The New York Herald Newspaper, November 19, 1850, Page 2

E 1 wasthe chairman, passed the Senate of the United | the successful adjustment of these questions, to | in some seperate resolution or bill proposed at the to him. Yet more appointments were re- NOMINATION OF GEN. SCOTT States by ge eer pe two-thirds of all its mem- | carry out the policy suggested by his predecessor, | previous session, or on some former occasion. To by that ew the seesion of 1829-30 than FOR TER bers. During its passage through that body, @ | and sustained, as I have stated, by the very sairy & Unease Wan, prnenden te ony ant every. im that of 1849—. It is a very eusy vo PRESIDENCY. fierce ion was exciled agatast itia some of | which opposed his own p Rat dng & ena OF ‘it could get apother vote charge either on or improper 5 the Northern States, where ttical purposes | make no party iesue out of the controversy, but | finally, though not at all in the shape in which it | Few are willing to it that their own peculiar aes could best be saherrved by the sontinned satation de deprecated the hioal divisions which ase origipal i mwetened, the whole ponkact, afer merits do on entitle them to preference; and the HV of the question of slavery. rt. Van Buren we necessarily arse out such an issue. jietracting: 80 long a le el accusation injustice too often a SPEECH pe 4 ¥, CLAYTON, Geane the looser ot 2a", rargvormiaed ules Ke the orgaaizason of Se, Gres Seem: rel pecmally (fevenimg the passage of any measure = em Unsuccessful tp knows ys 7 4 Mt, me prong EX-SECRE ce) c, this ciple of this or on, he recommen awail public @py other sul ‘was voted « Another which ‘mbrace an aR STATE, of oemest without the Wilmot proviso 3 “a action of the people in the formation of State} down. This was ay ones ee President atthe t of nylor’s ‘wdmiaistration, [raecoaia Chat the British @, TO THE fou {bia wyeesere peas, which, T shall aie 8 Fi joveraments in the pew territories, and EO drop oe. and the : lation 4 his ary and eros Py ihe See of peivare oe sae faires, to i be a Relations of li- |, was better cal culate: to compose, in the dis fame opinion with his jeceaeor, ese | when it was made to the wor! at it was goverpmen'! hich ovght to we been caragua, im ich i 18 declare u WHIGS OF DELAWARB. tractions and divisions of the ceuatry, than aay | events would probably A onypennns It was ap- | impossible he could be the cause of its defeat. The | cided by the preceding administration, but were | gotiated between this goverament and that of poe —_—_ which bas ever yet been offered, | was metia the | parent that by this means the vexed question | obstruction caused by this bill being once removed, | lett so many legucies ot trouble te t successors. ritain, “ expressly recognizes the bee pod king On Saturday evening last the whigs of Delaware | North by the fiercest spirit of denunciation. Itwas | as to the power and duty of Congress to in-| the wey was opened for the first effective motion | The decisions made by the appropriate heads of | dom, as aside from the rights which you (the Ni ve a grand complimeutary ee Ion. Joho | immediately announced that fifty thousand men | terdict slavery within these territories would be | toward the settlement of these questions which | departments vpon these claims, whether for or | ragua minister) pretend Nicaragua has on the & Clayton, for or; urpose of weicomiug him | hed assembled in the Park ia New York, to express | avoided, without doing violence to the feelings seen brounptly mage by a distinguished Senator from | against the elanmunts, were, of course, seized upon | coast.” If Mr. Chatfield ever wrove such a letter, ap ye | their o;)ovition and to utter their execrauoas | or prejudices of either section of the couatry; and | Marylan \r Pearce. He jed at once with | ag subjects of complaint. | decided in favor of one | which | coniese | greatly doubt, he has been guilty back to bis mative State, and of expressing their approbation of his conduct as the chiet ot the cubi- net of General Taylor. After a toast offered by Mr. Dupont, Mr. Clayton made the following . srEBOn. T use language but tome and trite, my fellow. eiuzens, when | say that | cannot tind words ade- quaté to express (he teclings which overpower ine at this mement. | come before you as 4 mere pri- Yate indiviaval, without vilice, without stauou, without power.” No min withia the sound cf my voice, or elsewhere, Can expect, by reudering ho- mege fo, or conterriog praise upon me, to receive anything, so faras { kaow, now or hereafter. | am like one who hes retursed from a Lees | voyage to a distant country. [have seen mach —much of which I wish to speak to my old companwas andfriends. Bat l briag with me no- thing bul @ grateful heart oud aa bonest purposs. My Fellow Citizens :—My chief object in accept> wy your kind invitation to meet you this day, ‘Was to lenger my thanks for the confidence aad sup- a which, through @ long puolic life, whenever [ ave beep in publte station, ora caudidate for pab- he office, has heen constantly extended to me by the prople of my wative Siate. TL uonouaced, be- jore ihe election m Delaware, that | was ao caa- dinate any otlice. 1 postponed this meeung all after that elecuion had when place, w enable ethers fully to understand my purpose und position 1 neve titted g0 many of the most important ofices Mthe putof the people of Delaware, tnat [ feel Deusd to moke some pa he weanowledgmeat to thoee vw ho have stood by me amidst all ine storms Of portly Violence which have over the coua- try durtog the la-t quarter of a ce Tam weil Avrre thet no services of m wit Nave Cane ep! ¥ eriiea, or can repay, the debt of grantate I owe them; sett mae permiited, but [| caunotdo it without ew . LOW to S4y, Upon Chis oseasion of mer ting t Hou, with what fiver Saad fellow citi+ gers by the baud, and acknowiedye the nearifelt ob ligetions by which | am, and ever shall be, bouad to them. We have passed tnrvagh another elec: Hoveeneg Camprign, aud tor the tirsitime inaquare terefs century, the whigsot Delaware dave lost the power of the State, which has been traasterred, by | | gress might | torbed until the people of California and New @ train of eceide uts, (0 our political oppoacats. Por the period just named, the party to Whteh we hive been alteched hus held the legislative power of this State, without ove single day of iat-rmission Within my recotlection. That power has aow gone to the party entertaining directly opposite oviaions. Buch t gone to them, and they de not hold it, by the tenure by which we held ts We held ut by the will of j the ciuzens of D. Wore. They « v hoid it, nor, ta my jad meu, will they ever boid it, by the wil of ame jority of the citizens et Delaw The Goveraor they bave elected is the rep atalive Governor of A minority in the State. The Re to Congress, whom they have sencto te Us, is a minority represeatative, aud d. aud, in my judgment, never will, repre the whig lepirsentatives have proudly d will of a majority of The whigs alone can elect men tnt represent a Majority of the people of Delaware. party edicts here that is able to do that thiog but the whig party. Look at the recent Hondreés upon hundreds of onr tueada, ealling themselves temperance mea, have chosea to strike down the paity to Which they hid adnered for iweuty yeers. That is a subdject for themto Teflect upon; not wu maljecs anne which [ choose lorpeok tonight. Aed ouly advert to the fact that we nave been stricken down, as it were, in | the house of our friends, for the purpose of saymg that the wing party has not been conqnered by its old political enemies, but is as strony, if not strovper, th has been for the past tea years; end that if those who eatertain tae same se: ments that we entertam upon the great matte quesiions Which divideethe two great parties of me country, hed voied according to their own rman end their ofn professions, we should we been im a majority astriumpnant as the | whies of Delaware ever were from their origin. Feiiow cinzens, 1 did not come here to discass Matiers of jocal imieresi. | have deviated thus tar from my purpose, impelled by the strong feel- ingsot ibe mowent | have witessed too much Ot the purty sinfe to desre unnecessarily to mix any of the ingredients of that bitter cup with the en erteimment of this day. Yet | feel that ttis my duty, and | know thaticis expected of me, thal shonid say a few words to relation to some of the whieh hav ated the country dur- years, and still continue to excite it The advent ot © tal Taylor to power, consti- tuted a new era ibe history of the republic. He can. into cffice by the suff: yet he presented the firet instance President, fo tected, with « practios! mejor in both branches of the national legislature, opposed not oxly to him, but to the priveiples which secured his election Congress was ageiast him, before he had any op portunity to deveiope the measures of policy upon which he intended to adimumister the governineat. Not a single commitiee was lett in either branch which was not apointed upoa party principles, | in opposition vo those who elevated him to ice. He was, therefoi wstantly surrouuded by ua- peralicled emberrassments and difficulties, pre- senting a new and wi tried occ to test the strength and succets of our republican system. After twenty years of virtual disfranchisemeat and prorcription, the great body of the friends who had sustained bim looked to the retura of a siate of things which should present them, at Teast, upon on equel foouiog wih Uwir political opponents; and, while among a hundred appli- | cents for office, one only could obtuia it, the impa- | diepce of euch a6 Were dissppoinied was too often sure to be succeeded by resentinent that their elsims were vot preferred. Such did not require the promptiogs of others to induce them to swell the ranks of the opposiion, both ia and out pure ne. the peculiar state of offairs arising out of the re- Cent anoexstion of the vast terrdories ceded by the treaty of Mexico—difficalues which threaten- ed the peoce of the country, and apoalled the stoutest hearts Outing the contiauance of that ad- Ministre ion which had waged the war, and in- curred the enormous expease of the acyiisitioa Dering the seesion of C s which preceded the Presidential election of 1548, the exertions of the then existing adm were directed in vain to ihe ren es to whieh | a refer ad eth etally rn the detron of dise roved utterly impotent to alley it. Yet, in my judgment, many of the recommendations of Preeiient Poik in his Tart annual message to Congress, were eninently wiee, patriotic, and just, especially those which suggested the admission of the new territories as Stotes, k ft to form their ows domestic inetitu Without control, aad without sey Cougressional restriction im regard to the subject of slavery Betore | proceed further with the history of there events, permit me to reeall to your Tecollection ‘he course which [ myself pur- while representing you in the public reference to ‘his subject. luriag of 1847 and 1848, a violent debat sprung vp in the Senate of the United States, whict. was conducted with waueual acri nony, in Tegerd to the rights of the evtrz-us of the Seathera States to carry their slaves into the new territo- ties Oo the part of the North it was affirmed that the territories were “free soit” by the Mexi- can Jawe, which, it was matutained, still contianed to +x 8', and would remam loree until abroga- ted by the power of Coy or the erection of Rate coverumepte within the ores. On the pit ct the South, it was contended that the Tight to enjoy slave property withia these limits Was 4 necessary consequence of the acquisition obtaiced by the common blood and treasure. hese clashing opinions were waged wich con- gummate ability on both cides, and especially ia the Senate, of which | was atthat time a meme ber, Threats of disunien often rang throagh halie of both branches of Cangrrss, arising Gu thisconfliet of opirion. 1 did ont \ariicipate ta that debote, but exerted My ot to hold a position mid-wey Dctween Lie COntending partics, ike the Stare 1 represenied, and to sewe the fist occas sion upon which | could move eflectiv-ty to allay the agitation and, if possible, to settle the contro. . | did not desiga to buy peace or to add versy. " new elements of discord by the \atroluction of other topics unconnected with the immediate question before me; and thought then, as [ be- lieve , that the constitution itecif presented the natural and projer mode to terminate the strife and maintain the iategrity of the Vawn, Waile the storm of discord was at tue » [proposed to doth the con ‘ending parties to settle the questioa obeying the maadater of the constitotion ia the organization of new territorial goverameats © California and New Mexieo, without the Wilmot Proviso, but with the positive proviso to bring (he subject ofthe right to hold slaves un ler its lawa, ng they existed, before the Supreme Court of the ited States, the triounel appointed by the fathers of the repudiic to decide between the ern- tending members of the confederacy. This pro- poeition Was met in the most cordial it, and ap. proved, with a few exceptions, by th at body of the Southern members ot Congress in both branel- es; and after aa exciting amd protracted debate, a .ul to that efleet, reported by aco amittee of which | 2 @ freemen of the State. } | pracneal, whether aby portion of the acquired territory, even if it were | leftto the option of (he slayeholding States them- | selves. ductions in much the larger propornon of it, it 18 | Certoin that it could rever exist.” suys: ‘lo organizing governments over these ter- mitories, Lo duty iinposed on Congress by the con- | stitution requires that they sboula legislate on the subject of slavery, while their power to do so is not valy seriously questioned, but denied by many | of the soundest expounders of that instrument. Whevher Co | wi | interfering with the | verniiortes will be left free to adjust ices they may of the people; | The organza ion of both houses of | of mt. | may be admitted as States into the Union _ vies; or Uf, imstead of ex Superadded to these diilicaities wae | avowed themectves frieadly to the my commented by him, of aw: people, in the mn Colfornia a the question that could be of the foat decision of constinuton, for the settlement of all questions ativiwg under the Constitution, treaties, and laws of the United States.” egainst what they were pleased to call * the Clay- ton Compromi-e.” The friend: ho stood by me in the North in my anxious efforts to resvore peace aud harmony to the country, were denounced as haying beeo sold to the South; end’ amid the din and clamor of these party combatants, reason and argumeat were either unheard or lost their proper influence. [a this state of things, the bill having passed the Se- bate, afier weeks of discussion and one protractes session of twenty-two hours, during whieh Mr, Dix, of New York, and Me Niles, ot Connecticut, both members of the new free soil school, distia- guished themselves, in opposition to the measure, not less by their ability thaa by their unmeasured zeal, 1t wus presented to the House of Representa- luyes for Concurrence; there, and without one word of dehate, without asingle reference to a commit- tee, without, as Tem bound to ieve, soy pro- per knowledge or appreciation o! true charac- ter, it was immediately strangled by a motion to Jay it on the table, by a majority (1 think) of four votes out of more than two hundred. This measure, Which met the hearty co-operation aad concurrence of the distinguished statesman of South Carolina, John GC Calhoun, now no more, and received the votes not only of boch the Sena- re, und cf ali the Representatives of that State, liea and secured at the same tume the acqui+ e end the edhecion of the South generally. The defeat of the measure was considered as ine dicsting, on the part of the North, a determination to refuse to abide by the decision of the common arbiter, appoiated by the consurntion itself to sete the quesnion. | deeply regretted it at the time, and have not ceased to deplore it. That defeat added fuel to the flume already existing tn the South; and [, with others, conscious of that fict, immedi+ atcly looked with anxiety for some other measure of pacitication, whieh, hke that [| had proposed, would not compromit the prisciples or outrage the feelings of eather section of the confederacy. There seemed to be but one measure left which could effecivally secure the same object; aud when Mr. Polk’s: me e, on the cemmeace- | ment of the next sesston of Congress, suggest- ed, in to be mnstaken, that Coa- leave the question uadi terms not safely Mexico should apply for admission as sov- engn States of this Wanton, there seemed to be @ general wish, during the sessioa of L8i3-9, that the people withih those dimnus, in the free exercise of their right of self goverument, should, upon the admirsion of these new States, settle this aad all otber questions of domestic policy to suit them- Selves. Bills to admit the States were introduced | into both branches of Congress, and the prospect of pacification and adjustment brightened as tt be- came kuown that the President elect favored the fame policy. Mr. Cathoun, the acknowledged | lea ter of the Southern seetion, had proclaimed the right of self government in the people of those ter- ritones, in his celebrated resulutious of 1347, in the | following terms :— Resolved, That it isa fundamental principle in our polities) creed that a people, in forming & constitu. Re eine | HOw have the unconditional right to form aud adopt the govermment which they may think bast calcu- | latea Co secure their diberty, prosperity, and haopt- bese; and in conformity (bereto, no other condition isimpored by tbe federai coustitation on a state, in order to be admitted into this Unio: constitution sbsil be “ republican,” of avy ovher by Cougress, would not ouly be ation of the consiitutiva. but in direct coutlict with the princips b our political system rests. _ Mr. Poik, uv his mess ige of December 5: S, inculeated the sa docuines The question,” said he, “is believed to be rather abstract than javery ever can or would exist ia From the naiure of the ctumate and pro- And agua, he grees chall legislate or mot, the peo- ple of the acquired texrtones, whea assembled in convention to form State constitutions, wiil pos- the sole wad exclusive power to determine for jrelves whether slavery shall or shall not exist in their limits, If Coagress shail abstain from questiou, the people of these think proper whea they opely for admiesioa as No States ioto the Union. enactmeat of Vongress would resirain the people __ of any of the sovereign States of the Union, old or new, North or South, slaveholding or non- sieveholding, from determming the character of their OWn domesnc institutions as they miy deem Wise and proper. Any and all of such States pos sess this nght, end Congress cannot deprive then The people of Georgia might, it they chose, 80 alter their constitution as to abolish slavery within its limits. The peopte of Vermont might to aber their constitution a3 to adant slavery im its 2. Both States would possess the ig: though, as ali koow, it is not probable that eather would exert it, It is fortunate for the peace and harmony of the Uaioa that this question is in its nature temporary, and can only continue for the brief period which will intervene betore Cahtornia und New Mexico From e tide of population now flowing tte them, it highly prodable that this will soon oceur.” ite wiwaids udda, that “if Congress, instead of observing the course of non-interfe: » leav- ing the edoption of their owa dome: institu. tious to the geople who may inhabit these territo- ndivg the Muissoari compromise line to the Pacific, shail prefer to sub- mit the Jegal and constitutional questions which may arise to the decision of the judicial wibunals, as Was proposed in a bill which pussed the Senate at your last session, an adjustment may be effeeted in this mode. If the whole gub.get be referred to the Judievary, ail parts of the Union would cheer- y wey iu the fioal decision of the tribunal ca OV the coostitution for the gett 8 Which may arse under the c quest Ueauer, and laws of the Unued State founoness of the opinions here expressed, | never entertamed adoubt, These were justly regarded, durog the whole session Which preceded the close ef Mr Polk's admimstravon and the mauguration of General Taylor, es the leading doctrines not Uf the evly of Southera statesmen, but also of the democratic party. Not only was the cabinet President Polk committed to these doo- Uires, but his party in Congress espoused the eame d these principles gained strength hole of that session, to such an throughout the country ke of their political «ate- during extent that Tegarded the ty from the evils arising out of our terr wl acquisitions. The House of Repres ves contained a emall majority, as we hove seen, in opposition to the last Torasure recommended by l’'resident Polk, whieh waa the bill | hal introduced at the previous fersion; an! as many who had opposed that vill fon of St ew Mexivo, T nequiese general rentimeat which favored that course of policy, because it woul! aa effectually sete the Whole controversy whea the States ehould be ads mitted, as the bill [ hed proposed for sadimittiag the question to the jude! uidunels; eod | was desi ous to avoid the opposition Of, BUCR as having once voted against the bill of jeate I bed proposed, from the mere prid@ of peliical Consistency, would prob ibly persevere in duiog so. thought then, and thu’ yet, chet Gent bill present- ed by far the mest clgibie mode of decidmg suggested. With Idid not doubt that “all parts Union would cheerfuily ecq-iesee ia the the tribunal created by the Prerviden! Polk, Upon the forma hitorw! goveraments, judretal tribanals w cesearhy be established; and the constitution reciien of sueh hay y regulations for Supreme Court its appellate jurisdiction. Tams pro- Visvon in the bill was therefore a measare, in my View, imperatively demanded of Congress, should ler lorie! governments be established Butno such Mee sure Wes neceesury, ia case it shoult he deter Mifed that Congress should not intertere, m the lenguege ot President Potk, “for the brief period Which would intervene before California and New Mexico would be admitted as States into the Union"—evevts which he declared, “it was highly probable would soon occur” Influenced oy these considers tions, my OWn sentiments oa this subject were, thus far, entirely in erincidence with South ern statesmen, and the leadiog men of the demo- cratic party iteelf, It was at this stage of the pres gtr se of this agitation, that 1 was honored by Pre. sident Taylor with a place in his cabinet. Coming into power With @ substaotial mi jority egeinst him in both Houses, his | great aim and end being the harmony and hap)i- nese of the country, he n on py Ithougnt, wisely, concluded that it would best condace to | finding its passage obstructed from its own & when his California message was sent to the House of Representauves, recommendiag this course of pohiey, the opposition press of the coun- try burst forth in one general outcry that he had but adopted the resolutions and principles of the democratic party, and copied the recommendation of President Polk. The complaint was that he hed proposed nothing new ; and while a studied effort was made te heap praises on those who, it ‘was alleged, had originated these suggestions, he was denounced in unmeasured terms for his * im- becality” in merely following io the footsteps of others Their censure under such circumstances was the highest enconium that could have beea bestowed upon him lt is well known to many of you, my feltow-citizens, that | was opposed to the acqnisition of these territories. I never voted for such an acquisition. The Legislature of this Sta had instructed me to vote against the annexation of any new territory, without a prohibition of slavery within its Limits. | obeyed these inetrac- tions ; and, ia pursuance of them, [ veted for the Testriction, when the treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo was before the Senate [cis known to most of you that, in common with many others with whom L was accustomed to act, 1 predicted the evils which have since fallen upon the country in consequeace of the purchase of Califoruia aud New Mexico. But, when that territory had been acquired, I tel bound, asa friend of the Union, to promote its har- mony by eny and ev ry measure which would pre- vent the alienation of one portion of the country from the other, or the organization of geographical Py bane within it. 1 did not beheve, and do notnow eheve, that there was eny danger of disunion frem the adoption of the measures proposed by Presdents Polk and Taylor. [read the speeches of gentlemen of grea: distinction, who painted in vivid colors the horrors of disunion, and predicted, in elancholy jeremiads, the total subversion of our Whole contederated system, in the event of the edmission of ) Mexico and California as States The ilights of oratory on these were interesting exhibitions of genius. The F and efiect with which the dissolution of the confederacy and the consequences of civil war were depcied in Congress, made deep impressions ‘on the country, and, in commoa with others, | con- fees thet { admired “How cunningly the blood and tears were drawn.” Boil never senously belie veda syilable of the story that there wes danger of dissolution of this glori- ous Union arising out of waiting tor the action of the people of the territories ia the creation of their own domestic institutious, or of acknowledgin: their right of sel!-governinent, by the admission o| the States into this Uni 1 would no tarn on my heel to pluck a feather fr the plume of any of those distingvished orators who, under the belief that such means were necessary to save the Union, ees and the whole country in a state of tion for about ten months, and who, having reised the ghost of disunion, afterward ob- tamed the credit of laying it. My faith in the per- petui y of our glorious republic, resis on a some- whet better foundation thin theirs. It believe it Was bot, atany moment, in the power of any of them—no, not ef all the members ot both Houses combined—to cissolve this Union. I firmly believe that the firet sericus, palpable, and tangidle overt act of treason would have been succeeded by the degradstion of the traitors. The blessings flowing from this Union are too deeply seated in the hearts of the American people for them to suf- fer any number of demagogues, whether in or out of Congress, to snatch frou them this priceless in- beritance. I have lived too jong in pablic life, aad teen too much of public mea and their policy to mistake the ravings of a fer madmen, ineither section of the Union, for the decisions of whole communities resolutely bent on their own or their county’sruin. Ismile atthe struggles ofthe polti- cin who seeksto attain party ascendancy for himself or his friends, by endeavoring to float higher up Uban auy others upon the waves of sectional excite- pent There is no danger in these demonstratioas, so long os the great American heart—the heart of the people (Ldo pot mesa of Congress) remains sound. I can laugh nt the effort of the political fa- ic or medman who strives to make It appear to cither section of the Union, that he is a better triend to it than anybody else, and, to gain distine- tion, * ont-Hereds Hered and overdces Terma- ee i> There is, generally, | say, no danger in all tit to any but those who preach, and attempt to practice, ebsolnte treacon and dieuaion, and, indeed, there is generally very little danger even to them. Ibis **a@ voliant that eats his breakfast on the lip ofa bon; bat he is in no peril, while his depre- dations reniaia coo insignificant to attract notice, The orstions made to show that disuaion would be | the consequence of granting the right of self-go- Vernment to the people of the territories, were hne. The praises of the Kuphemist in the monastery were well merited. * Marvellous tine words,” said | dame Gendenming, “ marvellous fine words, neigh- | bor Hopper, are they not!” “Brave worde—very | brave woids—very exceeding pert words,” an- swered the miller; “ neverthejesa, to speak my | mind, @ hi of bran were worth a bushel | o” them.” 2 greatest embarrassment both | to the President and to the country—the principal obstruction to all legislative measures arose out of the futile effort made during the last sersion of Congress, to embody in oae bill on this subject, measures absolutely incongruous, or having ho proper coonection with each other. | When the State of California presented herself for admission into the Union, and the President had | distinetly pleced that measure 08 the very corner stone of his whole sys'em of pol a regard to the new tertivories, there did not exist in either Siancn | of Canyree: utticient number of opposing votes fo prevent the pure the neceesury bill. But those who teok the jead in the recent measure of adjustment heving resolved that no man should voie for the admission of California whe would not agree to vole, at the same time, ten millions to ‘Texas for a selease of ber claim to a portion of New Mexico, os well as territonal goveraments for the Javier and for Utah, the diflicuities which had be- fore surounded the question in diately thick. en nd spread a deeper darkness around us. A majority of either House might have been had at | any time for either of the measures embraced in the bill separately ; but the majorities for each of these measures would have been composed of very dif- | ferent individuals. More than fifty Northern mem. | bers of Congress were williog to do justice to the meaeure proposed by Presideat Taylor for the ad- mission of California, who were unwilling to | vote the money for the Texas boundary, or the clavers for the organization of the territories with. | out the anti-slavery proviso. On the other hand, many Southern members of Congress were willing to vote fer one or both of the two last mesaurea, who were unwilling to vote for the first. Dispos- cd a8 | Was, nay, even anxious, that any measare | opprosimaurg to a settioment of the questions be- | fore us should be adoptra—sincerely desirous as [ was to get rid of the noice of the alarmists and agi- ore in Congress, who were daily making more hue and cry on these topics than all the rest of the county together, fashing themselves jato fury, frightening the timid at home, and creating appre- hensions pues, ell the friev ds of rational fi edom abroed—! would heve been ar any tin joiced to tind the doorway for legistat pep ete—wll of Which had been completely exclud- ed by the introduction of what was called the “Omnibus bill”—again opened, the country quiet- ed, ond the agitators silenced. Tais Omaibs bill hung inthe doorwey more than six mont! while (Lore Who atiempted to drive it thre 7 Wieldy composition, shouted atthe + lungs tv worm the community. Sun i ah yd the exlrance, jammed on beva sides, and for a long period it could be aeither got ia nor ont. An excuse became necessary for its pro- beable tailure 5 instantly the President wes attacked becaure he hod not recommend. edit. It was forthwith resolved that he should beer the binmie of its defeut. A new coalition, which had beem formed to push it through by mua strepeth, ia ony ion to the real Wishes of Coa- grees, began to denounce not only the President, but the members of his cabrnet, because it would notgo A meeting wos called in his city, to ex- prees publie opinon in ts faver. Another meeting naturelly followed ia opposition tr, at whi resolutions were adopted complimentary to the a bd particnlarly so to some of its members Tt is needless for me to say to you that 1 did not prompt either of themeetings, and knew vothing of the proceedings of extaer aatil they were published. Yet, when the proceed ngs of the latter | were lid beforethe Senate of the Uoited States, a | chorge Wes distinctly made thet { was the aathor | of the resolations; @nd When that eharge was denied by one of your Senators—my esteemed | friend, Mr. Wales, who was preseat—a charge which yen all know to be utterly and absolutely ue, it wae persisted in, aud, [ believe, never All this was but a part of « general ¢ Omnious on President wtion But Providence | serie to have determined that ths ecene should fail and be exposed. Inthe midst of ail the clamor abcut the perils of the Unton, the President died, and @ new adininis tration Came into power. Some weeks tlepsed, dura which the propoved Compromise, inetead of gaining. lost etreogth even in the Senate. la the House, there was pever @ possible chance for its passage. It consisted of several heterrge- | neous details, cach of which had been originated {ly him, one | at rest ferever the sienders of his enemies. Al = the principal difficulty attending the whole adjust- ment the questionof the Texas boundary He took that single measure by i'self, made anew boundary line, diflerent from and more satisfactory than that roposed in the Omnibus; and to him was eminent- i pe more than any other—due the credit of its parse, He saw that this would lay the founda- tion for the success of the other necessary acts of legislation. Knowiog that it was impossiole to hft the enormous weight of all these incongruous measures at one time, in one mass, he separated them, and as other men in ordinary lite are aecustomed to conquer difficulties, he resolved to take them in detail. He did me the henor to consult me on the subject of his bill before its introduction, and I did not hesi- late to advise him to persevere inthe course he posed. The result wassoon seen. The bill he invoduced, unclogged by other measures, was sed in a few days without difficulty, and by a large majority; and 1 have never doubted that, if the seme course bad been formes at the com- mencement of the session, Congress and the na- tion would have been saved six months of uone- ceesary distraction and alarm. Viewing all the measures in common with this subject at this time, as they passed Congress, [ am far from say- ing they were the best that could have been adopt- ed. The settlement of the Texas boundary by the judiciary, or the Congress of the United States, as President Taylor recommended, would have been, in my judgment, more consistent with the honor end dignity of the goverument, and would have saved us from the eff-cts of a precedent which will be invoked on some future occasion, when some State shullreck to take the law ioto her own bands, to induce the government to subwit toim- position, under the pretext of buying peace. But an adjustment of the beundary by Congress or the Judicwery had become impracticable, in conse- quence of the encovragement held out to Texas to re} until she should he paid for her acquiescene As to the territorial goveraments of New Mexico and Utah, 1, of course, would be amovg the last to object to their organiza- tion on the principles of my own bill, which passed the Senate two years before. These territorial Lills provide substantially for the very measures | had myself proposed and strongly recommended; and, individually, | was perfectly content with the adoption of my own scheme ef settlement, so far us these territories were concerned. I should have been satisfied with the admissiou of a State govern- mertin New Mexico, as well as California, with a constitution settling the question of slivery ac- cording to the will of her own people. But | have not yet ceased to deplore, and I tear that I shall hereafter have much more reason to deplore, the feilure of the bill I had proposed, on account of the diseatisfuction expressed by the South with the admission of California. So fer as regards Cali- fornia, the edjustment of the vexed question, by submittipg itto the judicial tribunals, would, as Mr. Potk affirmed, and as I now repeat, have ter- minuted the controversy forever, without any of that dissatisfaction now reging in the South. It was impossible that any Southern State, and es- pecially Wat South Carolina could have continued the ag*iation, as it now exists, with the votes of Cajhoun, Butler, Burt, Rhett, and all the distin- guished men of the delegation of South Carolina, in favor of the bill, backed by the votes of Mason, Hunter, Davis, of Mississippi, Berrien, and every Southern Senatorand Repreeentative,except Messrs} Badger, Toombs, Stephens, and three or four others. The eettlement of the question by this mode would have been final and conclusive; it would have been satisfactory to ell parties. Our peopl ea laws abiding people; eud the whole proposition simply was that both parties should sgree togo toaw before the Supreme Court of the United States, and abide the result. Duty, honor, and self-respect would have compelled ell sections of the country to sud- mit to the decision. No man feels himself dis- groced by it, who is beaten in a law suit on asheer question of law, after a full and feir trial measure would have saved the honor of both par- ties, in anyevent. Leading Southern statesmen, with whom | wes associated in the Senate at the time, often said to me, dvring the progress of the bill through that body, that, let the decision go as it might, the honor of the South was saved by the tender to her of a fair trial before an impartial tri- bonel, and the would be satisfied. But when thia bill wes defeated in the House, the impression was eee tates upon the Southern mind that, as 4 feir tial had been refused, there was a deliberate intention on the other side to disregard Southern rights, and tremple them in the dust. Ever since the reesion of 1847, that fecling has rankled in the Southern bosom :— Maret later! lethalis arundo. Ard now the edmission of California, with a con- sulution prebibiting slavery, without the benefit of the trial demanded by the South, has produced an alir nation frem the rest of the confederacy, amon, seme mistaken gentiemen in that region, which pray to God in his merey, may soon give way to the more generuus impulses which properly belong to end grace the Southern character. And now, my fellow citizens, | have to say, that I have seen nothing in the measures adopte: Congress, to which | have referred, which should excite any portion of this Union to reststance against the established euthorities of the country, and I think itis the duty of Stetgoot citizen, whether he does or does think that other and better measures might bave been substituted in their place, not omy to submit to the laws which have been enact- cd, but to stand by end support the eoverument, if becessory, to the fr, extent of his ‘ability, in ear- lon théve Tawa into encceesful execution. That recident Fillmore will do hie whole duty in this respeet, I have not a shadow of doubt; and I hope you are all willing to join with me ia sustaia- ing him in the discharge of that duty. In his pa- tiotiem, and that of members of his cabinet, I have the utmost confidence. | have no reason to believe that either of them would have refased his aid, at apy moment, to the eeitlement of these Secten on the basis proposed by Pre- tident Taylor. They have acquiesced in what ap peared to them to be the only practicable scheme of acjueting there difficulties. They seck to sus- tain the constitution and the laws of their country, and] honor themor their purpose. While they stam by the Union? shall be with them and for them. If there be any one sentiment in my bosom more deeply seated end more deeply cherished then any an tall others, it is that of love and vene- | ration for the institutions which our fathers have lett us, and forthe country, the whole country, covered and protected by the American constita- tion. There will be no hope left for me or mine when this Union shell be broken up; and shonid that melancholy period ever arnive,! shall be a wenderer without a home. Ican take no part for one section against the other. To me the preser- vation of thie Union isa matter of interest above all otherz, and if neceseaty, ! shall be found true to those who sustain it to the fast drop of my blood end my breath. Celifornia was deaica by Congress the protection of the laws of the United Siates. ‘Thrents of separation began to be uttered by those who fourd themselves thus deserted; and to agsure them of the paternal care of the government, and its intentions to assist them in any suitable mode, a rpecial messenger, Mr. King, of Georgi: | wes Jespatehed to California. fe knew ted ccmmunicated to them the wishes <%; the President for their er and his desire that "ey ghgaid entoy the protecind of the Loire’ States, and the benelits of a govern- ment of their own choice. This mission, whieh, we krow, was attended with highly beneticial re- sults, im ollaying the diecontent then growing in that territory, was soon made, by unscrupulous politicians, the theme of obloquy end reproach. ine rn ent anc! his cabinet were charged, with- out one shadow of truth to justify the accusation, with having instigated the Californians to exclude slavery, in the formation of the State constitution. The falsehood contemptible malgnity of alt the y this subject have recently been put to the publicati correapondeave Mr. King ond th and military com- mandere on the California station, These calam- nies, hhe a hundred others of a similar character, served the purposes of the hour when they origi- nated, end will soon sink into oblivion or eon- tempt. Next in magnitude to this question of slavery, among the causes of embarrassment which surrounded the administration of General Taylor, wee ore to which I have already briefly adverted, ntising out of appointments to effice. Tle waa ed by the opposition press with proscription of is Opponents; ard many of the disappointed office feckers of his o a te course, joined ia tae clemor egainst him. It will be found, upon aa exeminetion of the facts, that, dutiog the whole period of his edministration, he did not remove a sy cient number to give his own frends an equal share of the offices of the government; and as to the propriety of the nominatioas to office made single fact is sufficient to put thevgh he necessarily made more nominations to the Senate than any other President of the United | States ever did in on equal period of time, yet fewer were rejected by that body than ou any former occasion after a political revolution. When Gen Jeckson come into Mice, in 182, he was sustained ge party majority in the Senate. Twenty when Gen. Taylor came into power, a large party mejority in the Senate op M there w of there claims, after fully investigating all the facts myself, and after taking the an to as- certain the opinion of the Auorney-General en the subject, which concurred with my own. Backed also by nope of the former Seere! of the Treasury, Mr. Walker, and of Hon. Joseph R. Iu- gersoll, former chairman of tee judiciary commit- tee in the House, as well as of several commit- tees of both Houses, and following a long lim of precedents in reference to the subject, I deeided in tavor of the claimants for a part of their de mand, and rejected the other part. The columns of the party yrs were forthwith opened against the claim, which was as palpably just, to the ex- tent to which I had allowed it, as uny claim that ever existed. This was the De la Francia claim. I was assailed with sill greeter ferocity for disal- lowing the tobacco claim of M. Porte. It soon became apparent that no decision could possibly be made by any head of department, whether for or against the government, which would not become i topic of malignant censure. One of these old claims, which bad been referred to a previous Se- cretary of the Treasury, eame before Mr Mere- dith. “He referred it to the proper law officer of the overnment, the Attorney General, who, after a iin review of the whole subject, decided the ques- tion in favor of the claiment. ‘The justice of his decision would never have been impeached but for the unfortunate fect, as it turaed out after the mo- ney had been paid, that the Secretary of War, Mr. Crawford, of Georgia, wes interesied in it; 4 cir- cumetance which was entirely uvknown to apy other member of the cabinet at the time of the decision. 1 did not know that there wae such a claim in existence untl many weeks afier the money bed been paid I suppose the motive which induced the Secretary of Wer te conceal his 1ute- rest in the claim was one of delicacy ; but | have a perfect conviction, without entertaining a doubt of the justice of the demand, that, had the fact of his personal interest been known or mentioned at any cabinet meeting before the payment ot the money, no cettieinent of that Claim would have been made while Mr. Crawford remained a member of the administration. His conduct in offering, as he did, to Congress to abide the judgement of the Supreme Court of the United States upon the legality of the claim—to waive every advantage of defence ex- cept that arising out of the law itself, and to retara the money in the event of a decision against him by the court, should have exempted him trom that abuse which has been so protusely and unjustly lavished upon him. Indeed, my fellow-citizens, so copstapuy wes my atiention occupied with the proper duties of my own department, that very lit- ie time was left me to look after those of others. Lut I must in justice add, that so far ag my obver- vation extended, the business of every other di partment, during the ada tion of General Ta) jor, was conducted, notwithstanding the unexam- pled embarressments whieh surrounded him and them, with a degree of energy, and industry, end integrity, which has never been surpassed, This tbu e is justly due from me to my associates in that cabinet, Whose kindness and courtesy to me, on sll occasions, merited my Warmest acknowledg- menis. There has never existed an admiuistration ip this government in which there wus greater hermony and concert of action In the gentiemen who composed it the President enteriained ua- tournded centidence, and they retained that coa- fidence to the Jast moment of his life. Falsehood end calumpy, directed agaiust them, es it was, from so many quarters, failed to meke any impres- sion on his mind; and be adhered to them with a tenacity which was increased by his perfect know- ledge ot the injustice with which they were assailed. Coineiding in sentiment with him on ali important subjects, hiswish wes theirluw; and when he heard £0 often the pitiful aspersion that his cabinetraled him, knowing, as he did, how faithfully they car- tied out his own will, while they were oftea made to bearthe whole responsibility of hia decisions and actions, he scorned the attempts to him from those whom he had selected as visers. Jt would be difficult to any man to know, stonding outside of that cabinet, the extent of the injustice dene to its respective members by the de- vice, Which was as cunningly conceived a3 it was industriously propagated, that the appointments, and even the actions, of the executive goverament were di bythe cabinet, and pot by the President himself. I have repeatedly knowa a cabinet minister abused for months by the whole opposition press of the country, on account of an appoinunent which he had never suggested or recommended, but which had been ordered by the President alone. The unsuccessful applicaut for office often found a balm for his wounded fecliogs in the belief, which he chose fen:lly to cherish, that he was the victim of some secretary, though he was a favorite of the President. ‘hose and similer slanders on the members of the edminis- u n were suilered too generally to pass withoat contradiction. ‘They were too laboriously en- geged in the discharge of their respective du- to take upon themselves the task of re- the thousand falsehoods which either party or personal melice was constantly hatching agaiast hem; conscious that, when the passions and pre- jedices of the hour should have passed away, jus- tice would be dove to them for the fidelity and un- tiring zcal with which they discharged their daties emid greater obstacles than ever obstructed the course of eny previous administration. The foreiga policy of President Taylog was marked by an adue- rence to the principles ixvulcared in the farewell address of the rather of his country. He sought NO Wars of aggrandizement or Peace and commerce with foreign nations, on fair aad honoreble terms, were the objects he aimed at. He regarded war, with the horrors and dangers of which wo man was more intimately acquainted, a a measure never to be resorted to until ever; tflert of honorable diplomacy should be exhassted. In the front of his whole system of policy, in this fespect, he manifested a scrupulous anxiety to piautain our neutral obligations and the faith of treaties ; ond his principles were fully illustratedin the course he pursued towards Denmark and Spain. On the other bend, no maa was more sensitive on points of national honor ; and the promptitude and energy with which he demanded end recover- ed the forcigner whe, after having sought an orylem on our shores, was kidnapped and car. ried to Havana, at the very moment when he was weointoin' % their troe spirit, our treaty stipu- Spain, by the suppression of the Cuban py, an evidence of that stern deter- op, Which never abandoned a to maia- under all circumstances, and at all hazards, honor of his own country. While abstaining I interference with the domestic concerns of ions, oud a)! entangling alliances, he did maintained the repabli- con ty stem, or etrugiled to throw off the shackles of despotism, the fuli and free expression of his own generous sympathies. For he was a Tepublican not merely in neme, but in heart. He rejoiced in the heppiness of his fellow men throughout the nd his bosom throbbed with for the suececs of every effort, made in either hemisphere, forthe spread of those liberal principles upon which, he profuondly beli ved, their happiness dormdod Atthe firet dawa of ee Tevoluiies +5 Hanger; > Woe ready to teccanies ‘ver independence, the should be fernd able to maintain it; and at the ver’ Tooment when an uvprincipled press was en- geeed in denounciog him as most friendly to the jespotic powers of Europe, he was directing a mis- tion to evinee the interest of this goveraaen: in the noble cflort of Hungary to become free. When her unhappy perple fell beneath the bayonets of the Czar, be still publicly and proadly avowed, in f mnessege to Congress, the anxiety he had felt for their welfare. ‘ Thowgh,” said he, “ Hh aty has feile d her patriotic children are now in exile or in ine, Tum still free to sey that, had the eucceeded in maintaining her independence, we should have been the first to welcome her into the family of nations.” He directed our nupister at Cons'antinople to tender to the Saltan a free passoge forthe unfortnnate Kossuth a: ee . vs Fredy gare then lay onl red to bring them to the i mericnn shore. He tneticu‘ed the first mission to the Helvetio republic. He thonght the period hed arrived when the strength of bis own country and her high stand among the nations of the ear b, justified and dem ondedjof her gover Dt tots new position in reference to the efleirs of joreiga countries, not by assuming an attitude of hostility, or by uttering threats of defi- ance to any, but by the menifestation of the strict- est regard for the commercial and political rights of the American people as connected with thor countries. No man ever sought more eamestly to prevent the interference of foreiga governments ia the « fairs of the American continent. Yet he de- sired raiber to prevent foreign aggressions upon the Tights of the weak American ee by remon- strence on their behelf, then by threatening hostili- ties io theit defence. In the negotiation of the ‘entral American Lag omg tm im the ratific of which waa the leet jal act of his life— sisted on a clanse, now to be found io th + treaty, Which denied to Great Britain aay right, in future, to colonize, fortify, oF assume oF exereice any dominion Whatever over any pert of Central America or the Mesquito Coast—a clause which expressly forbids to Great Britain the right to nse any proieatorate for the purpose of exercising do- ninion, ond leo forbids to her anv richt to aceame dé minic g for the purpose of muiataining a provecww- credit upon the of a perversion of the treaty which no honorable vernment could defend for & moment, and which the British authorities, I am well would disdain to adopt. The objects aii at by the President in that treaty were to for our country a speedy passage to the Pacific, not only by @ great ship canal, but and itey liek Ph) or EK yh A tl gee which dividee North from South America—to secure the perfect neutrality of che vast region embraced in that Isthmus—to save the expense closer i Paci- tie—and to dedicate the highways to- the use of all nations which might agiee to extend to them the seme protection wnich the United States and Great Britain had guarenteed. For various sons it is not my purpese to discuss these subjects in detail, and | have only glanced at this one for the purpose of preventing misc ore rer 7 to one of the most important acts of Geueral Jor’s administration. The multipheity and extent of our foreiga relations, which were constantly increasing in interest end immportanee, made the duties of the department over whigh it was my fortune to preside, in the highest degree burden- some and laborer Such was the pressure of publie business, arising from tis and causes, that I was compelled to devote myself to it to the utter exclusion und consequent d-tangement of my private and personal atiairs I was therefor> epxiour, a8 soon as the sia'e ofthe negotiations en- trusted to my charge by the President, would per- mit it, to retire ayein to private life. It was for thisresson that, in June jast, I tendered to the President, through the bands of my personal friend, the Attorney General, my resignation, ac- companied by a pressing rr quest that he would per- mit me to revre, avd would appoint my successor. He refused to accept the resivontion ; and when he informed me and my toeud that my retirement would embarrass aud disiress him, I felt that, how- ever necessary it had become for my private in- terest to withdraw, yet I could not leave him. while suck were bis coavictions — His ‘influ. ence with me was such that | should never have ventured again to press the subject upon him; and when be hat done speaking upon the sudject, Tfeit that T would as soon have ran iar the bertle of Buena Vista as to have deserted mm. Aad now, reme aioering within how shor: a time after this interview, bis mruly frame and noble heart were laid cold in the embrace of death, L rejoice that L yielded to hia wishrs, at any sazrifice ofease, health, or fortune My fellow citizens, it will re- main tome a subject of prond consotation that I enjoyed the perfect covtide nes and intimate friend- ship of this great and good man daring the whole period of bis adminictra ion ; and that [ labored with all the devotion of which [ was eapadle to serve him faithfully 48 a member of his cabinet. Knowing bis qualities, es | did—t think no man had @ better opportunity of knowing them than I bed—Ibeheve I can s.eak of Mm-as he was. know that all the ecds he simed at were “his country’s, his God’s, aad truth’s.” His moral, like his physical courage, was indomitable. No one ever approached the considerativa of a great public question with more deliberation or caution; and when about to decide it, he * took each man’seen- sure, but reserved his judgment’ When he had determined, no one Wes morte firm, or could be more resolute in adhering to his purpose. He wag one of the few men we meet with in this world, who cen never deseend to a base, mean, or dis- honoravie action Thovgh unpracticed in the duties of civil admiustration oefore he enter- ed the executive mansion, bis strong and rovs intellect, aided by « profound know! of human me cen rd the ae which no one ever enjoye Ver oppormoait amply sup- tied Uhe want of experience os a civilian; and the Kindness and benevolence of his nature never failed to win the heer:s of all who came within the circle of his iatimate acqiaictance. Surrowaded by enemies, who daily sought to stab the reputa~ tion he had earned by a loug life of public service, his conscious rectitude enabled him to * smile at the drawn dagger and dety its pont.” This was his shelter amid all the storms FP sis fcc sition; and the confidence of sincerity all dangers, resulting from this consolation, never deseried him evenin his dyicg momentes When informed by Pg thanicien that bis last hour was approaching, his simple remark indicated the feel- ing thet had and sustained Tvaded his bosom, hin through Ife: "I am not afraid. to die,” the expiring patriot, “I have eudeavored todo my duty.” [Mr. Clayton wes bere so overcome with emotion that he pansed for a moment, and tears: rolled down his cheeks. Wiping them away, he proceeded] This was the feeling which je in unaypalled through the perils cf battle. up- held him through that long and dreary night of blood and fire, when he won the first brevet in the war of 1812, by his successful detenee of Fort Hertison against more thaa fifty his numbers. Florida, the tomahawk and. scalpi knife hed no terrors for the who felt that he had always “endeavored to do hie duty.” And the thunders of Palo Alto and Resaca de la Palma, when he broke the Mexican power, and gave that con! to his men which ipsured their victory in all their feauent Gontesis—in ‘he bi ained streets: Monterey, end in that tempest of shot whic! poured upen him and his lide army oa the est field of bis fame,at Buena Vista—at moment when his garmeuts were torn 7 lets ot the enemy—the mens coneria rect serene, se) f-posecarsd and iriumphant throw terrors of thut conilict. He was ema’ country before an opportunity hod been allowe, develope his whole system of e1vil policy, and ay Pe poe vege of purposes | im for public good, the ae which must now forever ele: 1 his E pte g) Eek. ere in an American heart, hist that of one of the few The Chairman then proceeded with the toasta: — 4, The memory of Washington, and thet a band of beroes. who ochieved out I denee, at laid the foundation of tis great and mighty Empire. (Music. Dead March ) 6. The sovere! of the constitution and laws of ‘be United Staies, over every utber human power (Maric. Hail Colambia ) 6. Our glorious Union— nate [Six cheera, proposed by Mr. Clayton, gad givea ba, * and R i) it . Terentatives wm ousgrae at aan taht Cor \ nor to whom boner isdue. [Music Biar Spangled (Hon Jobn Welea, U_S. Senator, responded to this in an eloquent speech ia eteace of the late edmipistration end the whigs of the Union.) § The Quadruple Alliaues—The Plough. the Loom, the OM!p and the Anvil, mutontly sastsintng and sap- porting ach other. (Masjc—spred the Piough.| {The Apu sad Navy] 9. Our Nat Governgent-As mach bound tn duty to protect the labor of the ws tO defend 7 which the an Kighte tty throughout the world. tio — Mari pote Ae be ot \plim: y misfortune, the wert contest will them more firm aud united, and victory w ” at their banner (Loud ehewrs ) | Musie— io ° 13 The Tele Sox— ‘The education of Mothers, the civilization of the World. (Cheers) (Musio—fiere's « Health to all Good Lares } A number of tous's then followed, one of which was “The Whig Press,” whieh wi eeived with on cheers. ay 4 inal setters were then red, regretting inal to attend, from Hon. Deniel Wedwer decestacs of State; Senator J. H. Clarke, Kh. 1, Hon. Jo: R ieee Joseph Ko Chandler. cod Wa. Meredith, of Philadelphia; Sevwor Pearce, of Mas ryiend; Gales and Seaton, Washingtoa; Senators Winthrop, Mase ; Miller, N.J 5 Upham, Vt N. K. Hall, Postmaster General, &e. de ; te whom. complimentary toasts were given by the committee, and hailed with cheers . Motos McMicuar: 1, Wascalied for, and made a humerous specch, in’ whieh he made the compeny promise, for Delaware, never to be “licked” ogain. He said, that with Wintield Seot for President, in 1352, the whigs of Delaware an the Unien, would be triomphant. He © oa Mr A layton to say some hing oa the life of Gen. Scott, Mr. Ci ayvon responded in a glowing eulogy on Gen. Scott's coreer from Chatenstown to the vity ct Mexico, particularly aoticwg the bold stand teken in defenee of the Lrish soldiers taken from the American army ne ptisoners ia 1812, Seott’s nome was received with loud cheers, ‘The festivities were continned wil @ late hour. Lverythiog went off well, retleeti ne highest bigs of the State their thos trious guest. Hon. John Wales, Joha R. Litimer, Jobo Connell, Thomas N Rodney, J. G, Bars'ow, Leontrd E Wales, “Tlarty’ Gatrett, Robatis M.