and a sordid press to put under the | that must result in popular agitation within the | his eyes in going through the flames of tho Twas. I have| State. It will make divisions among oursel Temple to save the palladiuin. Her fate would not the State whose representative I y h alweys had much to sustain me in trying situations. My convietion was, that South Carolina occupied ® position from ‘which she could look down with the duxury ef scorn upon truckling partizans and trad- ing politicians, who find it convenient to assail her to subserve their ends. She has been # stumbling blook to many, who, if they had dared, would have placed their treacherous foot upon her. I say, % that I had rather encounter all the hazard of debate with fifty senators, or any hazards that might pre- sent themselves outside of ker limits, than differ with a single sincere friend in this assembly, as to uy measure calculated te affect the dignity, honor and rights of our cherished commonwealth. Lam persuaded that our difference of opinion will, in the end, be more apparent than real. [ may well a celerity that may be too much actuated by gallant zeal and uncalculating chivalry. If, with the more prudent resolutioa of Ulyses, perhaps without its wisdom, | may be dis- | pened to restrain the impetuous courage of Diomede, J shall have none of the resentful temper of Achil- les, nor the grumbling censoriousness of Thirsites. No, my countrymen, my heart is too much in the cause you are engaged in, to suffer me to do any thing but what is prompted by a solemn Gniy. It is true that the proceedings of this body will not have the sanction and authority of law ; but they will carry with them, througheut the State, all the influence which eloquence, patriotism, and energy can impart. ‘They will have committed ad- yocates to maintain and enforce them. ‘The address which has been read contains a re- | cital of imposing truths, arrayed with an eloquent sternness which has commanded my admiration and respect. statement of wrong: and impending dangers to Southern institutions. Other Southern States can- not condemn it without condemning their own reso- lutions and solemn pledges. ressed upon it unmistakable marks of sincerity and liberate purpose. Its author or authors, are nd make it good in the true import of the terms, “at every hazard, and to the last extremity.” By others it may be differently regarded. Some who will give it their sanction, ; may look upon itasa paper of popular agitation only. Some may even regard it as the nucleus of | their officially State party, to be used thus far and no farther. I choose to regard it as a solemn beginning, that may | result in au umportant end that will deeply affect the destinios and interests of this country. ag my friend from St. John’s has said on another oecasion, ‘we should take no beginning without looking to its probuble end.” The proceedings contemplated will require South Carolina to tread her way through « narrow pass, as yet untrodden and unexplored. Some are pre- ed to tread it with confidence and boldness, and to find its termination by experiment—as Suwar- row was said to have found his enemy by the point of the bayonet. Others, on the contrary, insist on the pradence of recounvissance before the probable | ternrination shall be indicated. ‘The object of the address is not only te put the State on the track of separate secession, but by the measures contemplated, to commit the State, now, to that determination. In other words, it excludes the idea that the State will have it in its power to adopt any other measure. The Legislature is re- be: asfar as their proceedings can impose an obligation, to call the Convention together, and that body then 1s to put the State, as soon as it can, | on the trial of separate independence. In relation to this measure, and others connected with it, and which have been presented as alterna- tives, I have nothing to diaguise—I have no opinion to retraet, no sentiment to suppress. I shall, at least, be consistent with myself. In setting forth our wrongs, and endeavoring to rouse sentiments of resentment to them, and vot on a the public mind for measures of effectual resistance to the en- croachments of the federal government on Soathern institutions, through the treachery of a violated constitution, { have endeavored to do my duty to the best of wy, ability, and I have no step to take back- wards. What step forward, is the question. Whilst measures were under covsideration, in which the slaveholding and non-slaveholding States were at issuc, lexpressed myself freely, but with the ciroumspection of one who was willing to let his remarks be carried out to their consquences. ‘The,representatives of the planting States, spoke out with signal unanimity in maintaining the resolu- tions of three different legislatures. Iam proud to say, that the resolutions of South Carolina, com- pared with some others, were in terms moderate, ap tone firm, aud in deliberate. All these resolutions were rej covenauts for the cause, andto stand by cach other. The Southern members cenferred tegether, spoke together, and at ene time would have been prepared to sink or swim ina common peril. They regarded them- selves as engaged in a cemmon struggle, aod their destinies as involved in a common fate. Foratime the minds of all true men of the South, were lifted above the miserable contentions of party and the jealousics ofneighboring strife. Under the influ- ence of this auspicious state of things, I finished one of my speeches with a high note from the Diemede of the old Thirteen—our neighbor Georgia— “ Equality or Independence.” And I say now, if the Southern States nad become united, they would have made good this declaration. They have it in their power to make it good at any time; and they will be untrue to themselves and age en if they do not. I shall shrink from no trial that may be effectual, and shall only object to such measures, as, in my opinion, must result in failure and dis- eomfiture, If measures cannot be devised—as | believe they cannot—to restore a lost equality—an equi i lost by measures brought forth to propi- tiate Northern prejudice—I am willing to take mea- eures for an honorable independence of such States as, by their cunjunetion, can assume the attitude and invert themselves with the attributes of a national sovereignty. As this is a grave conclusion, or one that will so be regarded beyond this meeting, | must submit the proposition upow which it is founded. ‘The constitution of these States was intended, by its express and delegated powers, to impose limi- tations on the department of the federal govern- ment. For some years these limitations were ob- served in good faith; and after it was some of them had been violated, it was that the States, by the interposition of their sover- cigaties, could euforce an observance of them. The securities of good faith have long since disap- peared, and the power of the States to interpose to rotect their reserved rights has not, and will not, is recognized by the federal authority. All those provisions of the constitution intended for the pro- tection of a minority, have been perverted by art- ful construction or fraudulent compromise. Under these combincd influences the Southern States have cially of the Galphin committee, has ceme cut in | not only lest their influence, but will become worse than dependent provinecs. ‘They will become pro- scribed political communities—disfranchised from the high honors of the federal government, and with t roperty and institutions liable to con- fiseation and waprovoked invasion. The Southern States can no longer be the nurse of great stateemen. The ambition of the eagle's flight will be no longer seen. We may have crows and ducklings who will be ready to be satisfied with the crumbe and garbage of office. There are thoee who will be willmg to make an easy transition to degradation, by being candidates for the second- ary and subordinate offices. Suppose there was a provision in the constitution that no man from the South Atlantic States should be cligible to the Presidency, it would not change present state of things. Such «clause might as well be in the constitution, for all practical purposes. To conclude the proposition, the federal govern- ment has besome a despotism of an interested ma- jority. You willask, why have not the other South- ern States been ready to join South Carolina, or rather to come into a voluntary conjunction with themselves, to devise measures for their protection? l cannot better reply than by quotiag the pur- port of a remark made by Demosthenes, in answer to the reproaches of Exchines, upon the disasters ot his administration. He said he had to contend with the three great enemies of free States—* The jealousy of neigh- boring States, the gold of Philip bestowed on cor- rapt orators, the combined love of pleasure, and the charm of tranquillity The Southern States have had some elements of traction, destined, | hope, to be temporary. The disunion of party, in reference to federal politics, has been powerful; but, unless 1 am mistaken, must become less. ‘The federal government has a Macedonian party in the South—strong for a time, through the in‘lu- tronage. The greatest enemy to the South has been an indisporition to encounter the harards of change. ‘As it would be out of place to dwell longer on topics that may not be immediately connected with the questions here to be discussed—topies with which thie aesembly ie as well acquainted as Iam— tly to the measures which I have sug- « the object and end of your deliberations. all this Convention, at this time, under- omit the State to the trial of separate by imposing, ae far as this Convention can, the ol biigation on the State Convention to take the etcp as soon a# practicable ? - | chall now proéeed to state my objections, res } his mode of procedare k, in the figst pla It is both a trathful ‘and striking | And, | ‘The paper has im- | i | | as mutual es and | uthern States to eo Sats | , that this Convention | ves, and disclose feelings which have not heretofore ex- isted, and ought not to exist. In fact, it will de- feat rather than promote the end contemplated. ‘To show how it will operate on our friends in other States, [need only refer to the consequences of movements of a similar character. I say here, that from the time that prominent men in South Caro- lina intimated a purpose to put the State on the track of separate secession, in disregard of the co- operation of her neighbors, they deprived our real friends of the power ofhelping us. Ifthey did not alto- ether alienate our friends from their devotion to the uthern cause, they gave their opponents great ad- vantage over them. [In fact, a Southern party at Washington, that was fast organizing,was dissolved. They were willing*to move as fast and as well | as they could. ‘hat would have been their final resolve and measures, I know not. Bat I do know that they felt that they were separated from their | true friends by intimations for which their people were pot prepared. Our ancestors made no such ad- yertisement of their purposes as to enable others, opposed to them, to force and defeat them. In general, they were by their acts ahead of their re- solves ; and never mado the latter without previous- ly having means to accomplish them. We seem to | reverse this order. We give long notice, in the form of speeches and threatening resolutions. The consequence has been that short performances have | followed long advertisements, for the reason that | we lost the ald of our true allies. There are now j friends in other States willing to do all that they | can under the circumstances of their situation. I | fear they will be driven to disavow us, when, if left | to themselves, they might have pursued a course to | maintain the true but much abused cause of the | Southern States. ‘The measures intimated in the draft of the ad- dress, and in some of the resolutions, will not allow | many of this body to vote uponthem. Allwho aro | members of the Constitutional Convention of the | people, cannot give a vote to control their future | jedgaant. The, ong not to be required go to do. | have conversed with several of them, and they | have come to #@common conclusion to give ne vote | upon any matter upon which they will have to de- liberate, when there ll be areal occasion for t reap judgment. I find myself | in that class. e the situation of things when the Conventio: I be called on to decide, I know not. There may be many instructive deve- lopements and revelations before that time. ness and infatuation take their course with a blind confidence, and at the next session of Congress, I shall look for some of their usual exhibitions. Before 4 speak of the probable and conjectural | action of the fedora! government in reference to South Carolina, should she determine to secede, | | will notice some views and submit some considera tions connected with secession as a remedy for our | wrongs. ts The right of secession in the abstract, and the | right of resorting to it to effect a wise and beneficial | end, in a political and moral ia of view, are dif- | ferent things. ‘The one may be conceded as alegal | proposition—whilst the other, as it may affect other communities as well as the State itself, in- volves high considerations and obligations of duty, which no statesman can or ought to disregard. South Carolina had the option te go in or remain | out of the Union—she entered as a sovereign, to | enable herself and confederates to protect their | rights from foreign powers, and to promote domes- tic tranquillity. If these ends should not be accom- | plished—but in fact, if it should turn out that the government is used exclusively for one portion of the partners, to the oppression and detriment of others—the sufferit rties should have the right of resuming their origingl position. To say other- wise would be to make free States, as they enlisted into the confederacy, not merely parties to a des- | potic government, but victims of it against their consent. But whether jon be coi dasa legal right, or as a me: of revolution, is imma- terial, uf there be » occasion to resort to it. and it can be used to effect some great Fy agne end worthy of its exercise. If it should end in merely separating the State from her former confederates, and placing her in a condition that would require her to invest herself with all the attributes and du- ties of a sovereign nation, both abroad andat home, then it might bring South Carolina into a situation of isolation at war with her true interests and poli- q: If she should resort to this measure, with a ew of bringing her neighbors in a political con- nection, so as to enable them jointly to form a con- federacy for themselves, that would juate for all the purposes of maintaining their rights at home ions with foreign powers, then it becomes ® question of the greatest magnitude—full of con- sequences that should be looked to with all the care and intelligence that can possibly be employed. The State should take no course that would mi rivals and adversaries of her southern neighbors. | On the contrary, she should endeavor we possible means to act with them as allies. the State should look to nothing beyond her own secession, ehe will enable the federal government to make rivals of those who in interest are, and in feelings should be, her friends. Imake the broad remark, that there is not a pub- lie man in South Carolina sensible of a ible trust, and foreseeing the inevitable Juence’ | separate secession, that would put the State on the trial of that experiment, ifthe det re to operate exclusively on the State itself. Such an act would not only cut off our commerce, but would place | itin the hands of our rivals. In assuming such | an attitude, it would be the duty of the State to | make arrangements for the management of her rights abro: Her pride would revolt at sendij forth her flag, without some navy to protect it, an without ministers and consuls to represent her rights and protect her interests abroad. No na- tion can rely on the forbearance of others, when there may be a collision of interests, or a temptation for violation. At any rate, I would not allow the Palmetto flag to float by suflesance only. Whilst it would represent as proud, as spirited a po as ever lived, it would be re; d asthe emblom of | a slavebolding commonwealth. Many would be tempted to insult it from wantonness. low would the proud spirited to hear ene of the State f that their fi d been gelled down and torn to | = by jon whaling party, or by a vessel ‘rom Liberia, or in any other way ! How couldthoy avenge the insult? If the State assumes a national mn neewey it must provide alse the attributes and means of national power. It must have a na’ and all the other appliances of national dignity. [t | cannot rely with safety on the comity of nations, er | on a code founded ina sublime snticopey Ik seems to be thought by some, with great confidence, | that by opening her ports with low duties on im- | ports, South Carolina could, under the temptations of free trade, invite the commerce of the world to her shores. Well, perhaps, if all and doas South Carolina might think they should do, something of this might come to pass. But games are generally conducted by adversary hands; | and sometimes a play is made by one that may not bo thought by the otherto be secundemartem. None of us suppose that the federal government would re- | cognise the independence of South Carolina, or | would be disposed to make commercial ti as) with ber. Onthecontrary, having ample m 5 that government would make war on our commerce in every way it could. It would bestow bounties in, and give preference to our pe ape Poa It, 20 far as it could, would make treaties with foreign na- tions to isclate our ondition and cripple our re- sources: It would divert and obstruct all the chan- nels of our trade—and might confine us to our ex- or alone, as the basis of our commercial resources. understand that the articles of commerce that come into our ports, coastwive and by forcign im- rtations, amount in value to something over 000,000. Of this sum, more than three-fourths finds it way into other States—into Georgia, North Carolina, Alabama, Tennessoe—loaving something under $500,000 to be consumed in this State. It is contended that under the operations of free trade more would come in, and in some way or other it would find its way out. Now, if South Carolina was @ separate sovereignty, with a free port, there is no doubt she might attract a greater commerce than now comes to her ports, provided it | could find a market out of her borders. But could | it find ite way out without ing the revenue laws of other nations? It is said **a rose by any other name would smell as eweet.” We might in- | troduce as much commerce as we please, and send | it to Savannah river, under what some would calla brisk free trade; but what, in the estimation of others | whose rights would be involved, would be regarded | as smuggling if carried across their borders in vio- | Jation ef their laws. It would be an acknowledged right of the federal government to regard South Carolina as a stranger, and to place her commerce | going into the ports of the States of the Union un- | der an ombargo, and so far as concerns Georgia and North Carolina, regarded as ports of entry, those | places only which communicate by water with the ocean, such as Savannah and Wilmington, That government might not establish ports at Augusta and Charlotte, or the North Carolina line. Under this view, commerce could come into Charleston; but how could it get out without the process of smuggling! At the interior pointe indicated, it could not, without smuggling. I then put the pro- uld capitalists import goods into , in Opposition to the federal govern. r the supposition that they could make a n them through the operations of thrifty g' But in a commorgial war, the Statg | would be | pt mugs | about their separation. | and Georgia! When Clark, Twig, only be gelf destruction, but it would be a sacritice to Build up the interests of new rivals. = ‘Those who really look to the end of this begin- ning take the step with this view—to induce other States, by the praperns and successful examy of South Monee, ‘o come into conjunction with her, or to place them in’ such circumstances that, having a common destiny, they would be compelled to be involved in making # common sacrifice. I will next notice the first part of the proposition. The latter presents the subject in its greatest m: nitude, not unconnected with considerations of the deepest delicacy. To foree a sovereign State to take a position against its consent, isto make it a reluctant associate. It would be to offend its pride and force its judgment. Is there any evidence that Georgia would be forced to take Pinta with us, under the present juncture of affairs? She will xhaps contend that, having decided for herself, South Carolina must abide the fate of her own - decision. Before such a movement is made on Georgia, something more ought to be made known of the sentiments of her people, who would not only pide with their friends, but ultimately, for their own benefit, come to their support. Nothing of the kind has been attempted. I may be asked if I can give any assurance that Georgia will ever be ared to act in concert with us, or that she will ake any measures to throw off the oppressions and encroachments of the federal government. All that I can sayis, that she once said she would, and that in the most solemn form. But in spite of her- self, she will have to come to such a conclusion. The slave and non-slaveholding Stat2s cannot re- main long together with the preseut issues, and under the operations of causes that must bring That is as certain as if it were written on the wall. This confederacy, that in a short time might comprehend fifty States, must. undergo new 0: izations. I would not have change effected Porough the confusion of anarchy and violence, if it can be done with intelligence and the co-operation of the parties concerned. Insult, usurpation, and accumulated wrong, will not allew eur Southern neighbors to remain indifferent to their and our situation much longer.» They cannot stand and see one corner of the house in which they and we dwell, undermined, with- out seeing that the edifice is in danger, and that when it fulls the common tenants must perish with it. Both interest and honor must require the cotton States to take counsel to- gether. They should look upon themselves not with the jealousy of rivals, but as a common crew, all equally endangered, whose duty it is to make = long pel, @ strong pull, anda pull altogether, to save themselves from an impending wreck. It is bad taste and worse judgment for ‘States identified in interest, to use language of disrespect and cen- sure towards each other. ‘Che same remark mi be made of public men who hold responsible ed tions, and who ough: to practise courtesy, and in- _ culcate harmony. Such has not been the course of some tew public men,in Georgia especially. I have been wok peised at a remark attributed to Speaker Cobb, who,in speaking of South Caro! id that her indicated course would be infamous. That gen- tleman should recollect that every blow aimed at South Carolina will strike Georgia; for South Carolina is now only endeavoring to do what Geor- gia said she ought todo. It is grossly unbecomin, in those who should discharge the trust of senti- nels, not only to quit their , but to turn round and fire the camp of their comrades. We all know the dominion of party; its ties for a time may be more powerful than the true interests of the country. I cannot but believe that in Geor- gia its power will be temporary. The talent and ambitious spirit of young Ge: cannot be long hampered by it. Inthe st le for independence, what States were more united than South Carolina, Jackson, and others, fought the battle of Han; Rock, Mus- grove ‘Mills, and Black Stocks, they did not ever » think for a moment that they were dba on the soil of South Carolina. And when Gen. Pickens carried his men to Kettle Creek, and fought the battle on the soil of Georgia, he did not think of the Savannah as a dividing line. The name of ams a. eee ie Snerngggge Pp all BD ee: ugasta. And in thi war with Great Britain, in 1812" the dele; gations of anes, oe South te ig oom P nie <a yi = offi- cel army ac! to; et, Without tl of local differences. I ie If have seen Tron and Mil! , Sumter, Crawford joining Soul Carolina atives in a common urney to Washington, and there all concurring in common counsels. Nearly all I have said might be repeat- ed of North Carolina. The commercial interests of North and South Carolina must make them one people. Our railroads will make our port their « Mecklenburg isa name full of inspiration. ¢ blood of many of its patriots and smen now mingle in the veins of those who are ready to ge farthest for South Carolina. Let not South Carolina take such a course as will de-Americanize her—let her not, in her movements for redress, te heself from her natural 5 herself from er non-: slaveholding 0 let her not do anything te separate » her friends and neighbors. And let not her friends and neighbors look on and see her sacrificed for main- taining a cause to which they themselves stand pledged, and which they will have to maintain. It s in vain to disguise the fact that the present form Teruoes are greenies operating ore partial: Tiere i its operations are . re must be a ‘al reform, or there must be new or- ganizations, Those who attempt to it up | With crumbling compromises and frittering con- constructions, are only making the crisis of its disao- lution the more disastrous. ¢ South united, could make one of the finest governments on earth —a government that could be guided by statesmen, and supported with a gallant cournge that would adorn the annals and history of any . The young men of the South, throwing off the ties of trained politicians, should look to their own des- tiny. ey look to no federal preferments that are worthy of their ambition. ird and fourth places they might attain, when they wouid be entitled to the best, if they were in thelr ri ful position. Let them first quit all participation in presidential convasses. Let euch contests be left to those whose temper and ¢: have given Gale be peng npr facility. I may be asked, and I ought not to object to answer any on which m; uinities may enable met fe > what will t! ernment at Washington do in case South Carolina should determine on seco sion! WhatI have said, and what I can say, it conjectural. I do not think that military force will e directly resorted to to coerce South Carolina. Such an To of pawer would at once dis- nt | solve the confederacy. The federal government cannot acts of coercion, compel ene member of the cor ‘racy to remain in the Union against ite consent. If such ahould be the form of the contest between the a ee and South Caroli- na, lhave no in predicting the result. There would be no division thon in the State. One drop of blood shed by the federal army, would not only call every citizen to a determin: ti ven) it, but thousands of Carolinians State would return and stand their birth. If such should be the complexion of the contest, I would not look beyond this assembly for the intrepidity of a Lannes to o the colors across the bridge of Lodi, or the chivalry of a Ju- bert, who woul ‘ec his beautiful poe youthful bride, with a declaration tha’ would return to her with laurels on his head, or find a grave on the field of battle. I believe there are those who, see- ing this gallant hero's fate, would encounter it. Such, however, I do not believe will be the form of the contest. It will be a war of dollars and cents—a war of custom houses and embargoes, or of blockade. Is may be that the latter will, in the first instance, be revorted to—that is, the federal ary may take such measures as to divert and drive the cou merce from Charleston, either by a blockade, or by its influence exerted on foreign nationg, to induce them to prefer the ports of the confederacy to those of Charleston. And ultimately South Caroline ht be left to her separate condition under a mn | poltey enloulated to proscribe and reduce her te | terms. The government would resort to the ageney and influence of a Macedonian party. South Caro- lina would be driven to rely on Exropean support and connections to sustain her. To the exieat of her exports, she might form direct commercial in- tercourte. This could not be done, however, anlew her neighbors stood aloof and saw her sactifived. Would they do so, ia the question. This is an age more of utilitarian sagacity than romantic honor. My opinion is, that with all our confidence in Great Britain, we should not trust to her protection, sooner than to those of our own family of neighbor- ing. States. But, Me. President and gentlemen, [ will not speculate any longer on what may be. Let what may come, lam with South Oarulina in all her hazards. In my situation, | must endare the mertification of being recorded as a tame counsel- 1 whilst 1 pledge myself to encounter all the hazards of friends who, in opposition to my eoun- sele, may make a final iseue for the Stato. | wish no State divisions, and ultimately there may be ne Ihave no censur ov the brave aud a terested in the threat i contest. They have my r 1 hall not find me, or those that I can ast them. I have no political ary ‘owth Carglica, Called upon as ong