The New York Herald Newspaper, October 23, 1849, Page 2

ADDITIONAL EUROPEAN INTELLIGENCE. The German Ficet. 4 ‘The progress made by Germany in organizing a fleet is not without interest in this country. It will be recollected that efforts were made, not without some success, to obtain the aid of several Amen ean naval officers, and that the steamship United States was purchosed in this city by Rothschild’s agent for the Confederation. It will also be re- collected that the Acadia and Britannia, the Cunard steamers, were also purchased for the same ser- vice. Apart from political considerations, with these facts in view, the following extracts will be read with interest :— From a Berlin letter, September 29.) | Some ttle interest was yesierday (hrewa into the otherwise tedious and, to foreigners, sterile debates of the Chambers, on the revision of the constitu- tion, by a series of questions put by Ammon to the government, relative to the ¢ ly reported intention of the central power to remove the Gere | man fleet, now in the Weser, to the Mediterranean, for the double purpose of naval practice (somewhat Jate in the year for experimental eruises), and for security during winter. The questions were these: —Whatsteps have been taken, siuce the central | wer has been disavowed, to ensure the rights of Prussia,in regard to the German fleet?” What facts are known to the goverament, relative to or- ders issued to the fleet, to hold itself in readine: for sailing upon the 15th of October next? Y claim has the government put forward, in so far as it is concerned, in regard to this measure ? | What steps have been or are to be taken by go- vernment, to oppose, exetasnoally, a measure so dangerous to Germany? M. Ammon having ob- tained permission to explain his questions, said the fatal diszensions and schisms in Germaoy had ex- tended their enfeebling eflects to the fleet, the ne- cessity for the strength of which had been proved m the Danish war, where the weaker had been able to cripple the stronger power, by blockading her ports. The fleet had been established not only | through the medium of patriotic gifts, but by con- tributions from each State. The latter, however, had only been in part paid by German governments; | for Austria was still indebted 1,500,000, Bavaria | 600,000, Saxony 189,000, and Luxemburg (Nether- \ lands) 41,000 ‘dollars; and yet the two former | wished to get the fleet .to their hands. This | fleet now consisted of three steain frigates, four | steam corvettes, one guard ship, and twenty-four gun boats, exclusive of the Prussian navy. In ad- | dition to these, two steam corvettes, destined as mode! ships, were in process of completion. M. Ammon then asked rl the fleet was to be seat, and why it was sent, to Trieste, to be placed under the orders of a Danish edmiral in the Austrian ser- vice, and for the purpose of leaving the German waters at the merey of Denmark? Ifaay country | had a right to nterpose, it was Prussia, for she had contributed four million dollars towards the esta- | blishment and equipment of the vessels. ‘+I and | my friends,” exclaimed M. Ammon, * raise our | voices to warn the government of the danger, and say to them, Videant Conswles, ne quid detrimenti | respublica capiat. We wish to strengthen and | support the government, and to assure them, whea the honor and welfare of Germany are menaced, not only we, but the whole country, will stand by og em. To this the Minister of Foreign Affairs (M. de | Schleinitz,) replied, “The establishment of a Ger- man fleet was the heartfelt desire of the govern- | ment. Notwithstanding the extraordinary expen- ses entailed on the State, Prussia had subscribed $900,000 extra for this purpose. The fleet, at this moment, lies inthe Weser, and is still under the charge of the central power, no longer acknow- ledged by Prussia. As the government cannot enter into relations with this disavowed power, it has entered into negotiations with Hanover, whit sub-negotiates with Frankfort. These negotia- tions are not yet mature, and it is not possible to | gay more at present, than that Llanover acts in this | manner under a perfect understanding with Prus- sia and other German States, and has adopted measures forthe maintenance of the fleet. Up to the present time the government has not received official information of the fleet being directed to self ready to sail. One thing is, however, the fleet cannot winter in the Weser. s d the current reports be confirmed, and should the projected plan be really put in execution, | the Prussian government will consider it as a pro- | found violation of its mghts, and a tlagrant breach of faith. Certainly, the sudden administering of an oath of fidelity to the crews (by orders of the cen- tral power) gives strength to these reports, but the government is iling to suppose that the central power can be so completely ignorant of its position 48 to attempt to dispose, ot its own seif-will, of the commen property of Germany. Nevertheless, the government will keep a watchful eye upon this affair, and adopt every means in its power to mains tam the rights of Prussia and the allied powers.” M. de Schleimitz sat down aiter this sturdy decla- ration amidst the applause of the house. Of the in- tention of the central power to commut this trifling act ot diplomacy—we forbear hareher terms—there can be little doubt, although, as no official notice been issned, the project will perhaps be denied and abendoned. Should it be otherwise, and should the fleet obey the orders to sail, in despite of coun- ter orders iss to them by other powers, the measure will go far to bring about an open rupture between Austria and Prussia, aad wil add to the endless complications in which the German question is involved. It is certamly moet paradoxical and anomalous on the pert of Austria, who was the first to disavow the central power and the Frank- fort gathering, and who is indebted in the sum of one mullion-and-s-helf dollars to the fleet, now making use of that power to place it where it can render no service to Kegon and thus, in fact, taking possession of the veseels, in lieu of paying her quota of the conimbution. Be this as it may, the fhets above stated prove the deep dissensions that exist, and I hear that disunion exists not oaly wy land, but by sea, It is generally beheved that the governments of Anhalt-Dessau and Coethan have concluded a negotiation whereby their mili- tary force will be placed under the orders of Pras- sie, end exercise, during the spring or autumnal mencuvres, with the Prussian corps d’armée. The report of the Anhalt troops being sent into Prussian and Prussian into Anhalt garrisons is unfounded. [From the London News. | The Cora, one of the three fine steamers built by Messrs. Patterson and Co., of Bristol, trom draws ings by Mr. William Morgan (of the launching of which an account appeared in the Daily News early in July), being finished and equipped for se experimental inp tock place on Thursday, to whieh the Mayor of Bristol, Mr. J. K. Huberfield, the re- presentatives of the press, and about fifty geatle- men, were invited. The Cora, although nominally a merchant ship, is well understood to be a war steamer, and built for the government of the Ger- man States (it was originally stated for the Em- peror of Austria). She is mtended for sailing pur- poses, 1s of full briganiine rig, and carries an enor- mous quantity of canvass; and her engines, being mere 3 ar xillary, are of low power—270 horse. a They have oscillating cylinders of aches dia- meter, and tubular boilers. like the Thames river boats; have a 4 feet 6 inches stroke, and small paddles, their diameter being 19 fect. “They wer Manufectured by Messrs Miller and Ravenhill, of London. The anchor, with 50 fathoms of chain, was hove and stopped in six minutes by Brown's patent capetan, Which works the cable itself, Without messenger and nipper?, and with a bow cable and deck pipe stoppers, aflords a new, but simple and perfeet, control over the cable. The engines begun with 18 revolutions, and worked up to jons per minute, when the log gave speed of 10, knote, with a strong head wind, an against Several nautical persons on board stated their beli with her sails and full 13 knots. She answered cing brought round almost minutes end 50 seconds. Hi fee. 3 inches wide, and 17 aod her burthen, by adm- She is of remarkably strong , fastened with staple and hanging knees to eveiy beam; her keel and garboard streaks upon Lang's improved principle, and her timbers duugo- nally fastened upon the plan of Sir Robert Sep- pings. They are caulked and bolted together, and at the bottom payed over, to form a solid mass, The Cora has been built and fitted for sea in less than six months from the date of the contract, and to be commanded by Captain Reichstadt. Ther was a magnificent dinner given on board, and va- ious toasts were drunk. ming, she could de her hem beoutifully in her own wake in She is 1% feet long, feet deep in the ho! The Germen Question—The Union of the German States, (From the London Times, Oct. 1.] It now seems hichly probable, from the improved tone of the relations between the German States and the judicious union which exists between the | Prussian governinent and the Prussian Assembly, | that some progress has actually been made in the formation of that closer league of Northern Ger. | many which has been projeated by the Court of | Prussia, and accepted by those of Hanover anc Dresden. For the first time sinee the commen: ment of these constitutional experiments, the Pruse #ian chombers have learned that their primary duty is, not to embarrass and overthrow the |ing’s vernmen’, but to shape and support its poliey when- ever iis eflorte are directed to the promotion of na- ticnel interests, No attempt has been made lodge Count Brandenburg and his colleagues moderate liberals have telt the importance of pre serving the imon of the con tive party ; they have also, perhaps, acknowledged th the | and | the | Ministers who have eo reeently saved the from the greatest pent alee thowe most fo atten the grand ot of natieorel am It ie oliendy evident thet the military power of Prurem, the deeciplioe of her army, the mumbers ond tleciity of her Landwehr, an the comquest | cy than the empty debates of rankfort, or the na- tuliilled pledges of list year. Baden has literally been conquered and oeevpied by @ Prussian army, which hol ing Southern and Central Germany are already self- medtatized, for they are eager to divest themselves of a sovereign independence they have not the power to defend, and to become what they strictly were of old Austria, Boveria and Wurtemberg alone retain an independent course, which they have taken means to preserve and to defend. Germany is irresistibly drawn towards the Prus- sien combination ; and that is precisely the change which political relations of this country, from our con- nexion with Hamburgh, Hanover, and the States of the northern coast. mercial League, the efforts ef the cabinet of Berlin have been constantly directed to the acquisition of the are naturally in possession of the mar | tellagent govers ic party, have | those of the River Plate,and of avoidun, egeiponneens: ye chastisement of the democratic party, hay Menett eaitker part tee eee repre ofereegi. in politics as in war, lies in concentratum. ‘one far more for the cause of Prussian ascendan- ds very much the language of a conquer power. Some twenty of the mor princes of he peers ef a Germanic empire. But Northern inost interesting to the commereial and From the first formation of the Prussian Com- ates which ‘iume come: merce of Germany. These States, however, formed a commercial union of their own, ditierin from that ot Prussia by the relative moderation their import duties.“ Whilst, therefore, Pi a was continually solicited, by her commercial allies in the south, to persevere in a system of high duties and protective tarfls, her advances to her more immediate neighbors were, invariably repelled as long as they were couched in terms obviously inju- rious to their foreign trade. Political events ap- pear at this time to have mereased the probability that some arrangement will be etleeted ; but polt- tical events have not altered the permanent interests of these States and cities, and if Prussia hopes to place them in dependence upon herself, she must the more caretully respect those principles of com- mercial freedom which their independence has hitherto secured. ts ‘The prosperity of a cemmercial port, evidently depends as reuch uponits connexion witli aa inland population of producers and consumers as upon its \oreign relations, Liverpool 1s the port of the menufacturing districts of Bogland, even more than it is the port of the American trade; and on the opposite coast of Great Britain the Humber serves at once as the outlet of Yorkshire, and the inlet of our imports from the north of Lurope. To eonnect these ports with the manufacturing districts has been the first and most important object of our system of railroads. On the continent, however, a strange notion has long prevailed, that some very great benefit was conferred upon a place of trade By converting it into what is termed *¢a free port ;” that is to say, by isolating it fromthe land to which it belongs by a line of inland custom-houses, which leave it open to the sea, so that duties are collec- ted, not on landing merchandise, but on its entry for inland consumption, A city so placed is in fact a large warehouse, and persons living in it may receive all commodities free of duty; yet, as a matter of public isterest, all the advantages of this system are equally attained by the introduction Tanseatic towns, and of those | of free warehouses, with the right to land and sell goods in bond ; but the existence of a line of cus- iom-houses which intercents the freedom ot com- munication on the side of the land is an evil pro- bably greater thum the existence of such custom- houses on the coast. Such is from various eir- cumstanees pretty nearly the present position of the principal trading cities on the northern coast of Germany. They enjoy great freedom of trade with the vest of the worl at they are cut off by aline of eustom-houses from the great mass of German consumers whom it is their principal bu- sinessto eee By raising the duties on this line, their trade, which is one of transit, must be se- riously injured, though they might retaliate by other restrictions on the exports transmitted to them for shipment. But asa general principle the interests of countries so situated are the same, and ought to be made the subject of a common agreement. Under these circumstances, we see no reason to apprehend that the uniea of Hambugh and the other Norther ports with the commercial league, of which Prussia 1s the head, will be attended with consequences injurious either to their own mer- cantile prosperity, or to their relations with our- selves. For if itbe a great political ebject with Prussia to extend her intluence to the Northern coast, it is evident that such an union ean only be established and perpetuated by conditions which may prove beneficiel to all perties. The yoke of a foreign ora domestic power would prove an in- toleral!e oppression to such a city as Savtrash if itinterrupted the mercantile connections which have been the growth of centuries, or sacrificed the welfare of an industrious end independent community to some ill-digested scheme of political unity. Hamburgh is not called upon to make any sacrifices for such an object, since, in giving her- self to the Prussian league, she bestows more than she is likely to receive; whereas, the interests which the Court of Berlin is bound to respect in these trading cities are also the real interests of the nation. It deserves aleo to be borne in mind that the ac- cession of these important States to the Prassian system would bring with ita powerful reinforce- ment to the cause of commercial liberty. | The strength of the protective party in Germany lies in he South, and it is the clamor of their organs in Bavaria and) Wurtemberg which has mainly tended to, raise rather than to lower the scale of duties in the Zollverein. Probably the interests of Prussia herself would have been more effectually promoted, even in the formation of that associ- ation, by a close alliance with the system of low duties in the North, than by the adoption of the high cuties demanded by the South. But political events have now weakened the conaection of Pras- sia with the South, whilst they are extending her influence in the North; and if this change is to as- sume a definite and permanent shape, it can hardly fail to induce the Prussian government to throw its weight more decidedly into the scale of com- mercial ireedem. Any attempt to incorporate the Northern cities by politieal or military means would create excessive discontent, because it would injure the practical interests of those ports; and trade would at once be driven by the restric. {a protective system from the basins of nand Homburgh to the depots of contraband ‘oeds in Holland, Belgium and Heligoland. We have, therefore, great confidence that the North- ern States will either join the League of the Three Kings vpon terms which will protect and improve their v commercial interests, or that they will preserve their independence, The River Plate Question, | TUR CONTINVRD INTERFERENCE OF THR FRENCH GOVEKNMENT—THE DEPARTURE OF A NEW. &X- PEDITION— THE POUSSIN AVPAIR IN WATHING LOX, ETC. [From the London Times, Oet. 4) | The mail for Brazil and Buenos Ayres, which leaves London this day, will take out a distinct in- timation that the intentions of the French govern- ment with reference to a fresh expedition into the | River Plate had been overstated; that no military armament 16 now contemplated at Brest; and that | the ev r who succeeds Admiral Lépré- dour m the Kiver Plate will sail in command of a squadron of fresh vessels merely to relieve the ships end crews which have already served their full time on that station, and are recalled. We rejoice to find that this expedition is dieavowed or abandoned, not from eny unworthy or misplaced jealousy of its re- | sults, but from a convietion that, as im the case of | mM projected some yeara ago against chan enterprise would lead to no Ma will be made to the vanity of the Nation: bly will probably prevent the adjustment of aff in the River Plate, and ut che passion for display and the appeals which al Ass a bly impartconsiderable acrimony to this fresh dispute (the Poussin afiair) withthe cabinet of Washington. ‘To such ques- tions, extreme publicity, and popular debates oa pending negotiations, are what a current ot air is to a fire; the spark which smoniders under the ashes, and might expire bya little neglect, is fanned into a flame which may reach every part of the edi- fice. For these purposes, the French constitution js opfinitely below that of the United States, which has retoimed in the Senate a body acting in the spirit of a privy council, yet endowed with the au- thority of a branch of the legislature, That mstitation hes saved the honor and the policy of the United States in all its foreiga rela- tiens, from the ratification ot Mr. Jay’s treaty in 1724, down to the convention for the partir tion of the Oregon territory; and it may be af- firmed that many of the transactions most easen- tial to the peace and real interests of the nation would have been frustrated by the factious divi- sions, or the upreflecting temper, of more popular assemblies. In France no such institution exists, and the more delicate and arduous the foreigu Jations of the republie may chance to become, the more impracticable will it be to maintein the due enthority of sound policy, justice, and wisdom. ‘The executive government ceases to have power to act up to its own convictions; the most far- sighted stateeman finds his horizon cireamseribed by the prejudices or passions of the multitude ; and the exercise of power is clogged with such re- straints that its duties are lowered and its respon- sibilities weakened. The history of the treaty for the pacification of the River Plate will probably illustrate, ona small seale, this tendency of the institutions of France ; but we shall see sume difieulties recur on every occasion on which the course of the government is hable to be counteracted by personal opposition or popular cla- mor. Under “such conditions it 1s more than doubtful whether any complete and efiective sys- tem of foreign policy can be founded or pursued. Tre Torkish Question, {From the London Sfandard of Freedom, Oct. 6.) ‘Lhe reed ot Kussian presumption, which the ert- minal apathy of our government, regarding the vio- cation of the rights of Rome and Hungary hes sown, 8 springing with a rapidity that already astonishes all Europe. When we said, some months ago, hat this base truckling to absolutism, this gross neglect of the principle of non-intervention by this country, would compel it, ere long, to stand in the gap when it had ceased to be generous, and was merely geltish, we scarcely expected to see our word so speedily realized. “But the success of the Autocrat of Russia, in the work of aggression on human rights, seems to have actually phrenzied him. it was said that, on the first news of his vic+ tory over the Hungarians, he danced in his shirt. He has now gone a step farther, and is dancing naked before all Europe. A more undraped, un- disguised object of royal arrogance and velf-will never stood before the eye of civilization. He has wreaked his hatred on a free-spirited nation con- tending bravely with its own sovereign for its con- stitunonal rights, and he now abruptly menaces another independent soveign with war and rapine if he will not violate the rights of nations and the laws of a sacred hospitality, that he may dip his hands in the blood of men who have made their names resound all over the world, for their patri- otic devetion. . This foul and insolent demand has brought out in singular rehet the virtue of the Mahomedan, contrasted with the savagery of the pretended Christian end emissary of G: We rejoice that in this crisis the representatives of France and England have stood forward as became these two reat nations. Unsupported by them, the Turkish vower would speedily full into the jaws of the great bear that has eo long been gaping to make it his prey. With their co-operation it has nothing to ear. Nay, we cannot but regard it_as an auspi- ious crreumstance that the designs of which Rus- eia has been suspected are thus brought suddealy to the light. The eagerness with which the Czar has rushed to a quarrel with the Sultan, on the heels of his Hungarian success, is proof to the whole world of the avidity with which ke watches for the conquest of Constantinople. There ean no longer be any doubt of the reality of these designs of uggrandizement, based in that possession, which are suid to extend themselves deep into the heart of Western Europe, and far on through Circassia into British India. ; The timely disclosure will tend to defeat or to delay rend ind object. There 1s not a power in Europe which will not feela jealous etart on the cecasion. The interests and the ambition of Fronce will tend to rescue her, on this discovery, | from the subservient part which the persoaal schemes of her President were preparing for her. We have no tears, under these circumstances, for Turkey; we have none of war. We believe it is quite true that the result of the Cabinet Council summoned by Lord Palmerston instantly on the re- ceipt of the news of the Czar’s audacious act is the order of the British Mediterranean fleet to the Peaperes. ‘This prompt aititude of resistance, no doubt, accompanied by a suitable remonstrance, will not be lost on the Russian monarch, half fran- uc a he may be with his late triumph. . But whether this be the case or not, wheiher we are driven into war or not, what 18 the opinion which the publie Mould entertain of those base journals whie have labored 80 zewlously to bri about this crisis! What words are strowg enoug! to depict the infamy of those wretched seribes who have leat themselves to laud and justify the career of the Czar, w has led him to this pean? To bring Cossacks to shoot down the brave Hungari on their own soi! contending for their liberties, was the act which found creep ing adulators even in high-hearted England. But even there perverted souls now atlect surprise that such a policy should resolve itself into such an end, Even these organs of unrighteousness now desert the cause of the Antocrat, as if he had shed them by some unexpected perfidy. hie 1s what we could not anticipate,” says the Timer. Is it then eo much worse to attack ‘Tur key than Hungary? Is it 0 much worse to menace invasion because he is denied the gratili- cation of hanging a few heroes than to ravage a Whole country merely because he is invited to be- come the executioner of a perjured ruler? The recult seems to us precisely that which might be expected. It is that which three-fourths of the Engheh prees have tor some time predicted. “Tis but a stepping-stone to ‘Turkey,” waa the asser- hen, and the Czar has lost no time in verity ng it. . We trust that no time will be lost by the pab- lic in denouncing, in the terms it ments, this fresh outroge of th tegée of the Times. The execra- tion which was poured forth, in the London tav- ern, on the Czar and his satelites in this country, should now be redoubled in its honest vehemence. Let itbe remembered, that the same organs that are in the interest of the Emperor of Russia here, ere those which are also daily toiling to drive from office Lord Palmerston. | It is their aim to eripple and expel from the ministry, the only tadiyioeal that the enemies of European treedom are in ter rorof. The crime of the Foreign Secreta that he is well aware of the sinister desigas of the despois, and heartily disposed to defeat them. It is well known, that no expense is spared to these ends, and it will require the, vigilance and the hon- est carnestness of the British public, to protect both foreign liberty and the Minister who, athome, result at all, far exceeding government might be disposed to despatch to | nlees it were undertaken on a scale | at of the forces which the French | South Ametica in the present state of Lurope.— | We should, moreover, have deplored any decided difference between the policy to be pursued by France and by England towards Montevideo and Buenos Ayres, for any such difierence would not | only have increased the jealousy and animosity which have occasionally broken out betweon French and English interests in that quarter, but | it might be regarded as a triumph for Ko to have succeeded in dissolving the formidable corn bination of the two leading maritime powers against himself. | ‘The opinions of M. Thiers on the Montevidean | question are known to be extremely decided, and extremely hostile to the pretensions of Rosas. His influence is undoubtedly continually exercised | against the species of compromise which has been proposed, and it must be borne in mind that by present constitution of the French Republic, it is not so much with the executive government as | with the National Assembly that the ratification of treaties rests, hiers possesses sufficient eredit with a yertion of the conservative majority, | who ed his practical talents and obey his oc- | cult influence, to induce them to rejret the treaty negotiated by Admiral Léprédour and Mr. Southern, in its presentshape. ‘To the other perplexitiesof this | «mbarrasing question, a ministerial defeat might thus be added; and the greater probability 1s that the French government will resume and continue negotiations at Buenos Ayres without_giving any gtent activity to its naval operations. The obe vious inconvenience of this course is, that it af+ fords a pretext to Rosas for the prolongation of hostilities, and that the commercial community may still long be excluded from the advantages to he anticipated from the pacification of the River d the independence of Monte Video meets eee cogs Naat mah waa Hut the more experience we acquire of this form | of popular government, expecially as epplied to the icresgn relations of great nations, the more appa- rent is it thet they do not possess the art of keeping | politicians out of hot water, or of guiding the | course of empires by the striet laws of forbearance | od the public interest. Any dispassionate and in- | nt. really master of tts own re- sources and responsible for its decistons, would ac- Anouledge the expediency of withdrawing in such times as these from such petty and sterile guestions as _———————————————— eee | ceived by the Shab dares to be its defender. ‘The enemy has amongst us ; let us send from our very hew a shout of abhorrence of hia deeds, as ehall co vince him that we know it, and will counteract his secret machinations. We are anxious to preserve peace, butif we do not unmask and discounte- nance the pandere of the Czar, their adulations will nvolve us in war with him. Already, invited by Austria, and hounded on by the cheers and ap- plause of British —— he imagines himself a new gunpowder aposile—a second Mahomet, going to convert the world by the eword. We shall see now whether the British government,once aroused, will show itself able, by its vigorous policy, to exe ricate us from the dilemma into which its guilty ndiflerence has plunged us. We are confident, that a few wholesome truths will next week ema- nate from the great meeting called to discuss the question of the Austrian loan, and will find an echo in the heart of indignant Lurope. Persia and Turkey. THE PERSIAN MODE OF RECEIVING MINISTER. A curicus and dramatic scene is reported to have lately taken place at the Court of Persia, Tho young Shah has been passing the holy mouth of Ramazan, which happens this year to coincide with the dog days, in a spacious garden not far from Teheran. | The envoy of reat Christian eovereign, having demanded an audience of his Majesty, an hour was appointed for the cere- mony. His Excellency, on arriving in due season at the royal encampment, was ushered into a tent, where he repored a moment, while his arrival was ennounced tothe Mahometan successor of Varius ond Xerxes. Searcely had he taken a seat, when his ears were assailed by the sound of rep heavy blows, mingled with the most piteous cries of teiror and agony. Searcely had he time to com- prehend that a grand public execution was the cauee of these df trersing sounds, when he was 's attendants, and hurried fe A FORKIGN ward to the royal ee ater and more revolting shock awaited him. xecutioners dragging the yet pulpitating tranks cteight headless vietime, deeapitated before the Shob, met hin in his path, and rudely shoved him acide to mane way for their hideous train of ear- nege end mutilation, On reaching the Court circle, pale, agitated, and confused, he re. maincd for some seconds in an ode of speechlece horror. The Shah, with an air of com- posure which would have done him honor on the field of buttle, inquired if the Envoy was un- well; and then, for the firet time, in language of just indignation, learnt What even the most des- potie court ¢f Europe would think of the bloody und barbarous reception just given to its represen- tative. Besides the appearance ot insult offered to a friendly sovereign, no hght shade of odiam was castupon the throne, when thus converted from a seat of judement and merey into the shambles of a butcher, Itis rumored that the king of kings, abashed by so weil deserved a reprool hung tus head yn the silence of youthful shame; and that the indignant envoy, On repeating his complamt to the Prime Minster, received the coa- roling assurance that he had probably earned, by twenty minutes ef annoyance, the satistaction of putting au end to a berbarous and hateful practice, which though belongmg to the good old times ot Persia, Was not the less a seandal, to the age and a dishonor to the crown, There isa deep moral in such ineidents—the finger of Providence appears in them. It isnot to be supposed that the court of Persia sought purposely to insult a great power, by muking is representative the unwilling eye- witness of a brutal spectacle of blood. No one, pethaps, thought of the indeceney of coupling a ublie execution with the audience of a foreign ambassedor. The Shah, from a mistaken sense of duty or an hereditary passion for executions, having ordered that the supposed. criminals should be tortured and beheaded before him, the audience in question was probably appointed for the same hour, frem a mere motive of convenience, without ony further design or consideration. Lut the diplomatist was naturally disturbed by so great an outrage to his sense of propriety, aud, uore- strained by the stffness of a laced coat, the man’s heart leaped unconsciously forth, and tor once at a royal audience the plain, unpremeditated truth was spoken out with becoming treedom. Prince D. hud a right to take offence, and, ata distance of many hundred furlongs and versts from the scene, there was one to whom he could appeal for redress, and who was not to be offended with impunity. It is difficult to bring such actions into comparison with each other, and not at the same tume to contrast them mentally with the imfrove- ments, whether in matiers of admmistration or of policy, which are daily observed in Turkey. Far trom presiding in person at the solemn expiation of cume by personal suffering, the sovereign of Tu: key issues with reluctance bis warrant for a pub! execution, and allows no capital sentence to be carried into effect without an open trial, a legal conviction, and the sanction of his supreme coun- cil. He has abolished torture—he has forbidden ent of the bastinado, and the measures of, his government tend continually to an equal ad- ministration of the laws to all classes of ‘his sub- jects. The same benevolence appears in his exter- nal policy. Though united by ties of amity and mutual good will with all the powers of Europe, he joins with no alliance of sovereigns in a league against constitutional principles and the progres- sive upprovement ef seciety; he maintains order in his own dominions ; but even in the performance of that supreme duty, he tempers justice with mercy. The Russian Empire, THE EFFECT OF THE HUNGARIAN CAMPAIGN ON THE RUSSIAN FINANCES. A letter from Kalisch, daten Sept. 23d, says:— The Rureian campaign in Hungary, short as at was, has not been unattended with a certain ac- tien on the financial state of Russia. Previous to it there was not money enough in hand for detray- ing the necessary, peel sp and preparations, and the delivery of supplies for the armies march- ing to Hungary had to be effected in the form of requisitions, only partly by means of paper money, mostly with bons or receipts, nay, sometimes these supplies were ‘collected as an equivalent for future taxes that would be due, but which were not yet. That this was done from no prudential apprehension respecting the tedious duration of the war, but literally from want of cash, is proved by the requisition now enforced of winter stores for the advancing troops, which is done in pre- cisely the same manner. As is well known at the outset of the war, all the imperial sums of pe id lent out on mortgage were called in by due notifi- cation, and this is at least a very sigatticative lan- rus FS The Russian debt, therefore, which in all fike hood amounts to 5+0 millions of silver rubles, has been considerably increased im foreign parts by this Hungarian war; that isto say, if the Rus- sion ministerial financiers succeeded in getting up a loan in foreign paris; but it ig notorious that they did not succeed. In times of peace, the mainte- nance of the army alone, notwithstanding the fla- grant mode of doing it, cost 26 millions of silver rubles, in which it 1s certainly to be observed, that here, ws well as in ali Russian givings out and takings, in pretty nice little sams, stick to the fin- gers of the officials, something more than what stuck to the besket with which Ali Baba measured the vequins he had lugged home from the cave of the Forty Thieves. By the Hungarian war, the above sum wes enormously increased; and since the army had to be yee with gold and silver, why the persons who delivered the supplies had to be tobbed off with * bons,” although the Bank ef As- signats has iseued no less than 700 millions of silver rubles, which serves at the same time asa proof, that even in Russia there is a pleatiful seareny of the precious metals. Itis true that Ruseian money hes not to such a degree the trick of emigrating 48 Austrian money has. The large sums that went to France, and which have been much talked of since, have for the most part found their way back again as payment ter corn and flour, for in the year 1517 Russia sold no less than, teventy-five millions of silver rubles worth of brendetutie, nearly a third of which went te France. As for the national treasury in the fortress of Peter and Paul— which amounts to 102 millions of silver rubles in bullion—this, it is true, is a nice litle thing in its way, but no national trea- sure for a colossal empire, that wears the Ural, with its productive mines for its belt, even with- out teking into account the circumstance that the som in question is much doubted by a chosen few. Nor is the profit from the Siberian mines so great as itis declared to be, though the State lays out on them seven millions of silver rubles a year, The Ruesian accounts make out the quantity of gold obtained by Russia, as compared to what is get vit yepn and Transylvania, to be in the ratio of 21 to 4; but this ratio exists more on paper than in reality. That Russia’s national debt must continue to increase, is necessary from the cireum- stence, that the ordinary outgoings of the State already exceed the inceniings, causing an annually progressive deticit in the revenue. The Russian revenue (taxes, duties, monopolies, &e.) does not amount te more than 100 millions of silver rubles, whereas the yearly expenses and meats come to at least 160 millions, and these are proportioned out on account of the army, the ministry of the interior, the fleet, the privy purse of the emperor, the manufactories of the crown, for education, &c.; nor must the sums devoted to the police and the spies, the bnbing at_home and abroad, be left out of the calculation. Under such circumstances and such a financial state, Russia cua have no peculiar relish fora war at any time; but it will most as- edly accept one, either when provoked, or te it considers itself obliged to do so tor main- taining its principle, a principle of equal and pa- Tamount importance with its very existence, as was literally the case ia the Liungarian instance. Affairs in Spain. MOVEMENTS OF THE RUPSTAN DIPLOMATS ON THE PENINSULA. Advices from Madrid of the 27th ult., say :— A Russian count here, on an ostensible _ journey of pleasure, but furmehed with credentials that have at once admitted him into the society of the most elevated circles, has been received by some of the ministers with mach empressement. Ihave heard (and from an authority usually exceedingly we'l informed) that the recognition of Queen Isa- bellais on the tapis, one of the conditions being that in case his Imperial Majesty should feel it his duty to go on with his work of restoring order to Europe—that is to eay, riveting old chains and forging new ones—he should be enabled to reckon upen Lei allowed, in case of its being expedient to ettack France, to disembark troops in the Span- ish peninsula. ‘The Acquisition o1 ba by the United % [From the London New: hag md 25.) If ever there was a colony with the elemeats of greatness, it is Cuba. As the colony of a tropical climate, its wealth produced by the labor of the negro slave, it stands alone in that great condition both of civilisation and security—its white popula~ tion exceeds its black. Ot the million souls ia ore than one-half are of Spanish origin, Which shows that it contains not merely a caste of proprietors, but amiddle class of industrious men of Leropean deseent, and even of laborers. This arent mass of population has sprang up, too, within hide more than halfa_centary; and in © of the reial freedom which the pd convulsions of Enrope procured tor Cuba, in de- spite of the ignorent tyranny of the mother coun- try, the extensive fertility of the island, its position, ire requirements, its produce, the facilities ef com- munication by sea end land which it possesses, nove all contributed to render it the true Eldorado, adventurers, and found by none. et fi it dependency that could have vento en European country was Cuba. Ard Spain has more facilities for keeping it, than ony other country can have for its western colo- Its half-million of the Spanish race ia the lation nearly equal in amount, ave been a strong link to bind it to the mother country, Menaced by the ambition of the peeple of the United States, it might, a8 portion ot on old monarchy, and of the old laim the protection not only of Spain, but of oer countries allied with Spain, ond interested in the independence of these weatera y lends. But, with all this, Cuba is ao unportant, and more than a se!f-subsistent land. It is no hittle bark, to be towed after a crazy old vessel. It has wider necessities and faciliues of wade, and to Spain «anposing a head tax upon He it has done, the idea is intolerable ani posterous. The halt-million of the Spani-h race im Cuba, too, must have some show of seli- overnment. To suppose that an island situated petween Jemaica, San Domingo, and Fiorida, should rest contented with the stupid tyranny of a nulitary viceroy, responsible to no one, is insanity. Vat the moderado generals und statesmen who govern Spain have no idea of conceding to popular necessities. Repression, resiste executions, these form their We know not how long they mey ri ch such a rod, but Cuba they will certainly lose if they go on with their stupid conservatism, [t 18 difficult to say whether the rule of such men as Roneali, O'Donnell, and Taecon, is more disgusting to the Spanish population of Cuba or to the black popolation, The worst form of slavery exists in the farms of Cuba; the most miserable and punc- vihous tyranny disguets the European race of the Havana. Unless some politicrans, liberal and wise, attain to power in Madrid, and apply ther- selves to change the entire administration of Cuba, itis decidedly lost to Spain. It doesnot, however, follow that, because it shakes off the yoke of Spain, it is to put on that of the Anglo-Saxon race of the United States. The whites of Cuba have no need of the federation to protect them against the negroes. Nor have they need of any such aid to protect them from too ‘sudden emancipation. They form a powerful bedy, wealthy enough to support a large army. They have every material of self-government and selfdefence. Cuba is not, like other islands in the same latitude, exploité by speculative foreigners or sojourners on the island. Its proprietors live on it, inerease in it, and have their progeny to provide for in connexion with the island, not in connexion with such sums as may be extracted from it. Such a body, with such ia- teresis and views, would soon see the necessity ot stopping the influx of any more savages from Africa; and with the prohibition of that trade would commence a very diflerent treatment of the slaves, and steps towards their final emancipation. le maxim of politic: j¢ Spain with Affairs In the Papal States, (prom, & Vienna letter, dated Sept. 28.] The Pope’s manifesto of the 12th instant from Portiet 1s the muhiact of universal discussion. I am happy to say that here there reigns among all parties but one feeling of disapprobation, with re- gard to the scheme of polity with which the father of the church menaces the States restored to his sway, and of regret to see the prince who sponta- neously took the lead in the liberal movement throughout Europe now lagging behind the most reactionary. I cannot better illustrate the agree- ment of the most opposite organs of publie opinion in condemning this edict, than by citing the articles which appear to-day in two of the most widely-cir- culated and generally widely-opposed newspapers, Loyd and the Presse. The first says :— In many of the Italian States the Pc had will have for a time to forego constitutional institutions. Immedi- ately after @ suppressed rebellion, it ia hardly possible safely to entrust the legislative power to those hands, from which have been just wrested the weapons with which they reristed their lawful princes, e should: have found it in aecordance with the order of things, if the Pope had guarantied a constitution to his sub- jects under the condition of public tranquillity being completely restored. A provisional state of enlightens ed derpotism would have been inevitable, perhaps salu tary, im the States of the church. But his holiness has thcught proper to crect this state, which should been exceptional, into @ permanent one. In our quar- tex of the world, there will therefore hencotorth exist thiee absolute monarchies, the Ottoma: and the Papal ; and it is remarkable th: in sil three should be the heads of three religio: Four Catholic powers have contributed to restore the Pope to bis worldly dominion, All four are in the en- Joymentgof representative institutions believe that any one of them will be ea! ich the Holy Father has been pleased to make for the government of bia States. In Vienna, no jo in Paris, in Madrid, per! ‘aple: people will be aetonisbed that four governm: asod on constitutional principles, have uot been with nt representations, to persuade their aliy to adopt awe foundation, upon which their own power . There is at this moment no State in either 1 rope or America, of all thore, the dencmination of Cathol 3 3 ‘wiehes of the Pope's sub- jects differ from the wishes of the other Inhabitants of Wertern Europe, or that they are lees adapted for be- ing governed by representative institutions, We, therefore, fear that the form ef government proposed to be intreduced by the Pope will be introduced agalnst the will of his subjects, and that the same powers which conquered the dominions of his holiness will be obliged ta,keep them for him. We should wish sin- ‘cerely to see Austria, at least, relieved from every ob- Dgation to maintain in @ foreign land institutions which bave ceated to exist at home. Y ‘The language of the Presse is still plainer:— The proclamation with which the Pope has taken es ‘n Of his tem dominions bas reached us. ptey in ail political idens of the age, which is an: ed in this impotent jejune, and unprincipled rcheme of polity is th oly, proceeding as it dees, from # genius which seemed to be called to the mission of reformation and freeh creation. We hold it forthe worst and most dangerous course to elude the titutional necessities of the people of our day. And Austria can never fulfil her duty in the Roman = favoring sucha . The letter of the of the French republic, to Colonel Ney, uow 10 us a wise piece of political toresight, to put —, protest against the misinterpretation to hich the French intervention would have beea other- wise liable. From the London Standard of Freedom, Oct. 6 } fu Roman Question tN THe National As srmpLy.—This discussion comes on neat Monday. ‘The probabilities are, that it will display a split in the conservative party, a sanding. the tac- tics of the Voltairean M. Thiers, and although he has resolved to stand by the Pope as stoutly as any Jesuit of them all. The legitumists aad the papal party wish to see the Pope in the enjoyment of “the whole of his oldest and absurdest prerogatives. ‘The Orleanist party—who are as sincere Catholics as was Voltaire himself—will support, notwith- stonding their constitutional pretences, Papal ab- rolutiom forthe sake of party union, ‘The letter of the President to M. Edgar Ney 1s to be treated by these gentry as if it were not in existence. ‘he Dufaure and Tocqueville party, the Bona- artiste, the Cavaigaae Republicans, and the lountain, moet probably will unite in demanding guarantees of the Pope, and the secularization of the government of the Roman States. Should this be done by the Assembly, Fulloux and his friends must leave the ministry, the French army will as- sume the government of Rome, and the return of the Pope will be postponed indefinitely. ‘The trial ot the parties accused of conspiracy on the 13th of June, must exercise a considerable influence upon events. Our view of the 13th of June, 1849, in Peris, has always been that it was an affair pre- cively similar to the 10th of April, 1548, in Lon- con. There was plenty of foolish and violent lan- wage, but no serious insurrectionary intention, The ughest features of the 10th of April have all been traced to police spies, and similar parties may have been the authors of the worst appearances on the 15th of June. Be this as it may, the prisoners may not be able to prove it, and they may be con- ed, just as the chartist prisoners have been. ‘The nest few days will be decisive ones in Paris. shes may be the sources of our hopes that attitude of France will be in accordance with the interests of liberty and humanity—anti-Papal and ent-Ruseian. Bat no one can tell; itis se- tiously possible that the attitude of France may continue tobe ina greater degree what, since the accession of Louis Napoleon, it has been—both Papal and Cossack. [From the Paris Constitutionnel The Constitutionnel publishes a long letter from Rome, of the 28d ult., from which the iollowing is an exiract> Asenssinetion during the Inst days of the Roman republic was a of the secret rocietios, A band of hired 8 a in acts were colored by some arpy who had perished; whom popular indigestion had in the pubite places they boasted ‘ot nd their crimes were for them a claim eoutions at St. Calixtus have been nothing ts more n of more authentic, a is produced by revolutions, sanguinary nd earryin iimes by a sort of fero- bi bad under his orders some oF custom-house officers, men ought in his vietim bimeelf pronounced senten on.them, The tien teck place tn the night, an spot have been recogpin the life of the eure of the iw cf the most exemplary char # being arrested and taken before Zambi known He was brought before him while U bim io it di |, adding. vas finished be should have On hearing this the poor priest frined with a convult itacton, when Zam. you are about to and yet you tremble? “1 pray to God that at death you’ may not tremble more.” ogve had dined, the cure was the foot of a tree ta the garden, the execution from a window. © done better, The glorions toldiers put an end to these atrocities, earsipations contioned several days after the en- tranes of our troops into Rome. One priest was killed in a smell kireet pene the Place Colonna, ovonpled by Cur regitnents, and two others were put to death on the St Angele. bridge ihe marder of several Freneh aol- aivrs tretified tho rage felt by these wretches, who, then ke to eur intervention, lost the honors and the pro- Htct their sapgatnary dictators Some days atcer the capture of RK Owe of our soldiers asked bis way oF & perser-by, who Wook some pains to point it out wo him, ‘This person was a French priest, a He was followed by ceverai Italia corner of the street be received two stabs from & poin- ‘he utsasing then ripped up his body, tore out twieted them round his neok. The wretch who gave the first blow was named Trabalza; he Was condemned to death by our courtmartial, ' Affairs In Caltfornia— Anomalous State of ‘Sbings—Advices by the way of Engiand, {From the London Chrontete, September 25.) The El Dorado of fhodera days stil contiaues to ofler a seeming realization of visions of wealth hi hitherto were engendered in the heated brains of Eastern romancers alone. The tide of Western emigration*stul sets California-ward; and discoveries are paragraphed, and wages ot labor are quoted, which make us, of sober mind, who stay at heme and werk tor bare existence, some- times impatient that ingland possesses no suck golden land as falls to America’s share. They seem scarcely on the same planet, these two spots of earth—the rich tract of California, and that psor room im Southwerk, where the stay-stiteher cam earn but one paltry shilling in the, week, let her work from sunrise to sunset, and include the day of rest in her weary catalogue. A single aere of the golden region would, one fancies, clothe anc feed hundreds of such starving wretches; and it were a blessed thing it California could be made a natural almshouse treasury, where the poor might be relieved, and the destiiuie restored. And yet we need not lament that England has no such country emong her possessions—for we, no more than the Americans, would haye converted it to a purpose of benevolence. It is more than probable that this influx of wealth will not prove that n288- ing to the world at large which some favored fer among the earlier discoverers may have’ found it It willnot open the hearts of men towards their jorer brethren ; it will but increase that ‘ cursed ust of gold” which has worked enough mischet already to humanity, Neither is it always an advantage to a nation tov possess such kind ot wealth. The downfall of Spain: was primarily in her goiden lands of Mexico; and when property was most rapidly accumulated at our own Indian possessions, they were not more prosperous, nor were we more virtuous, than to- day. Nations are under the same laws of compen- sation and consequence as individuals; and wealth gained by other than worthy means does the State no more real good than the gambler’s winuings or the forger’s notes. Labor seems. to be ultimatel the only prosperous mode of obtaining wealth. [t has an innate dignity that is reflected on the char- acter, and it contains a moral influence by which even the worthless are improved. If we look to the condition of convicts and prisoners, we larger returns of *‘good conduct” in those who are set to work with an object—whose happiness is made to depend somewhat on their own exertions —than in those who are kept in comparative or total idleness, or whose meaningless and unpre- ductive task 18 merely an engine of punishment. Without falling into the current cant of the day, oft which extravagant praise of manual labor is a favorite theme, we must all confess that there is something ennobling in work, and that riches gain- ed by perseverance and industry contain a blessin, denied to gains ill-gotten or over-hastily am: § All the bee rocestaay are the longest in their forming. ho shail count the years that it takes Nature to make a diamond? But the dropping-welt of Derbyshire deposits encrustation while you look atit. The man whose fortune is the result of moral or mental exertion—who, to gain wealth, has been obliged alvo to gain temperance, patience, fore- sight, and fortitu more likely to be benefitted in the endeavor than a fugitive housebreaker who digs up from one to two ounces of goid daily, ora clever young rogue who can get three or four thousand dollars a year for his salary as a clerk. Such fabulous-looking tales are’ fit to be ranged tide by side with the books of those employers of the poor stay-stitcher, Cather- ine Brown, who wished to cut down her earnings from a shilling to sixpence a week —beth members of this ewange antithesis re- reseenting fucts 1m the history of nations speaking the same language, professing the same religion, pnd sprung from the same stock. Yet that poor Man, Wolking patiently, uaweariedly, uncom- plamingly, was not other than ennobled by ber drudgery. Painfully, but surely, she learat such virtues from sorrow as none of the adventurers thronging to San Francisco will ever acquire, une less they open their hearts to the better things of liv. ‘The laborer who works with manly indastry and manly —— will be a nobler specimen of humenity than he who goes out to the “diggings,” making haste to be rich, because he has not per= severance enough to follow those honorable paths at home which require exertion before their prizes are attained, Not that they who go to California are necessarily immoral, in any way; and, at the worst, they do but give a more palpable proof of their allegiance to the God of the day—of their worship of gold—than others who pay the divine ty more secret court. To get money is the one ae thought, the one great endeavor; and he wha as got the most has also secured the most honor, respect and consideration. Even virtue, or its re« putation, may be bought. Who so hardy as te hint at defects ina nich speculator, or a lucky million~ aire—until reverse of fortune awakens our dor- mant ethical sensibilities, and reinstates the court of conscience in ils forgotten prerogatives. _ Last summer 3,000 men were at the “diggings;”* this ey 100,000 were, we are told, — for work, a8 soon as the rainy season should be passed. ‘The treasures of Califorain land seem inexhanst ble ; and almost every arrival brings reports or ru- mors of fresh stores in thisnatural mat, There is, it seems, another river of gold—the river Gila— about 600 miles south of the present scene of operas tions, which deposites rich offerings along its banks to the head of the Mexican Gulf, which, perbaps, will one day rival the Saa Jo- achim end Sacramento, whither men have hithere to gone out—as Juno tothe Fountain of Callis- ta—but for wealth, not for youth or beauty. Yet, in the midst of ull this golden luxuriaace, are herdehips and privations, ludicrous as well as pain ful, making us involuatanly reflect on the folly of those who have crowded, like thes in a honey-pot, to this sweet poisou—thia moral birdlime—this golden temptation. Lodgings are not to be had, for all that yellow ore, by more than one-third of the adventurers—and this at San Francisco, too, Squalid rooms there let for two and three thoasaad dollars a month, and more; eggs are three dollars the dozen, and dinners—think of dinners at Saw Franciseo !—are two dollars each. The really be« nefitted are the merchants, whose money bags the poor laborers fill, when they return from the ** dig gings’’—for they have it ail their owa way; and, since men must eat to live, they can make their own prices. An hotel, at San Francisco, not only lets tor $95,000 a year, but even single ro ia the same bring in a rent of 18,000 dollars each Ail these details bespeak such discomfort and hardship—not to mention the forays of the Apache Indians, private quarrels and murders, and afew deaths, from fatigue und privationa—that we think there is here enough to cool th emost ardent blood, and to quiet the most restless spirit of adventure. But, if danger has no terror to some, (aad to maay it has an irresisuble charm, in and for iself,) yet, there are other reasons, more weighty, thoagi not so obvious, why we would desire to see the Califor« nian fever abated, and men returaing to common every-day industry. Itisnot a prudential weighing of risk and right—it is adhesion to right, without excitement or romance—a quiet, calm, and, theres fore, most noble adhesioa—coutent with the sim- ple coneciousness of doing what is our doty, that we would now impress on our readers. Aad thia is not to be found in such mad thirst for wealth as the prevent age displays. Our oge is steadily advancing towards good much; but in one thing it shametuily goes astr In ite homanity, it is yrand—in its lust of ge pitital mean. With ne great soc sin is poverty—the great incentive to-erime the possession of wealth. Not for passion, not ia mad- hess, have uny of the late murders been commutied. Simply, in some cases, to gain a few, a very few, extra pounds, have we seen murderer after av derer lift his guilty hand. Hach crime is revolting than its predecessor—each revelation more degrading to human nature than the het itw relief to knowan Annette Myer, another motive for crime than avarice—sick and sated as the world 1s with seeing life for ever baliaced ogainet money and found wanting, thoaga the scales be filled with only penny pie As a stimulus to this modern vice, the discovery of California threatens to be disastrous to the high- er morality of society ; and it is with much the same sorrow as We feel in reading the statistics of pestilence, that we hear of tens of thousands flock- ing out to dig for gold, rather than gaia their bread in mantier and nobler ways. For there i mach to be done yet m the world. ere are vast regions of vatredden waste and desert which, with tadus- try, could be made fruitful fields ; and this con= quest of man over nature, instead of perpleaing the world with fears purrency,” aud misgive ings ebout the “de jalion of the cirealatin ny” Wonld gr d to the famishing aaa labor to the unemp When such extrava~ gent prices are given tor the most ordinary neces y es at San co, We cannot but think how h bet uid have been if all the money that has been teken out to California to amoss more, had been spplied to useful purposes at home, As itis, we sce but lite promise of general ea vantage in this Calife teseination : and we y hope that men may g more wisdom thence than ¢ party thither, and that others may leara from their experience that geld ie not the 2 good thing. : (From the London Tia The contents of the impression before a3 are not a little mstructive, We may as well intorm ihe reader at the outset that the topics treated of are mainly metropolitan—thet is to say, the state jolives tf the country, as debated lo Bee Pea CeO, are revi 10 the © ‘i of the nore exeiting r luceed, it is plat rapative #: sO poris frou the diggings.” * great aumounced tat the