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NEW YORK HF Rapp. Northwest corner of Full oy wassnu ete JANES GORD BBENNE?®. FROFRIET Jy AND EDITOR. AMUSE sents THIS EVENING. BOWERY THF 4vRe, Bowery—WanvenincJaw—CLa~ Bisse. BROAT @ Ay THRATRE, Brosdway—Sonr ot ron BcAN- Dal l_AOy oF THE LAKE ITALIAN BORN Aw “AORTON'S THEATRA, Chambers street—Sxnsovs Fa- MALY Poon GesTe evan. NATIONAL PHEATRE, Chatham square—Tue Peorue's Lawves—femate Guake—PHantom Baranrase. OLYMPIC THRATRE, Broadway~ Si ‘sDavonted —Orp Bon esty~ALDoaTe Pome—MARKInD BacheLon. CHRISTI S—Ers.orran Minsrarcey. AMERICAN MUSEUM—Axvusing Penronmaxces, Ar- TRELNOON aND Brenine. MELODE: See eNADERS. New Work, Tuesday, January 22, 1850. relat Steam ™ Secretary of the Navy. a few days since to that part of the we of Mr. Preston, Secretary of the Navy, 1m which he recommends that hereafter all steamships ttended for g should be con- The Unlted states Co at fine, a vernment purpos sury department, at a cost of about five milions of dollars, have been, itis believed, a total failure, even as revenue cutters, and have been turned over to the coast survey. Carry these comparisons a little farther, and complain very much of the jury, but more espe- cially of John Van Buren, for letting off Captain Rynders with an acquittal on the charge for which ‘Important from Washington. take our fine River and Sound boats, the finest in | he was tried, of getung up the Astor Place nots, | MESSAGE FROM THE PRESIDENT, the world. What is their performance, compared with the Washington and Hermann? They ran, during the season, about 25,000 miles, before they have ea general overhauling, in doing which they are at the docks from 12 to 18 hours out of each 24, iving time for the machinery to cool and rest (for tt requires rest,) also giving tume to adjust anything that may be wrong. Then, we have, under these circumstancee, 25,000 against 85,000 miles, the Her- mann and Washington steaming fourteen succes- sive days without stopping ; the others not half as many hours. With these facts before us, the pub- le and the country can jadge which are the fail- ures—those ships built by the government at their yards, at more than double the cost of the others, or those that have been built as mail steamers, un- der contract at private yards, under the superin- tendence of an officer of the navy. * Let us goa step further. It is admitted by the whole world that our packet ships, in point of strength, speed, and beauty, surpass any ships in | the world, and last longer. Well, the cost of one | of those ships of about 1,000 tons is less by $30,000 than the government has paid for repairing and ree building of a sloop of war of less than 800 tons. structed under the direction of the government, at their own navy yards. We promised to give our readers some more light on the subject in a litle while. Since then, we have the best reason for knowing that our r ks on the absurdity of Mr. Pr ’s proposition and recommendation are nded to t ole community, and that no such plan oses can ever be successfully adopted. } weakness and incompe- teney for he holds are apparent, when we oposition, and then refer to the way in which government steamships have been built by the government, and compare them when con with steamships that have beer | constructed under the new system, which he wishes to ebolish, as well in point of usefulness as ex- pense, as we shall show conc ly by and by. When the practicability of navigating the ocean by steam w ful apparent that such anew and powerful element demonstrated, it beeame would be taken advant of by all maritime nations, es well for reial as fer naval pur- poses. Accordingly, the British mercantile pub- lie imme entered upon the enterprise in 1837, end constructed several steamships, which | plied r y for a yeur or two between Eagland and the United States. But it was found that | without goveroment assistance the undertaking | not succeed in its intai overniner liberality in all matte and accordingly country, with characteristic concerning their commercial tofth and naval juterests, entered into contracts for the | transportation of the mails to different parts of the world; and, from that system has been ad possess a formidable travers to the present, the same J, unul now the British fleet of oceaa steamships, pable, in a few days, notice, of being converted into vessels of war. ‘The union of government assistance with com- mercial enterprise, in that country, was. therefore, nuly successful. After a great deal of dis- on and inquiry, in which Captain Brownell, of the navy, took an efficient part, the same system was edopted by the United States, under the Ba ress. A contract was made with certain parties in New York, for carrying the mail to Bremen wthampton, and, in accordance therewith, the steamships Washington and Her. mann were Although these were the first commercial that were built in this country, they were on the whole very credita- ble to the United States; and if they were notas peifect in every respect as the English steamers were, they encouraged the hope that in’a little time, and under the system which called them into ex- wstence, the United States would go on improvi ng every sea, and cay ton of Cor and § const, teamships until we should have a fleet of steamships, equal, | if net superior, to any in the world, available at any moment for the nuval service of the country, in case any emergency should occur that weuld ren- der their use in that capacity necessary. Addi- tonal contracts have been made under this system, in pureuance of which we have splendid mail steamehips traversing both the Atlantic and Pacific oceans, the Gulf of Mexico, and other seas; and a new line for European service is being constructed by Mr. E. K. Collins, of this city, which, whea finished, will compare favorably with steamships of | any other nation. Up to this ume ments of the United States and Great Britain have fostered the system to which we have referred, by uniting their es » with commercial enter- ig prise, with the best results, in each, to its navay power end commercial interests. But the present Secretary of the Navy, at Washington, Mr. Preston, has not a mind comprehensive enough to embrace this great subject; and, to the astonishment of the whole country, he an- nounced, im bis recent report, that he was op- posed to any fur’ ble and private n uction of ocean steamships. This blandering Secretary gives it as his opinioa, that because we have navy yards, and docks, and machinery sho; government, there govermment its own he gove ' the country. and Musissippi, which were built by the govern- ment, compare them with the Washiagton and Hermann, built by private persone, and capable of bemg converted into veesels of war at a very tri- fling expense, and ata few days’ We shall give the comparetive cost of each, and the compara- tive mefulnees of each, and show the utter igno- vance, ity, and -if not worse— of Mr Dine ag a retara to the old ay eters Cort of the UL & the Brook r union of pu ns in the o and so forth, belonging to the be better tor ihe old system, end build would yetura to the teamships. It ne ever knew, perhaps—that all the efforts of the to build veesels of this de ent 1 ed im nothing but expense and disgrace to ve en ph at the war steamrs Missouri tice iunbect ivoca frigate Missouri, bute m Navy lard. in the years 1830-40-44; © ial cost of ship. | .. + tos sae vsmeQ@QOElTS 40 Cotof -. 8 meil We-biagton, rT end |) ail cher od 13 days othe Miveourt.$ ‘The Washington cost | os The Meswenn, w a traction over $000. It « inore for ene of these steamers, ti nd tarniture for passenger they were mtended te be merely men of war 1 ded as a sea steamer, to ) $30,000 A ace than it would if Mircourt was inte eters Atlantic by steam, to carry her arma. ment, sores, men, fael, and, if necessary, to act as a trenrpor', and accommodate twe regiments of soldiers. This was what she was to be able to do. She did crovs, the Adlaatic, tobe sute, but she took | about twenty days todo it, with the aid of sails, not being able to carry fuel one She could not carry o TF armement ; she could hardly find room to berth her erew, 2 course, take the two regim The Washington, of passengers, §2 men ane and carsied fuel—having, as che frequently docs, from 200 to 300 tons of coal on board on het arti | val. She has made the shortest passage yet made from New York to England. She has run over 26,000 miles emcee she commenced, without a general overhauling. The Missouri was burat after making & passage across the Atlantic ; bat the Miveiesippi was more fortunate. What has been her pertormance? After a passage to the Calf of Mexico, che returned for repairs. Again, the Union, built at Washington Navy Yard, of about 1,000 tons, cost more than the Washington of 2,000, and her performances were even less satistactory than those of either the Missouri or Missiseippt. She could not steam eighteen days without re- quiring new boilers. The iron and other steam- ers built under the direction of, and for the T: ) men, and could not, of | size, has had 200 officers, 500 tons of fre ght, | efore, the respective govern, | r oceurred to him—or ommodas | | ‘The latter, if she was all new, (which was not the | ease in th sel we refer to, nor one half of her, ) | had hers sails, rigging, &c., which are esti- mated to be over half of the cost of building and equipping a ship. It may be said the men of war | built at our yards last much longer. But the re- » is the case. We have numbers of ships, ter running eight, ten, and twelve years, as | packets, the hardest service, it is believed, that | | can be performed by a ship, stand A 1 at the in- | surance offices, which are pretty good judges of | what relates to their immediate interest. After | this time they are sold for whalers, and are em- | | ployed as many more years without being rebuilt. | How is at with our men of war? Do they make, | at the outside, more than two or three years’ erusses, (and frequently but one of three years) before they are stripped, re-planked, and frequently | re-tmbered? A few years since, a sloop (the Yorktown) was built at the Washington Navy | Yard, where it is supposed the timber 1s better seasoned by the fresh water at the dock, than | other timber 1s. She made one three years’ cruise, when it was found necessary to re-plank | her from her water line up. Herrepairs amounted | to about $40,000, having cost originally more than | double what the best ship carpenters in New York would have gladly built her for. This is not a selitary case; there are plenty of them that can be pointed out. Again, the U. S. steamship Fulton, now at the Brooklyn Navy Yard, where she has lai for years in ordinary, this being about all she 1s fit for, was built at that yard by the present Government In- pector, Commodore Perry, after his return from rope, Where he was sent to obtain information vpon the subject of steamships for naval purposes. Does anybody think her fit for the purpose for which she was intended? It was found, upon trial, that she could carry fuel enough to take her from New York to Cape May, (90 miles) but no more. The Washington and Hermann were built by Messrs. Westervelt and McKay, and the cost of | each ship, when afloat, was less than the labor bill | of the Missouri. The engines were built by Still- | man, Allen & Co., and the cost of the engines for both ships were lees than the cost of those of the Missouri; and we are intormed by persons who | are in every respect competent to give a reliable | opinion on the eubject, that contracts can he made by the government tohave ships built of all lve ouk for less than the labor bill on the Missouri, and of her size, too. ‘The following are the items of the comparative cost of the Missourt and Washington :— Labor bill of the Missouri. . + $141,160 65 187,167 18 220,178 27 26,672 40 $084.178 40 Balance in favor of the Washington. ... $951,179 40 Now, with these reliable and authentic data and statements before us, what can we think of Mr. | Preston's recommendation to return to the old sys- | tem of building war steamships for the use of the | navy? The men who, in the face of such proof as | Cost of the Washington afloat $78,000 00 k . 45 000 00 13,000 00 25.000 00 25 060 00 Furniture, Se. eee eee 18,949 00--$252,999 00 | and its congequences. The philosopnical charla- tan of the Zribune, who 18 going to civilize the world on the Fourerite system and infidel princi- ples, tells Mr. Van Buren he 1s a blacker tyrant at heart than the Autocrat of Russia, or the butcher Heynau. This 1s a very amusing specimen of phi- losophical language, but is of a piece with similar philosophical and civilized language addressed the other day to Bryant, of the Post, when he called hum “har,” “scoundrel,” “villain,” and so forth, and so forth. The Plainfield financiers, also, by whose movements the public have been swindled out of their hard earnings, are very savage against the jury for their acquittal of Rynders, and parti- cularly energetic against the speech of John Van Buren, to which is attributed the particular result. The bubble editor of the Express also vents some regrets on the occasion, but consoles himself by the reflection that the results of the last election, in this city, have eet all to rights, and will, here- after, prevent all rows and riots for all time to come. It is amusing to witness these empty outbursts of indignation against Mr. Van Buren, the court, and jury, in reference to the acquittal of Rynders. It is natural, however, that the organs of our im- becile Mayor and his coadjutors, who acted on tis deplorable occasion, should feel sore about the verdict of the jury. Why so? Because that ver- dict is the greatest and deepest censure upoa the imbecility and folly of the Mayor and the others, which could be made by a public tribunal and an intelligent community. We know hitle and care lees about Rynders; but if an honest jury, on the evidence of the case before them, could be brought to convict him of instigating that riot, there were stronger and more powerful reasons for a verdict of conviction, and to send to the penitentiary, the Mayor and his coadjutors, including Moses H. Grinnell and all the signers of the Macready card. They were all engaged in the business—they all | took part in that movement—and but for the imbe- cility of the chief magistrate, and the folly of the card signers, there would not have beea any riot on the 10th May—the calling out of the military would not have been necessary—and there would have been no effusion of blood to deplore. In the remarks of several journals we perceive that an effort is made to depreciate the remarka- ble eloquence, wit and power of ihe speech of Mr. Van Buren, while they profess to admire the same qualities im the speech of his antagonist, Mr. Whiting. We have already intimated our opiaion ot his speech, including the charge of the Judge; and we believe all will agree with us, that a more silly tirade of impudence and extravagance than | the speech of Mr. Whiting, has seldom been | heard before a court and jury. Mr. Van Buren’s speech exhibits the tone and spirit of a gentleman, while that of his antagonist has nothing in it to | give relief or redeem it from the vulgarity and | low abuse which it contains against the opposing | counsel, his chents and others. Mr. Whiung has some little talent, which he acquired by his former | practice in the Court of Sessions; but he seems to | have no idea of the higher walks of his profession, nor does he realize the respect for superior and better teste, end for a purer code of eloquence, which he should endeavor to bring to his public character. Too many of our emment counsel descend to the lowest tirades of vulgarity and de- fumation, under the mantle @f the rights of coun- sel, a practice which is degrading and desecratiag to the profeeston, and which ought to be reformed very much at the present day. Grxewer Tevroe ann tue Staceor Ourstion. —We begin now to learn positively the position of General Taylor and his cabimet upon the slavery question. A message is shortly expected to come from the White House, developing the views of | | General Taylor upon this most important issue. ‘The ground assumed is this: to admit California, with her new constitution, as a State into the | Union, and to let New Mexico and other unorge- | nized territories remain as they are, till a majority | of the population is sufficient to enable them to ask | for admission as States. By this policy, it is | thought the President will be saved the necessity either of approving or vetoing any territorial bill | with the Wilmot proviso. | If euch is the exact position of General Taylor | | and his cabinet, it leaves the question entirely open | for future and continued agitation, during the next elections. Neither New Mexico nor Deseret have a population sufficientto warrant them in establish- | we have adduced in favor of the present system, | would advocate a return to the old one, must be either extremely weak in intel | fit for the important office of Secretary of the Navy, | Or he must be extremely ignorant of the department | over which he presides, and therefore should not | have assumed at. And yet the blundering Mr. Pres ton pot only proseribes Capt. Brownell, by whose agency this system was adopted, but coolly ad- vances the proposition that the present union of | public and private means in constructing our steam marine should be abolished. Such a union ot stul- tification, proscription, ignorance and folly, is without a parallel. We trost that his recommendation will go for | what it is worth, which is nothing at all, and that Congress will see the necessity of continuing, and | liberally supporting, a system which hi lready | produced such good results, not only to our com- inercial interests but to the maritime power of the country, with comparatively very little expense. | What, abolish it? withdraw the goverament ste | ance from this great commercial enterprise, at a | time, too, when England is straining every nerve | to promote and merease her tteam fleet, aud with- | draw altogether from the field of competition? | The idea is absurd, and Mr. Preston, who broached | | ing a State constitution, for admission into the | Union. If, therefore, those territories should be \ and therefore un- | left as they are, the slavery question will still ba Power of legislation over the territort | before the country, and nothing can prevent it from becoming the principal issue in all eoming elections. With such a prospect before us, it is evident that both whigs and democrats will be driven, at the approaching elections, each to bid over the other's heads, like bidders in an auction shop, for the anti-slavery votes that party holding the balance of power between the two parties, in th. New England States, and in New York State. They, therefore, will’ command both parties, throughout the country; and the consevences will be, that at the pext Congressional election, there | will be a stronger and fiercer anti-slavery phalanx returned to both houses at Washington, than we now see, or ever before have seen there. ‘The want of moral courage, therefore, in not coming out at once, boldly and openly, in the pre- sent crisis, will lead to the increase of agitation and excitement throvghout the country, making the contest bitterer, longer, and severer than it has ever yet been seen to be. This policy isa straight road to civil war, disunion, and dissolution. There's denger in it. Lonsy-Memnens at Wasninoton — Washington it, shows that he is lamentably behind the age ia whieh we live, or deplorably deficrent ia all the qualifications that are necessary to fit him for the | office of Secretary of the Navy of this great coun. | try, and therefore should resign at once, and make way fora better and more competent man. Let his recommenation be carried out, and we may as | well retire from the field of competition and enters prire at onc nd abandon ittothe British. Bat we hardly believe that the country is prepared to teke such a step as this. Our national pride, 4 pendent of all pecumary considerations, will not | allow that the British shall monopolize this profita- ble and henorable branch of enterprise. Greeney anp Coronet Jr Mowxnror.—Colonel Jim Monroe, member of the Assembly, in Albany, | has given great offence to the Fourierite philoso- pher, because he refuses to swallow all the anti- slavery nonsense which Weed end Greeley have been manufacturing for the last few years. ley, out of revenge tor this spirit of independence, mokes very droll and strange inquiries iato Colonel Monroe's relations, reepecting the fortune of his wife—his own parentage—who was his uncle— what sort of a house he lives in—and various other matters pertaining to the domestic arrangements of the Colonel. Greeley has heretofore received a very high character for decency, propriety, aad morality ; but it is the sober truth, that, during the last few years, and particularly since his mdeege Gree- hombog in Congress, and the abortion of his Fou- t tite schemes, he has beeome one of the most vulgar, abusive, and unprincipled editors connected | With the newspaper press of the day. Every one | who disegrees with him in opinion, or differs with him on fects, 18 set down at once as “a har"—"' a villain” scoundrel”— a ba: tr and blacker tyrant in heart than Nicholas or | ” This, certainly, 18 a new species of civilization, which the great mpm jd exhibite so palpably in his k die conduct and language. It is very congeni jowever, with the old white coat, dirty bvots, greasy pentaloons, end hair that is combed oace & month, The age of civilization is certain'y apploaching seems to be crowded with lobby-members. If we may credit the accounts of several journals, all the hetels and boarding-houses seem to be filled with these valuable members of society, some of them opposing the confirmation of Gen. Taylor's appointmente—some supporting them with ail their might and main. Among them, we perceive Moses H. Grinnell, Thurlow Weed, and others, are on the ground, opposing the confirmation of Mr. Maxwell as Collector of this port. We know not where our correspondent gets his tuformation; bat we doubt much if these persons would move against Mr. Maxwell, unless they had ascertained that he has little chance of being confirmed. [t seems, however, that a crisia is approaching ia relation to these new appointments in Washington, and that every effort is being made to bring up an influence for or against the nominations now be- fore the Senate. It 1s also said that Taylor will refuse to give the information called for by the resolution brought forward by Mr. Bradbury, | calling for mformation as to the reasons of the removal from office of se many persons during | the Jact summer. If General Taylor refuses to | give thie information, it 18 also suid that the | Senate will refuse to confirm his leading nomina- tions. As matters and things now stand, it seers pro- bable that an awful iseue will be arrived at be- tween General Taylor, with his cabinet on one side, and the Senate on the other. If President Taylor and the Senate should, in fact, quarrel | about Senator Bradbury's resolution of inquiry, such an issue would lead to numerous rejections, to great excitement, to mach discussion, and plenty offum. for Europe. The steameh: ‘anada will leave this port to-morrow noon, fer Halifax and Liverpool, Her matis will close at ten o'clock in the morning. The MWretly Herald will be published et 9 o'cloek, | Beeted Win this proposics IN RELATION TO CALIFORNIA. SPEECH OF GEN. CASS, ON THE WILMOT PROVISO, &e., &e., Ke. Our telegraphic news trom Washington will be found to possess much interest. In the Senate, Gen. Cass opened his speech on the subject of the Wilmot proviso, in which he re- viewed the constitutional power of Congress over the territories. His remarks were very animated. Mr. Cass postponed the conclusion of his remarks till to-day, giving way to a motion to go into exe- cutive session. In the House, a warm debate took place upon the subject of reconsidering the vote postponing the election of Doorkeeper and Postmaster tll 1851. The subject was finally laid over, for the purpose of receiving several messages from the President. The firet message read was in relation to the ex- pedition of Sir John Franklin, asking an appropri- ation for the object. The second, which we publish below, discloses the action of the government in relation to Cal- fornia, in answer to a call of the House. It goes to show that the policy of the administration has been that of “masterly inactivity,” leaving the newly acquired territory to work out their own salvation. Ia the Legislature, a debate occurred in the House, in relation to Hudson River Kailroad char- ter; and also on the subject of the improvement of rivers and harbors. The President’s Message, &c. OUR SPECIAL TELEGRAPHIC CORRESPONDENCE. Wasuineton City, Monday, January 21, 1850. } The President’s Message, ia every particular, turns out as we have reported heretofore, even with respect to the Texas boundary—and, if we mistake nog the reading, it covers up a veto, if a territorial bill, with the proviso, is passed for New Mexico. Itis singular enough that the views of Gen. Cess and Gen. Taylor should be so nearly alike. The message has created a profound sensation, and 1s highly satisfactory to the moderate men of all parties. We understand that Gen. Cass delivered his speech, preparatory to the resignation of his seatin the Senate. ‘We understand that the documents accompany- ing the President’s Message will be published to- morrow. Orders have been issued from the Navy Depart- ment, to go out in the steamer to sail trom your port for England on Wednesday next, directing the immediate return of the sloop-of-war Jamestown, from the Mediterranean, to Norfolk. The U.S. service ship Ohio sailed from the Pacific, for home, on the 15th of December. THIRTY-FIRST CONGRESS, FIRST SESSION. Senate. Wasnrixeron, J Brit. from the Committe om Commerce, reported back, without amendment, the bill providing forthe repair of the Cumberland dam, the Ohio river, which, on his motion, was consider and after discussion, was pasted over informally. otice of a bill to abolish the Home ERRITORIAL Goy " The Senate then proceeded to the consideration of ‘the special order, the resolution Submitted some time since by Mr, Foote, declaring it to be the duty of Congress, at the preeent session, to provide territorial governments for the Territories. SPERCH OF MR. 489 OM THE WILMOT rRovesO. Mr. Cass proeeeded to @ddress the Senate on the question of the Wilmot proviso. He said, there are two principal questions involved in the controversy re- specting the Wilmot proviso; as, indeed there are in all the legislation of Congress. First, whether that | measure {* constitutional; and next, if constitutional whether it is lent. ‘The observations | propose to efler, will be directed chiefly to the constitutional question, though before | close, | shall submit some Dricf remarks upon the expediency of exercising this power, if we postess it. Before, however, proceeding to Ube investigation of our rights aud our duties con- , there are some prelimi- nary Considerations, essential to the progress of the , and to & just conclusion, to which | beg to cail the atteation of the Senate, In the ions which have taken place upon this subject, formeriy and reoestiy, ali those who bave costen fot the power of “Congrers to pass this Wi provine, bave contended for general wand wnlia: I know of uo osition, Phe gat to legis. tion tu the unlrersality of this prop right to institute goveroments, and the rr late over the internal coveerns of those ow lo by our own revolution, is not coutiued to the oor tions here, but extends everywhere — to the jadicial tri- ntators, whose habits of in- ba Me Sergeant, i says © the power ot legislating for a territory ts the inevitabdie oon fequence of the right to acquire territory, ' evidently ds thie exercise of two powers as diferent ia their origin as in their operation And Judge Story takes the rame view, eaying im one piace, that as the go verpment see the 5 to soquire territory, it ‘Would reem to follow that it posterses u Yern what it has so acquired; and 1 tl erritory te islativa is M Rawle, tays, °U Of iegiviating tor © ‘of th Piete jurtediction rites om to aces whatsowver ' And a member ia body (Berrien,) high ip character as jurist and states men bar ebaracter he difference between the govern mts in the territories, on, could ell them foto slavery Ath commendable obarity, he for the wound he inilicts, by assuring as there ia no dan- It would be preposterous to exercise of power hat there if mo thought the Properition the promeness to abuse was very page of the political bistory of the ng ebaracters on our own inetita- it wae the jealousy of this tenden- constiiutions. aud that oa meot may be found there « re ie no pisgiariem in the language the Speaker it wae precieeiy tu legisiation whieh led to our re’ ibject, must be clearly polated out. toargue with any man who does difference between the right of regions, where there ever distant 8 ‘This right also was constitution, The Waat pecessit present time compe'ent to manage their own ‘were our own people, with our — all that constitutes nation- ved their capacity for self portion of the peo- gners, could not be main- tained A vast mI it were known to be American emigranty, who would @lwaysexercise a preponderatiog public measures, What then war there to fear? ‘Bho g of life and death le. ‘airs habits, views, intel alidentity They goverment. The ple of the territories: were left to the 4 that in ques- tion. And tothe might be committed with equal safety, all the other objects of internal legislation. ‘The late proceedings in California to organize ag 2 ment, and the cor ution which has n the are the best proofs that could be offered of th of the people to lay the foundations of their pol tical iustitutiens, wirely justly, What a practical comm: was that constitution upon the doubt which they bad heard expressed in this hall and elvewhere,respectiog the intelligence of those remote territories, and the necessity of restraining them by Congr legislation. He knew of no titution in this Union where the principles of icpal and essive liberty are better ured than in this first it political of ing from the shores of the Pacific, Somuch for the difference, both in prin. ciple and practice, between the power to instituce go- verpments for the territories. and the power of inter- 1 legislation over them. this difference was not & mere speculative one, no which appeals to the feelings of the American people and their rept ves. tered deeply into the question under Je constitutional power of Congress to rr discussion, and. legislate over the territories, and thus presented in the very threshold of this inquiry. There clause in the e@mstitution which gives power to pass @ny law respecting tories =‘ authority was a sources, Wl he proposed to : cluded. But every construction which would give t foreign legislature jurisdiction over the subject of sla- very— by foreign he meant not elveted by the people, to be affketed by their acts, nor respontible to them— would equa ‘y give it jurisdiction over every other de- pariment ofjite, social and political in the territories over the relations of husband aud wite, of parent aod ebild, of guardian and ward, as well as over the rela- tions of Master and rertant, and embrasing within the sphere Of its operations the whole circle of human rights, Personal and political—life, liberty, and pro- perty, im ail their modes ot, enjoyment. I say * th power of Congress over slavery,” for if we have the Power toabolish or exclude it we have the power to reins it. If any one doubted this position, let him furn to the constitutton and show .the limi- tation. Before he could believe that such @ power was ted, #0 remote from the object of the go- vermment which the framers cf the constitution fought to establish, he must abandon many of the illusions he had cherished respecting the Tisdom of the staterman who composed the convea- of 1757, There were various clauses of the consti- tution, and various other sources, foreign und domes- Be, whence this right of unlimited legislation was ht to be deduced Some of these were express con- stitutional grants of power, and they fairly included the authority to bind the territories in all cases what- soever; then there was en end of this question, and they might pass the proviso, and regulete all their other couceras at pleasure. But there were other sources whence the right ts supposed to be indirectly derived — as necessary to the exercise of some power found in the constitution, or some other power found out of thecon- stitution After an argument to show the necessity for ascertaining the extent of this deri power, as claimed, from whence it was derived, Mr. C. reverted to the proposition that Congress has the power ot legisl tion claimed. and ebserved that it this power had been intended to be granted by the constitution, nothing eould bave been casier than for the convention to bare placed it beyond doubt, by « plain expression of the object. It the power" to make needful rules and regu- lations over the territory or other property of the Uni- ted States” —the clause most frequently relied upon by the claimants of this power—conveyed full legislative authority over this property, and over all persons liv- ing on it, thus making man the mere inctdeat of pro- perty, certainly never were words more ushappily el dings.” iti, ubt ich are best adapted to cor to be granted, and no other po & ccnstruction needful rules express terms. were employed wer intended hen, therefore, wa Tule @ phrase so limited was made to convey a power unlimited. No man had attempted to do this, and it was an obstacle in fimine, which, till removed, was in- fuperable. it was a little curious to analyze the di: ent opinions of different speakers and writers on this subject, aud te find what div ralty of vails respecting the true ground of C position, There seemed to be a sort admission, that the power exists; bat then came the diversity of views, when seeking to justify ite exercise by the provisiens of the constitution C’) enumerate the most prominent of these suggestions, and then proceed to test them by the principles of the constitution: — 1. The principal reliance, till recen port of this general power of legislation, Uthat clause of the constitution already « authorizes Congress to’ dispose of, and make all need- , for the sup- as bee other yro recently, this have, in succestion, been brought forward, ax justify- ing Congrerstonal interposition Among these are— ‘The war and treaty making power. 8. The right to admit new States |. The right to ceil the public lands. ‘The right of ownership. The right or duty cf settlement, The right of rover At 3 0 . Mr Cats gave way to @ motion to go into executive session; and, after a brief executive me reic d the traveaction of some routine business, the Senate adjourned House of Representatives, Wasmivorow, January 21, 1950, THE CORAN EXPEDITION Mr. Drown, of Mist, atked leave to introduce a revo- Jution, calling on the Prerideut, if not injurious to the | public interest, to communicate the evidence in bis porression, of a design last summer to St out s military ition im the United States to invade the island of pert, ver, as the subject bas been investiga < | the rame, and all correspondence relating therteo, in- cluding the correspondence of the government with the Governor of Mississippi, or with the Round island- ers, Objected to, Mr. Brown desired to introduce the resolution, that it may lie over. Objected to. ELECTION OF DOORRERPER AND POsTMAST Mr Bent called for the orders of day, being a made by Mr. Ashmun to reconsider the vote by ed the election of Doorkeeper jarob, 1861, aud to lay that motion on the Houre Pentimaater till fostmarter aod offered aresolution having postponed the election until Sergeant at Arms perform the duties per until one can be elected. Mr. Asnmcx objected to the reception of the reso- Jutic asked the Speaker on what ground he made spre te area by the last Co: the practice syevens Denaro, the ol ve continued Lge by E unt their euececstors are a ated. The Chair thought that the offcers could continue to do so, only by the will and sufferance of the Houre. They are not now clearly elected officers of the House, and the Houre enn if they choose, appoint the old eapaci ition from s country m the par seh we bave changed mera i eg? id the arg: deprived. They had eal to, and a legis doct keeper of any other person to act in ty. Mr, Arnmun asked the Chair, on what ground he had decided the reselution to be in order. The Srraxen—On that ot privilege. Mr. Asnaten cla'med, that the iston was wrong, because no one, without © suspension of the rule, caa offer @ resolu f this kind. This would alter the without giving ome day's notice. He ap- rom the decision of the ( hair jcey maintained the ae in order, and dente could be quoted to sustain ft Preston Kixo— We have been several weeks at- ares to organize the House; the real dificulty ia, that the triende of slavery on both sides have been an- ‘Willing to vote for any man Ge to slavery. Pa Srraxen—The question not open that of is stand a ah ee ie 1 will (said Mr. | joted, which | | ful rules and regulations respecting the territory or | belonging to the United States.” More | iauee Bas found less favor and other provisions | | tball ever gimcsity, and wished to move to lay the subject on the- After some conversation uestion of order, poring eat ot Si. king being ate to take his seat, Speaker decided t ir, K, was not entitled to Mr. Scuexcx maintained that the resolution was not inorder. It was to make the S t-at-Arms the oe aa when the two offices, the rules, are Mr. Stanrox, of Tennessee, contended that it was im ‘der at any time to temporary 5 Mr. Geotay said eae late action of the House Horner as Door- ‘was, in effect, the tment of Mr. Keeper, and Mr. Johnston as Postmaster. ‘The usage: pat into a law. that the resolution merely prow duties of Sergeant-at-Arms, until a Doorkeeper. ‘ants MeLxan, of Kentucky, in substance, contended the House had, in effect, solomaly elected a Door- keeper. of Mlinois, thought that the House was: to an elestion. ded, that the election of Door per was not necesrary to an organization, and dit- fered from the Speaker's decision. Mr Bunt remarked. that the constitution directs it the House ebail choore its 8; and other off. then when the Speaker is chosen, the offisers. Mr. MeLaxy, of Maryland, maintained that the elec- tion of Doorkeeper was a question of pri’ A motion was made to the appeal from decision of the Chair on the table; which was decided in the- stive—101 to 104. ‘he queetion recurred on sustaining the, decision of the chair, that the resolution of Mr. Burt was in order. MESSAGES PROM THE PREMDENT, A mestage was received from the President. Mr. Asumun moved the previous ¥ A moti 8 made to adjourn, which was lost. ‘The question on sustaining the chair was decided in the nepative—101 to 102. Mr Lavelmoved that the House go into Committee of the Whole on the several braaches of the President's mierage Mr. Gentay sald there was uxiety to know wef Ueacmloistration on @ wide-spread aud Ksuijeck tlw Understood a message was on the ad hoped the House would by uuanimons con- tent permit it te be read. Mr. Bayty would withdraw his motion for that pur- 6. Pephe Srxaxen aatd t messeges on the table. ‘The fir tion of the gor erpment in the search for Sir Joba Franklin's expedi~ tion, and submitting the propriety of au appropriation to further the object. The next message was ia relas ten to Calitornia as follows: — To the Hover or Rernxsentarives or tue Usrreo Srates. I transmit to the House of Representatives, ia answer to the rerolution of that body, passed on the 2ist og December last, the accompanying reports of Heads of Departments, which contain all the official information in the possession of the Executive, asked for by tue resolution :— On coming ints office I found the mil!tary comman- dant of the department of California exereting the functions of civil governor in that territory; aad, left as I was to act under the treaty of Guadalupe Hidatgo, without the sid of any legislative provision establishing & government in that territory, | thought it best not to disturb the arrangements made under my predecessor, until Congress rhould take come action on that subject. | therefore did not intertere with the powers of the mi. litary commandaut. who contimues to exercise the f tiens of civil governor, as before ; but | made no suc eppolutment, couferred no such authority, and have al- lowed increased compemsation to the commandant fer his services, With a view to the faithful cation of the treaty, so far as laid in the power of the Executive, acd to epable Congress to act at the ent session with as full knowledge and as little difficulty as - all matters of interest lo there t sent m. Thomas Butler Ki bea patches litornia,eud certain officers to Cal are particularly defined in the ing letters of instruction, oe ae a follo ritories my denire that « tocowply with the requt United States Si grees, with a prayer for admis- Union as a State; but I di et or authorize the establish erpment without the assent of Congress y government agent or officer to int cise any influence or control over. the legates, or over any or modifying their domestic insti of the provisions of the instru; of every other Stat ubject only to the propositions end | expressly eet forth ju the constitution of the Vaieed States. The ect thus left exclusively vf | frem , which have tofore oscur- Ted. bave been safely passed, bat daring the faterval, of | whatever length. thet may elapse before the admission of the Territories ceded by Mexioo, as States, 1t a) = prob t similar exeitements will prevail w extent. | nder these eireumptances, | thought, e think, that fi was my duty to endeavor te put ef of Con the wdwienion of Cull- tive progress of execution before | reached’ me from Celifernie. If the stitution shall, when submitted to | found to be in compliance with cf the constitution of the United States, cc mmend that it may receive gers The part of California not porrd State of that name, is believed +xorpt ima settioment of our p Ey 1 has been ry exas to a very large district of the territory come Bi of New Mexico. bad formed @ pian of State terifory, as ceded by the Hidalgo, and bad been admitted ® State, our Constitution would have of obtaining an adjustment of the diebal ver, bo judicial tribunal bas the eiding that question, and it rematns for Congress Lace Geviee some mode for its adjustment. M fubmit to Congress (he question, whether it expedient before euch aijuctment, to the district geection torial government, which. by 4 claimed, would pract decide Yersely to the Sate of Texas; exoli decide it in favor, this regard, will meet among American \ our own countrymen, not Ii gr dee and patriotiem, and no strain them in the exercise of an un: ‘lislly guarantied to them ph oome A me. or persone under my authorit} ea teat im the rechdue of the territeey, Mexieo, the people residin, thetr incorporation into th t questions of demestic pol material inconvenience wi! & short per! joted by treaty of enoouraged te it very, Mr. Jowstox, of Arkansas, hoped the gentleman would be permitted te goon (Hear him) Mr Kiso— This bas been the difficulty on both sides of the Howse, Mr. McLave. of Varyland, called Mr. King to order. The Srraxen decided him out of order. Mr. Kive eald that he was stating what was the real Political «ys- connect Union is ce Of past happiness, t bran i