The New York Herald Newspaper, March 7, 1844, Page 5

ships and merchants and capital of England will be transported to the coast of Texas. Texas has neither ships, nor capital, nor manufactures, but England will supply ull, and receive in return the cotton of Texas. ‘Two nations with reciprocal free trade are nearly identical in teeling and interest, except that the larger power will preponderate and Texas become a commercial dependency of Eng- land, and isolated from us in feelings, in interest, in trade, and intercourse. Texas would then be our great rival in the cotton markets of the world, and she would have two vast advantages over the sotton-growing interests of the Union: Ist, in send- ing to England her coiton, free of duty, which is an advantage of 74 per cent., gugmented five Rare cent. thereon by the act of 15th , 1840, 3 Vic- toria, chap. 17, which made the duties paid in England on our cotton crop of 1840, $3,247,800, and all which, to the extent of their crop, would be saved to the planters of Texas, giving them this great advantage over our planters, carried out into all the goods manufactured 1n England out of the free cotton of Texas, and also depriving our cot- ton manufactarers ‘of the advantage they now en- joy from this duty, over the cotton manufacturers of England. 2d. In enabling the planters of Texas to receive, in exchange for their cotton, the cheap manufactures of England free of duty. These two causes combined, w give the Texas cotton planters an advantage of at least eee cent. over the cotton planters of the Union. Such a rivalry we could not long maintain ; and co!ton psatieg would gradually decline in the Union, and wit! that decline, would be lost the markets of the south for the hemp, and beef, and pork, and flour of the weat, and the manufactures of the north. Now, is it just, ie it safe or expedient, to place the south and the southwest in a position in which they will constantly behold an adjacent cotton-growing country supplanting them in the culture and sale of their great staple, for the reason that the one is, and the other is not, a part of the Union? Must we behold Texas every day selling, her cotton to England free of all duty, whilst our cotton is sub- jected to a heavy impost? and must we also per- ceive Texas receiving in exchange the manufac- tures of England free of duty, whilst here they are, exclnded by a prohibitory tariff? Can the tariff itself stand such an issue; or, if it does, can the Union sustain the sBROLY, shock ? Daily and hourly, to the sonth and southwest, would be pre- sented the strong inducement to unite with Texas, and secure the same markets free of duty for their cotton, and receive the same cheap manufactures, free of duty, in exchange. Nor would these be the only dangers incarred, and temptations pre- sented, by this fearful experiment. We would see the exports of Texas carried directly abroad from their own ports, and the imports brought into their own ports directly in exchange; thus building up their own cities, and their own commerce, whilst here, they would, see that same business transact- ed for them, chiefly in New York, Boston and Philadelphia. They would see New York re- eeiving annually one hundred millions of im- porta, nearly filty millions of which was for re- sale to them, and all which they would receive directly in their own ports if united with Tex- as, thus striking dows nearly one half the com- merce of the great city of New York, and transferring it to the south and southwest.— The South and Southwest, whilst they would per- ceive the advancing prosperity of Texas, and their own decline, would also feel, that the region with which they were united had placed them inthis position, and subjected them to these disasters by the refusal of reannexation. Whatever the result may be, no true friend of the Union can desire to subject it to such hazards; and this alone ought to be a conclusive argument in favor of the reannexa- tion of Texas. One of three results is certain to follow from the refusal of reannexation: Ist. The separation of the South and Southwest from the North, and their reunion with Texas. Or, 2d. The total overthrow of the tariff. Or, 3d. A system of unbounded smugglixg through Texas into the West and Southwest. Accompanying the last result, would be a diaregard of the laws, and an utter de- moralization of the whole country, a practical re- peal of the tariff, and loss of the revenues which it supplies, and a necessary resort to direct taxation to support the government, Asa commercial dependency, Texas would be almost as much under the control of woelead, aa if she were a colony of England; and in the event of. war between that nation and this, the interests of Texas would all be on the side of England. It would be the interest of Texas, in the event of such a war, to aid England to seize New Orleans, or at least in blockading the mouth of the Mississippi, so as to exclude the cotton of the West from a foreign market, and leave to Texas almost the entire mo- nopoly. Even if Texas were neutral, certainly our power would not be as atrong in the gulf for the de- fence of New Orleans, and the mouth of the Missis- sippy as if we owned and commanded all the streams which emptied into it—as if their people were our countrymen, and all the rivers and harbors and coast of Texas were our own. We should be weaker, then, without Texas, even if she remained neutral; but I have shown it would be her interest to exclude our cotton from foreign markets, and to co-operate with England for that purpose. But if she did remain neutral, could she preserve,or would England respect, herneulrality? ithout an army, ships, or forts, no one will pretend that her neutral position could be maintained; and England could enter any of her streams or harbors, and take pos- session of any of her soil at pleasure. Would she do so in the event of a war with America} Let the events of the last war answer the question.— Then, within sight of Valparaiso, within the waters of neutral Spain, she captured the Essex, after a sanguinary and glorious defence. This was as complete a violation of the neutral rights of Spain. under the law of nations, as if she had entere upon her soil to molest us. At Fayal, Port Praya, and Tunis, she captured other American vessels, within the harbors and under the guns of the forts of neutral powers; and, indeed, as to neutral ships and goods, and all the maratime rights of neutral nations, she acted the part of the outlaw and buc- taneer, rather than that of a civilized kingdom; and violated the neutral rights of all the world. Nor were her lawless acts confined to the coasts and harbors of neutral powers, but extended also to an actual use and occupation of their soil. During the last war, Spain was at peace with England and America; bi gland, in open violation of the neu- tral rights of n,seized upon a portion of Florida: (then a Spanish territory,) whence she fulminated her incendiary appeals to the slaves for a servile in- surrection aud massacre; and commenced,at Pensa- cola, her first preparations for the attack of New Orleans. And such, precisely, would be the conduct of Great Britain, in the event of another war with America. She would land euddenly at any point of the coast of Te and move along the Sabine, in the Territory of Texas, to the great bend, eit approaches within about one hundred miles of the Mississippi ; and the intermediate territory being} thinly eetiled, she could advance rapidiy acré seize the pnesage of the Mississippi, and cut off communication from above, and descend upon N Urleans. Or she might proceed a little fu through the territory of ‘Lexas to Red river, southern bank of which is within the limits of T as, and equipher expedition ; then by water deecend the Red ri exciting a servile insurrection, an seize the Mississippi at the mouth of Red river. A these movements she might andwould make throug!) Texas. In this way she would seize and fortify he: fai, non the Mississippi, and New Orleans must if cat off from all communication trom above. But, even if she only retained the single poiut on | H the Missistippe, it would aseffectually command outlet, and arrest its commerce ascending or descen- ding, as if essed of New Orleans. Whatever point she seixed on the bo peeays g there she would entrench and fortifv, and tens o| thousands of lives, and hundreds of millions of dollara, would be re- quired in driving her from this position. All this would be prevented by the reannexation of Texas. The Sabine and Red river would then be all our own, and ao such movement could be made for the seizure of the Mississippi. Nor should it be for- gotten, that, when she reached the Ked river, and at a navigable point upon its southern bank in Texas, there she would meet sixty thousand Indian war- riors of our own, half as many of Texas, whom her gold, and her iatrigues and promises would, asthey always have done, incite tothe work of death and desolation If we desire to know whatshe would do under such circumstances, let us look back to Hampton and the Raisin, and they will answer the question. If for no other reason, the fact that for many hundred miles you have placed these Indians on the borders of Texax, sepa- rated only by the [ed river, and on the frontiers of Louisiana and Arkansas, demands that, a5 an actof justice to these States, and as essential for their se- cority and that of the Mississippi, you should have possession of Texas. Our boundary and limits will always be incomplete, without the possession of Texas; and without it the great valley and its mightiest streams will remain forever dismembered and mutilated. Now, if we can acquire it, we should accomplish the object ; for, in all obability, the op: portunity, now neglected, willbe lost forever. There may have been Teasons, a few weeks or months succeeding the recognitioa of the independence of Texas, and before it was recognised by any other wer, why it Cry then have been premature to ave re-anaexed the territory ; but now, when ei)t ears have elapsed since the declaration and estaly- tishment of the independence of Texas, and seven years since it was recognised by us, several years since the recognition by France, Holland, and England, there canbe no possible objection to the measure. y I have shown that, in the event of a war with England, Texas, if we repelled her from our em- brace, would become a complete dependency of England, alienated from us in feeling, in trade and intercourse, and identified inall with England. Bat would it rest here 1 No. Texas would first become depend and then, 9 . ‘ fand; and her arme, and ships, and power. woul be thus gies to ne mee of the Mission B origi immense empire of in {n- Fine orgie Gwo small trading eetablishments. ‘Then followed a permanent occupancy of part of the coast; and India in time became a British colony. And so will it be with Texas, which can furnish England— what it is now ascertained India never can—a snp- ply of cotton. The largest vote ever given in Texas was about 12,000. Of this the British emigrants and British party now number about 1,000; which, by the unfriendly feelings created by a final refusal of re-annexation, and the necessity of seeking an- other alliance, would be immediately increased to 4,000, leaving a majority of 4,000 only against a union with England. Immediately a rapid emigra- tion from England to Texas would be commenced under their colonization laws, which give the emi- grant a home, and make him a voter insix months, and five thousand English emigrants would over- come the majerity of 4,000, and give England, theeagh the ballot-box, the command of Texas.— The ration for this colonization of Texas from England has already been made. One English contract has already been signed with the goyern- ment of Te: for the emigration there of one thousand families; and three thousand one hun- dred more would give the majority to England. It may be, to avoid the difficulty asto slavery at home, the nominal government for local purposes would be left with Texas, or rather with English voters and merchants in ‘Texas; but in all thatconcerns the commerce and foreign relations of Texas, in all that concerns the occupancy and use of Texas in the event of war, the supremacy and authority of the British Parliament would be acknowledged. Much is concealed as eee ultimate canigne of Eng- land in roasts to Texas ; for to acknowledge them now would be to defeat them, by insuring re-an- nexation to the Union; but enough has transpired to prove her object. Let us examine the facts.— Three treaties were made between Great Britain and Texas, viz: on the 13th, 1th and 16th Novem- Bers 1840. The preamble of one of these is as fol- lows: ‘ Her Majesty, the Queen of the United Kingdom ef Creat Dritaia and Ireland, being desirous of put- ting an end to the hostilities which still continue to be carried on between Mexico and Texas, bas of- fered her mediation to the contending parties, to bring about a pacification between them.” Atticle 1, “The republic of Texas agrees that if, by means of the mediation of her Britannic Majes- ty, an unlimited truce shall be established between Mexico and Texas, within 30 days after thia present convention shall have been communicated to the Mexican government by her Britannic Majesty's mission at Mexico; and if, within six months from the day that that communication shall have been so made, Mexico shall have concluded a treaty of peace with Texas, then, and in such case, the re- public of Texas will take upon itself a portion amountiag to £1,000,000 sterling of the capital of the foreign debt contracted by the republic of Mex- ico, before the Ist of January, 1835 " “The first article of the next treaty declares: “There, shall be reciprocal liberty of commerce, and navigation between and amongst the citizens of the republic of Texas and the subjects of her Brit- annic Majesty.” The third article authorizes Brit- ish merchants to carry on their business in Texas, and British vessels of war to enter freely all her ports. Next comes a treaty betw Great Britain and ‘Texas, which grants to England the right of search a8 fully and effectually, and in terms more obnox- ious, thaa the celebrated quintuple treaty to which it refers, and adopts. It grants to the vessels of war of both parties, the right of searching mer- chant vessels by either party, and expressly pro- vides for the exercise of this right, “in the Gulf of Mexico.” It provides also, for the exercise of this right, whenever either of the parties shall have Teason to suspect that the vessel is or has been en- gaged in the slave-trade, or has been fitted out for the said trade; and all this is to be done, whether the vessel carries the flag of Texas or not. For saving us from the consequence of the quintuple treaty, and the night of search which it granted, by inducing France to refuse to ratify that treaty, General Cass, our minister there, has received an deserved the ‘thanks of the whole American peo- ple. He. demonstrated that such a right of search would be fatal to the free navigation of the ocean, and subject the commerce of the world to the supervision of British cruisers, But here is a treaty, containing all the obnoxious provisions of the quintuple treaty, in regard to the right of search, and others that are still more dangerous, ‘That treaty was made, too, with nations differing in language, and in many other respects, trom our own; and therefore more easily distinguishable than the people and vessels of Texas. As the flag is not to designate the national character of the vessel, how can these vessels of Texas, that are thus to be searched on sufpicion, be distinguisha- ble; and what is to prevent American veseels and American crews from being carried for condemna- tion within the ports of England? Recollect, also, that under this treaty, the cruisers of England, ard, indeed, the whole British navy, or any part of it, may be brought into the Gulf of Mexico, and sta- tioned in the narrow pass, commanding the whole outlet of the Gulf, and all the commerce to and from the Mississippi. To the right of search, un- der whatever name or form, especially within our own seas, and upon our own coasts, we never have assented, and never can assent; but here, under pretext of searching the wveesels of Tex- as,the navy of England, or any part of it, may occupy the only outlet of the gulf of Mexico, and all our vessels entering the gulf, or re- turning from the mouth of the Mississippi, must pass by, and under, the supervision of British cruisers, subject to seizure and detention, on suspi- cion of being Texas vessels, concerned in the slave trade. The British navy may thus also be quartered on the southern coasts of Florida and along the coast of Cuba and Mexico, to sel; gon Cuba whenever an opportunity pre- sents. Such is the influence which it is thus prov- ed, by official documents, Great Britain has alrea- dy obtained in Texas. It is here proved that Great Britain “offered her mediation” to Texas to obtain peace with Mexico, and that she has already in- duced Texas to assume, conditionally, one mil- lion pounds sterling of the debt which Mexico owes in England, with all the accumulating inte- rest from the first of January, 1835. A nation so feeble as Texas, which should ewe co heavy a debt in England, with the payments secured b' treaty, would be as completely within British influence as though already a British colony, es- -ider the other most extra- which she has already gran- luding the right of searel jaination of June 15, 1843, Pre- ‘An official commuanica- Departunent of ys Charge de » founded upon a des- er Mayesty’s charge is government ro would forth- ilities on his part ; sident of the Repun- nd proclaim t tinue during th In the message of the President of Texas of the 12th of December, 1843, he speaks of the “gener. ous and friendly disposition, and active aud friendly offices of England.” He speaks, also, of injuries dignities inflicted” by this Govérnment upon and declares “that reparation has been de- manded.” Such is the wonderful advance in Texes of the influence of England, that she has succeeded in having it annonnced in an executive messnge to the people of Texas that England is their friend, and that we are their ene: If all this had been pre- dicted three years since, it would have been deemed f ind if Texas is not reannexed, she is certain, Within afew years more, to become first a commercial de; bg ae and then a colony, in fact, if not in name, of England, When we regard the consequences ch have already followed the mere apprehension of the refusal of reannexation, whet will be the result in Texas when reannexa- tion is positively and forever rejected 1. When this ne, and Texas isrepulsed with contempt or in- f nee, when her people are told, the flag of the Union shall never wave over you, go'—go where you may, to Eagland, if you please,—who can doubt the result ? To doubt is wilful blindness, and whilst we will have lost a most important territory, and an indispensable portion of the valley of the West England will have gained a dependency first, an thea a colony ; and we shall awake from our elum- bers when, amid British rejoicings and the sound of British cannon, the flag of England shall wave upon the coast and throughout the limits of Texas; and a monarchy rises upon our own continent und on our own borders, upon the grave of a republic, Yes, this is not aqaestion merely between us and Texas, but a question between the advance of Brit- ish or American power; and that, too, within the very heart of the valley of the West. Itis a ques- tion also between the advance of monarchy and re- publicanivm throughout the fairest and most fertile portion of the American continent, and is one of the mighty movements in deciding the great question between monarchy and repablicaniam,which of the two forms ofgoveriment shall progorderate through. out the w In the North, the flag of England waves from the Atlantic to the Pacific over a Tegion much more extensive than our own ; and .,it must float also for seve thousand miles upon the banks of the tributaries of the gut Mississippi, and along the git, from the abine to the i Norte, we will surrounded on all sides by England in America. In the gulf, her supremacy would be clear and absolute ; andin the great interior, she would bang on the rear of Louisiana and Arkansas, and within two days’ march of the Mississippi, while her torts would stand, and her flag would wave, for more than a th mil-s, on the banks of the Arkansas, the Sabine and Red river, and in immediate eontact with sixty thousand Ladian warrrors of our own, and halt as many more of what would then be British ladians, within the present limits of Texas. If any doubt her course as to the Indians, let them refer to her policy in this reepect during the revolv- tion and the last wer, and they will fiad that the savage has always been her favorite ally, and that she has shed more American blood by the aid of the tomahawk and scalping-knife, than she ever did in the field of fair and epen conflict. And has she become more friendly to the American peop!e? Look at her forta and her traders, occupyiog our own undoubted territory of Oregon; look at her press in England and Canada, teeming with abuse of our people, government and laws; look at her authors and tourists, from the more powerful and insidious assaults of Alison, descending in the ecale to the falsely ind arrogance of Hall and Hamil- ton, and down w& lower to the kennel jests and vul- agar are of Marryatt and Dickens, industriously circulated throughout all Europe; and never was her hostility so deep and better, and never have her efforts been co great to render us odious to all the world. The government of England is contrelied by her aristocracy, the avowed enemies of republi- Can government, wherever it may exist. And never was England endeavoring to advance more rapidly to alinost uviversal empire, on the ocean and the land. Hersteamere, commanded by naval officera, traverse nearly every coast andsea, whilst her em- pire extends upon the land. In the East, the great and populous empires of Scinde and Alighanistan have been virtually subjected to her sway, whilat et another provioce now bleeds in the clawe of the ritish lion. Though saturated with blood, and gorged with power, she yet marches on her course to universsl dominion; and here, upon our own borders, Texas is next tobe her prey. By opium and powder, she has subdued China, and seized many important positions on her coast. In Africa, Australasia, and the Isles of the Pacific, she has woneesraly increased her power; and in Europe, she sull holds the key of the Mediterranean. In the Gulf cf Mexico, she hes already s+ized, io Honduras, large and exteneiye possessions, and most commanding positions, overlooking from the interior the outlet of the gulf; while British Guiana, in South Ameri retcbiag between the great Oronoco and the mighty Amazon, places her in a position (aided by her Island of Trinidad, at the mouth of the Oronoco) to seize upon the outlet of those gigantic rivers. With her West India Islands from Jam south of Cuba, in a continuous chain to the most northern of the Bahamas, she is pre pared to seize the Florida pass and the mouth of the Mississippi; and let her add ‘Texas, and the coast of Texas, and her command of the gull will be aseffectual as of the British channel. It would be a British sea; and soon, upon the shores of the gull, her capital would open the reat canal which taust uniie(at thelisthmus) the Atlantic and Pacific, give to her the key of both the coasts of Ame- Her possessions in the world are now nearly quadrveple the extent of our own, with more than ten-fold the population, and more than our area on our own ccntivent, and, while she aims openly at the pesses-ion of Oregon on the North, Texas on the weat is to beeome hers by a policy less daring, but more certain in its results. e can yet rescue Texas from her grasp, and, by reannexation, insure at least the command of our own great sea, and the outlet of our own great river. And shall we ne- giect the reacquisition, avd throw Texas and the command of the gulf into the arms of England? Whoever would do so isa monarchist, and prefers the advance of monarchical institutions over our own great valley: he is also an epee in feel- ings and priaciple, and would recolonize the Ameri- cap States. And when Texas, by the refueal of reannexation, thal! have fallen into the arms of Eogland, and the American people shall behold the result, let all who shall have aided in producing the dread catastrophe five from the wrath of an indignant nation, which will burst forth like lava, and roll ia fiery torrents over the political graves of all who shall thushave contsibuted to the ruin of their country. And who would place England at New Orleans or the mouth of the ‘Atesissippi?_ Who would place England on the banks of the Sabine, the Arkansas, and Red river!’ Who would place England along the cuasts, and bays, and harbors, and in the great interior of Texas, and see her beeome a British colony, or— whitis the same to us—a Bri commercial de- pendency? Could Texas be @ power friendly to us, even if nota British colony? Would our refusal reaonexation secure hertriendship? Would her valry ia our great staple insure her good will? Would the monopoly of her trade by England in- crease her attachment to ourselves? No. Letrean- pexation be now fiaally refused, and she becomes a foreign and a hostile power, with all her interes's aptagonistical to our own. Indeed, all history tells us that ‘here is no friendship between foreign and contiguous nations, presenting 80 many points of colligion, 6o many jarring interests, and such a rival- ry vi the sale and production of the same great 8 aple. Much is now urged in many of the States in favor of securing a home market for our manufac- tures Now here in Tex home marke, that may be secured forever, ly increasing value—a market that is already lost to us for the present, as the table of expor's demonstrates, and, all rust adinit, will be thrown, by the rejec- tion of re: ‘ation, into the possession of Eng- land; for, whether Texas does or does not become a Britieh colony, it is certain that a treaty of recip- rocal free trade would secure to England the mo- nopo'y of her markets and commerce. The cotton of Texas wou'd fiad a market free of daty in Eog- land, and her manufectur+s@ market free of duty in Texas, whilst discriminating i 8 On Our ves- eels and cargoes would effectually exclude them from her porte. Although England migut not, so long ss her treaty with us remained uncancelled, receive gratuitously the cotton of Texas free of CEB a we concede the principle, and act upon it, th ie may do it, not gratuitously, but for a con- pration, viz: that Texas receives im return British manufactures free of duty—and such we know is to be the first result of the final rejection of rean- nexation. Thus England would effectually mo- nopolize the commerce and business of Texas, and in her harbors would float the flag of the English mercantile marine, soon to be the precursor of the next step in the drama of our disgrace and ruin; when the flig of England would float over a British province, carved out of the dismembered valley of the West. Butif this last result were nor certain; if it were only probable and contingent, is it not wise and patriotic to arrest the danger, and remove all doubt by the sure preventive remedy of reas: nexation? But if Texas should only become a British commercial dependency, and not a colony, the danger to us, we have seen, would be nearly as great in the eventof war, in the one case, as ia the other. But even if not a dependency, we have seen she would te too feeble to guerd her rights as a neutral power; and that Eogland, as heretofore hasdone in the case of neut the valley ef the West of deterce and protection is the reannexation of Texas. The defence of the country and of all ita parts against the Higa eaes occurrence of war, is one of the first and highest duties of this goverament. For this we build forts and arsenals, dry docks and navy-yards, supply arms and ordnance, and main- tain armies and navies at an anoual expenee of many millions of dollars; and for this we guard great cities and important bays and harbors. From the organization of the government under the constitu- tion, up to the latest period in 1843, for which de- tailed statements are given, we have expended for the War Department, $374 885 899, and for the Naval Department, $173 236 569, being for both $545,125 468; for the civil list, $61,285 373; for foreign intercourse, $35,051,772; miscellaneous, 61,573 168—making for these three last items, 157,915 310, and forthe public debt, $451 749 3 —making the total expenditures $1,157,789,781.— Now if to the expenditures for the detence ot the country, as above given—$548 125,468—we add that portion of the pablicdebt which may be fairly es timated as having been incurred for the defence of the country, it would make $948,125 468 expended for the defence of the country; and leave $209,- 664 313 expended for all other purposes. The de- tence of the ccuatry was the t object for which the goveromen: was founded, and for this purpose nearly all the moneys collected from the people have been expended; and yet, of this vast bar 2 308, f yet, is vast amount, have been exp?nded for fortifications ja, and New Orleans and the mouth of i are stillto a great extent undetend- the whole com- jount- P' ed. When we consider that nearly merce of the West floats through this outle! ing now, to ,000,000 per annum, an augmenting every year, has not the West ari demand a defence, complete and effectual, great river? Now, Mr. Adams and Mr. C 1825 and 1827, in attempting to secure the rean- nexation of Texas, say: “the line of the Sabine ap- oaches our great Weetern mart nearer than could wished;” and in 1829 General Jackson and Mr. Van Buren announce ‘‘the real necessity of the roposed acquisition,” ‘‘as a guard for the western rontier, the protection of New Orleans.” If, then, the defence of the country be one of the main objects and highest duties ef thie government, and lish which expended neaily all the t collected from can it be uncon- stitutional or improper to acquire "Texas, as a mere question et detence and protection, when we are as- sured that the acquisition is a matter of “real ne- cessity,” ‘as a guard for the frontier and the pro- tection of New Orleans?” And surely thie protec- tion is as necessary now as it was in 1! 1927, 1829, 1833, and 1835; and New Orleans and Texas, and the trontier and the Sabine, stand precisely where they did at those periods. Indeed, I have now before me a letter of General Jackson, almost freeh from his pen, in which he announces his opinion that the reannexation of Texas “‘isessential to the United States.” Although some of my coun- trymen may differ from me as to the exalted opinion which | entertain of the high civil quatifications of General Jackson, none will dispute his extraordi- nary military talents, and that po man living can know so well what is necessary to the protection of New Orleans, as ite great and successtul defender. It, then, the reannexation ot Texas be more essen- tialto the eatety and defence of New Orlea nd the mcuth of the Mississippi, than all the fortifica- tions which could be, but have not been, and will not be, erected in that quarter, hus pot the Wes right to demand, on this ground alone, the reacqui- sition of Texxs? The money of the West, as the treasury reports above quoted demonstrate, is now freely diebursed, and has been expended by hun- reds of millions, forthe defence of the Atlantic ‘ates; and w'll not thoge States fee! it a duty aod a pleasure to defend the West,and their own products, which float upon its mighty rivers, by the repsssea- sion of a territory which is ersential fur our security and welfare? To refuse the reannexation is to re- fuse the detence of the West inthe only way in which that defence will be complete and effectual, for you may extend your fortifications along the whole coast of the gulf, and New Orle: nd the mouth of the Mississippi, and the Florida pase will remain uodefended go long as Texas ie in the pos- session of a foreign power, and we are open to at- lacks from the rear through that region Fortifica- tions, also, may sometimes be captured by a great superiority of guns and force, by squadrons upon the sea, and with a sufficient time and adequate force, if not by storm, by mine and siege, they may be always taken by assaults upon the land seven Gibraltar and the Moro castle not hav- ing always proved impregnable. But Texas, our own, and in the possession of the brave and practised marksmen of the West, would be a position where, against all attacks from the rear, every inch of ground would be fiercely contested, and every advance would be marked by the‘blou of the inv. der; and it New Orleans should be inva- ded in other diree ions, our countrymen in Trx43, over whom would then flvat the flag of the Union, would rush to the rescue of their own great city, and, unitiog with their brethren in arms from other States of the same great Union, wou'd re enact, up- on the benks of the Micsissippi, the victories of San Jacinto and New Orle If, then, we are true to the Weat and Southwest, we will, il there were no other reasons, as a question of defence, reacquire the possession of Texas: or do patriotizm, and love of the whole country, and of all its parts ¢ xist oaly in name? Does the Americaa heart yet beat with ail their glorious impulses ? or are they mere idle words, fitted only to round off a pericd, or to fiil up an ad- dress 1 And have we reached that point in the scale of descending d»generacy, when the inquiry is, not what will best strengthen and defend the whole, but what will most ¢ ff-ctually impair the strength, re- tard the growth, and arcs the security of the val- ley of the West? 3 et usnow examine the effect of the reannexation of T:x4s on the whol» country. The great interests ot the Union, as exhibited in the census of 1810, shown in the products of agricul:ure, of the mine: manufactures, of the forests and fisheries, of co tnerce and navigation | hereto append tables mat ed Nos 2ard3, compiled from the census of 1840, the first exhibiting the products that year of agricu'ture, manutactures,commerce, mining, the forest and fish- eres; and the second showing the number of persons then employed in ogriculture, ‘gean, and eral merce, mining, navigating the ocean, and i®ernal navigation. I have also compiled from the official reper of the Secretary of the Treasury in 1840, a ie marked No 4, representing for the year pre- ceding, t § each, distinguishing the domestic from the toreign exports; also the number of American vessels which entered or cleared from each State; the Ame- rican crews employed; the foreign vessels which entered aud cleared from each State; the vessels built in each State, and tonnage owned by each. Table N. 5, compiled from the same report, exhi- bite, forthe same year, our exports to each of the countries of the world, distinguishing the foreign and domestic exports, with the number of Ameri. can vessels and foreign vessels employed in our trade with each oountry, together with the imports from each, and the excess in our trade with any of them, ot exports to over imports from them. Table No.6, compiled from the same report, presents all the bod ae of our own products that yeerto Texas, ranged under the heads of the products of egricul- ture, manutactures, forest and fisheries, distioguish- mg the articles thus exported, and their value. ith these facis before ua, which are all official, let us proceed to the examination of this great question Our chief agricultural exports to Texas, as the ta- ble shows, were pork, ham, bacon, lard, beef, but- ter, cheese, flour, bread, and bread , amounting to $163,641. In looking at the census of 1810, the population of each State and section, and the amount of these products in each State, we will find that the chief surplus of these preducts raised for sale beyond their limits, were in the middle States, composed of New. York, New Jersey, Penn- syivania, Delaware, and Maryland, including the District of Columbia; and in the northwestern States, composed of Missouri, Kentucky, Ohio, In- diana, Lilinois, and Michigan, including also Wis- consin and lowa. The middle and northwestern States derived, then, the principal profit in the eale of agricultural products to Texas. In the sale of domestic manufactures to Texas, the New Eng- Jand Stutea came first; and aext in their order, the middle, and the northwes'ern States; and in look- ing at the principal items of which these experted manufactures to Texas were composed, | find that of the surplus produced and sold to Texas, Massa- chusetts stood first, and Pennsylvania second. Next as to commerce, as connected with Texas, the mid- die States stood first, and then the New England and northwestern States; and here New York stood first, Massachuset'ssecond, and next Penusylvania, Maryland, and Ohio. Put here we musi remark the special interest which Louisiana, through her great port of New Orleans, has in commerce as connected with Texas. The total products frown commerce in Louisiana in 1840 were 7,868,998, being one-tenth of that of the whole Union, and consequently the in- terest of New Orleans, as connected with the rean- nexation of Texas, must coon be measured by mil- lions every year. The great city of New York, into which was recrived, in round numbers, one hun- dred millions of the one hundred and forty three mil- tions of all our imports in the year referred to, and one-third of the exports, has a vaat and transcendent interest in this question; for itis, in truth, a question to be setiled ia our favor by the reannexation of Texas, whether New York or Liverpool shall com. mand hercommerce. Next as to the products of mining, the middle States stand first ; and next the Northwestern and New England States. And here Pennsylvania stands at the head of the list, having $17,666,140, or nearly one-half of the whole mining loterest of the Ufnion. ‘Texas, having no mines of coai or iron, must become a vast consumer of the products of the mines of Pennsylvania. In cables, tor each State; the imports and exports, of ar-iron, nails, and other manufactures of our iron, Texas imported from us, in the year,referred to, the value of $120,181 Now, of cast-iron, Penn- sylvania produced, in 1840, 98 395 tons, being large- jird of the amount produced in and next came Ohio, Kentucky, New York, Virginia, Tennessee, New Jereey, Mas- sachusetts, and Maryland. Of bar iron, the amount produced in Pennaylvania was 87,244 tons, being very nearly one-walf of the whole produced in the Union; and next came New York, with 53,693 tons, or more than one-fourth of the whole; and then Tennessee, Maryland, Ohio, New Jersey, Massa- chusetts, Virginia, Kentucky, and Connecticut. As connected with her vast interests in iron, must be considered also the coal in Pennsylvania, not only as an article of eale abroad, but as consumed at home, in producing her iron; the number of tons thus consumed in 1840, of her own mines, being 355,903 tons, or woeg aaaely one-fourth ot that of the whole Union, al and iron are scattered in juxtaposition, throughout nearly the whole of Penn- sylvania; and, us the markets for her iron are aug- mented, in the same proportion will increase the consumption of the coal used in producing that iron. Now, in 18%, the amount of anthracite coal produced in the whole L mn was 863 489 tone; of which Penoavivania produced 859,686, or nearly the whole. Of bitumioous coal, the total product of the Union was 27,603,191 bushels; of which Pennsylvania produced 11,620,654, or nearly one- hall the whole. Let us observe here, also, the re- markable fact, that the three adjacent States of Delaware, New Jersey, and New York, produced no coal, either anthracite or bituminous; and the future interest of Pennsyly » a8 connected with that great article, becomes of transcendent impor- tance; and thie, together with iron, and the manu- factures connected with them, is to determine the value of her public works, and fix her future desti- ny. Up to a certain point of density, an agricultu- ral State, with a rich soil, advances most rapidly; but when all the landsare cleared and cultivated, this augmentation ceases. It is otherwise, how- ever, with a State posseesing, throughout near'y every portion, inexhaustible mines of coal and iron, and wonderful adaptation to manufactures. There, when the soil has been fully cultivated, the deve- lopment of the mines and maoufactures, and the commerce and business connected with them, only fairly begins. Agriculture is limited by the number of acres; but for the products of mines aud factures, such as Pennsylvania has within her boundaries, there is no other limit than the markets aos = commands, of ae is not merely sheers, ut 1g demonstrate e comparative 8 ol the various nations oft world. Look, then, at the great amount—eertaiply not less than three hun- dred thousand dollare—of the products of the indus try of Pennsylvania, consumed by Texas in her in- faney, with e population ot less than two hundred thousand in 1889, and when thove products were, to a considerable extent, excluded by the then ex- isting tariff of Texas, and without which she cer- tainly would theo have consu:ned at least haif a million of the products of the industry of Peoney!- vania, had she been a state of the Union. But in ten years succeeding the reannexation,at the lowest rate of progress of population to the equare mile of the other new States, she would contain a popula- tion of two millions; and consequently consume five millions of the products of the industry ot Penn- sylvauia, or one-fitth ot all the surplus products of the mines and manufactures of that great State, sold pepoae her limits in 1840 The principal pro- ducts of Texas will be cotton and sugar, and beside, the iron used in all agricultural implements, as well as in the mauutactures consumed by an agricaltu- ral people, the use of iron in the cotton and sugar mills is very great. There all the great iroa appara- tus and machinery connected with the cotton gin and press, and the iron boilersand kettles and grates and furnaces used in the making of sugar, is greater han in any other employment. Together with this is the steam engine, now universally employed in making sugar, and being employed ulso in the gin- ning of cotton, and the iron that must be used by Texas, as she developes her resources, must be great indeed; and the question depending on the r nexation, is, whether Texas shall become a part of our home market, and whether England, or Pen: svivania and other States, shall supply her 4 There is another fact which mee lead to a vast consumption of coal in Texas, aud that is thie: that from the banks of the Red river to the coast of the gulf, excepting only the croes timbers, and some other points, chiefly along her streama, ‘Texas is la- movt exclusively a prairie country; and yet, (what is not very usual, except in northern Illinois, and some other portions of the Weet.) the soil of these prairies is ine haee bin lorule: ‘rom these causes, wood and {uel musi scarce in Texas, and the coal of Pennsylvania and other States must find a market there of almost incalculable value. We come next to the ucts of the forest: and here the middle States stand first, and then the New England and northwestern States. New York here stands firet, and then, ia their order, | Maine, North Carolina, Peonsylva and Ohio From Olean point on the Alleghany river, in New York, and down that stream through Pennsylvania, the lumber that now descends the Mississippi is very considerable, and of which, including the roducts from ths forest trom other quarters of the inion, Texas already took from us, as the table shows, in 1839, to the value of $167.474. The pro- duct of the fisheries of the whole Union, in 1810, was $11 996,008, of whch New England produced $9,424,555, und the middle States $1,970,030. Of the products of these fisheries, Texas alread took, in 1839, to the value of $43,426, which, as Texas has no hsheries, must be vastly augmented hereaf- ter. By the Treasury report of 1810, as exhibited in table No. 4, the number of vessels built that year in the whole Uaion was 858; and here the New England States stood firat, and then the middle and northwestern Stater; and Massachusetts was first, and then, in their order, Maine, Maryland, New York, New peaer Pennsylvania, Ohio, and Con- necticut. Now, by table No. 5, it is shown that the clearances of American vessels to Texas, from the United States, and of entries into the United States of American vessels trom Texas, was, in the whole, in 1839, 608, being two thirds of the whole number of veesels built in that year in the United States; and our crews employed in navigat- ing these Amerioan vessels thus empleyed that year in our trade with Texas, were 4727. The number of American vessels which cleared for Tex- asin 1839, was grealer than to any one of fifty-seven out of sixty-three of all the enumerated countries of the world. It was greater, also, than the whole aggregate number of our vessels which cleared that - for France, Spain, Russia, Prussia, Sweden, Norway, Denmark, Belgium, and Scotland com- bined. Tne same disproportion also exists as re- gards the crews, and also in the American veasels which entered the United States from Texas, and the crews employed. The e tables demonstrate that, of the foreign vessels which entered the United States from Texas, in 1839, eighteen only, out of 4,105, entered our ports from: Texas, and s)xteen fo reign vessels only cleared from the United States in that year for T-xas, out of 4 036; showing that our trade with Texas, 1n 1839, stood neariy upon the footing of our great coastwise trade, and was conducted almost exclusively in American vessels. Having shown the large number of American crews concerned in the trade with Texas, and the great amount of wages they must have earned, let us now look at the States which made these profits. By the census of 1840, the whole number of persons employed in navigating the ocean was 56,021, of which number 42,154 were from New Engiand,and 9,713 from the middie States And here Massachu- setts etood first, and then Maine, and next, in their order, New York, Connecticnt, Pennsylvania, Rhode Island, Louisiana, and New Jersey. la looking, also, to th which owred the ton- nage employed in this navigation, we fiad. by table No. 4, from the treasury report, that the New Eog- land States stood first, and then the middle States; and that the largeet amount was owned by Magea- chusetts, and next, in their order, by New York, Maine, Maryland, Pennsylvania, Louisiana, Con- necticut, and New Jersey. When we consider the cee of the fisheries consumed, and that will e consumed, by Texas, and the tonnage and crews employed in that trade, the Inexation must greatly augment our mercantile z:arine, and thus enable it to supply our navy, whenever neces- sary, with an adequate numberof ekilfu', brave, and hardy seamen, to defend, in war, our flag upon the sea. The number of persons employed in internal navigation, (incloding our lakes, rivers, and canals) by the census of 1840, was 83.076; more than one half being trom the middle States, and next the States of the Northwest The 'argest number was from New York, and aext, in their order, Penn- Ivania, Oh Virginia, Maryland and Missouri. Here, the Siates which have constructed great ca- nals, on whieh are transported the exchangeable products of the Union, have a vast interest in the reannexa’ of Texas. Ot these canals, the great works in New York, Pennsylvania and Ohio, are already completed, and those of Indiana, and Ilinois approach a completion, whilst Maryland and /irgioia are pausing in the construction of their great works, the value_of all of which would be greatly augmented, and business increased, by the reannexation of Texas. And here let me say one word of the Old Dominion. She borders upon the Ohio and Atlantic, and when. her great works shall unite their waters by one direct and coatinu- ous canal, her connection with the West, and with Texas, as a part of it, will be most intimate aad important; and through the very heort of the State would floata vast amount of the commerce con- nected with the Onio and Mississippi. And she also has other great and peculiar interests connect- ed with the reannexation of Texas. The amount of cast and bar iron furnished by her in 1810, was 24,696 tons; of bituminone coal, 10,622,345 bushels; and of domestic salt, 1,745.618 bushels; of wheat, $3 345 783 in value; of the product of enimals, $8,952,273; and of cotton manutactures, $1,692,010; of allot which articles Texas, as the tables of ex ports shows, is a very large consumer. From the official Treasury report of 1840, I give the tabl> No 6, for the year commencing the Is: of October, 1888, and closing on the 30th of Sepiem- ber, 1839, showing our commerce that year with Texas, and all the other nations of the world. This shows that the total of our exports of domestic pro- duce to Texas that year, was $1,379,065, and the to- tal of all our experts to Texas that year, $1,687,082; thatthe imports the same year from Te oar x $318,116, leaving an excess in our favor, of exports over imports, ot $1 368 966. Thus the extraordina- ry fact is exhivited, that in the very infancy of her existence, the balance of trade in our favor with Texas, exceeded that of exch of all the foreign coun- tries of the world—two only excepted; and these two were colonies of an empire, our trade to the whole of which presented a balance of several mil- lions against us. Texas, then, that year, furnished a larger balanc? of exports over imports in our favor, than any other one of the empires of the world.— The totality of our exporte that year to Texas was greater than to either Russia, Prussia, Sweden and Norway, Denmark, Belgium, Scotland, Ireland, Spain, Portugal, Italy, Sicily, or China. It wes greater also than to each of fiity-six of the sixty-rix enumerated countries of the world, It was greater also than the sgsregate of all our exports to Spain, Prussia, Denmark, fialy, Sweden and Norway, Por- tugal, New Grenada, Australasia, French Guiana, Sardinia, Morocco and Barbary States, and Peru combined. By table No. 6, it appears that the exports of our domestic products in 1839 to Texas was—of the figheries, $43,426; of the products of the forest, 157,474; of the progucte of ngriculture, $205,800 ; and of owr manutactires, $929,071. Now, by table No. 6 of the treasury report, the total exports, the same year, of the products of the fisheries to all the world, except T. xis. wes $1,861 543; and conse- quently the exports ci the products of the fisheries to Texas, that year, amounted to about 24 per cent of those exports to all the rest of the world. The exports of the products of the forest, that year, to ail other countries, except Texas, by the same table, was $5,607,085 ; consequently the export of thase products thatiyear, to Texas, amounted to 3 perceat. of those exports to all the rest of the world. The exports of our agricultural products, (+xcluding cot- ton, rice, and tobacco,) that year, to all other coun- (and including in the table of manufactures.) was id consequently the exports of theese ercnen (hat year to Texas, amounted to more than Tcent. of the agricultural exports that year te all the rest of the world. By the same table, thé ex- vee of siege elaaaee ee 1889 (+xolusive of gol al silver coir) to all ot c xoept Texas, was $3,217 662 Now, the por oe our domestic manutactures, that year, to Texas, being $929,071, consequently Texns consumed of our do- mretic manul.ciures, in 1839, an umount largely exceeding one-fourth, and nearly equal to one- third of our domestic t factures ex and coneumed that year, by all the rest of the world. Such are the astounding results established by the official report of the Secretary of the Treasury, un- der of June 26:h, 1840, and to be found in vol. 8/Senate documents for that year, No. 617 Such was our trade with Texas the year ending 80th Sep- tember, 1839, betore her independence was recog. nized by any other power except by this Republie, and before she had entered into commercial treaty with any other power; and therefore stood to us ia the relation, in manv respects, as regards her trade, as a territory of the Union. Now, the treaty of am- ity and commerce between France and Texas was signed at Paris on the 25th of Seprember, nat the seg Hh aiity and commerce between and Texas was signed ut the Hague om the 18:h ot September, 1840; the treaty of commerce be- tween Great Britain and Texas was sigued at Lon- don on the 13th of November, 1840; all which have been longsince ratified. Now, let us observe the effect upon our trade with Texas, of her introdue- ton into the tamily of nations, by the recognition of her independence by other nations, and treaties of commerce with them; thus placing her towards us in the attitude of a toreign state. The resolution effered by me in the Senate of the United States for the recognition of the independence of Texas, was adopted on the 8d of March, 1837; and with that year commence the tables of our e to Texas as a new empire, inacribed on the books of the treasury. These tables, in the treasury re- oe: of our exports to Texas, exhibit the following result; Our exports to Texas in bd “ “ “ “ “ <e “« “ “« “ If our exports to Texas bad augmented from 1888 to 1843, as they had done from 1837 to 1839, and as they must have done with her great 1ocrease of business and population, but for ber being placed towarde us, in the mean time, in the attitude ofa foreign etate, they wou'd have amounted in 1848, te $3,047,000, 1netead of $190,000 uch has been the immense reduction in our exporta to Texas, crested by her recognition by other uations, and commer- cial treaties with them, since 1839. But great as were our ¢xports to Texas in 1839, they were by no means so large as if che hed then been a State of the Union; tor ehe then had, and still nas, in foree a tariff on importe, varying on most anicles from 10 to 50 per cent., which must’ have prohibited some of our exports there, and diminished otaera, Our tanff, also, did not embrace Texas, and secure to our manufactures almost a monopoly iu ber supply. Had ali these causes combined, a8 they would have done, had Texas been a State of the Trion, our ex- ports there «f domestic articles must huve reached, in 1843, $7,164,139, as I shall proceed to demon- strate: The prodnets of Lousiana, by the censas of 1840, were $35 0.44 959, of which there waa, in sugar and cotten, $15 476.783; and of this, there wasot sngar, $4 797,98 ; of which sugar, if we deduct $476 783, ag coneumed inthe State, being more than duuble her proportionate consumption, it would leave $15,- 000,000 of products raised and exported hy Lovisia- na in 1840, when her population wus 852,411; and Texas, producing now inthe same proportion to her present population ef 200,000, would produce $19,896 360, and of exports fur sale beyond her li- mits, $8,522 724; and deducting trom this $1 258,- 585, the proportion of her products employed ia the urchase of foreign products for her uee, would ae $7,164,139 of the products of Texas used ia the purchase of articles from other States of the Union. But if reannexed tothe Union, in ten years thereafter, how much would she purchase of the Bieguote of other Stat -sof the Union’? If we allow ‘exasto increase in the tame ratio to the square mile as the State of Louisiana atter the first census succeeding the purchase from 1810 to 1820. the pop- ulation, in ten years, occupying the 318,000 rquare miles of Texas, would exceed two miilions; and the increase in many States has been much more rapid. But estimated at two millions, Texas would then, according to the above proportion, consume $71,641 390 per annum of the products of other States, which consumption would be rapidly increa- sing every year; and her annual preduets then would be $198 863,600; which, also, would be greatly and constantly augmenting. Such is the oak we are about casing from us, and the home market we are asked to abandon ; for when we see that, by the failure of reannexation, our domestie exnorts in 1843, to Texns, had fallea to $140,220; and ‘his, multiplied by ten, would give the consump- tion, at the end of ten years, of our preducts by Texas, $1,408 200, it makes an annual loas of a mar- ket for our products to the amount of $70,238,190; and the loss would be greater, if Texus then, as @ foreign State, consumed of curexportain proportion to their consumptien by the rest of the world, which would reduce her purchase of our products to $230,- 000, and make our loss $71,411,390 per annum ; and it we add to this the lows of revenue from the du- ties on imports, and the logs of the proceeds ot the sales of her public lands, estimated at $170,139 158, which would all be ours by reannexation, the na- tional loss, by the rejection of Texas must be esti- mated by hundreds of millions Nor isit the trade of Texas tien eer would be lost, but that of Santa Fe, and all the northern States of Mexico, ay ec with the possession by us of Texus and the Del Norte, would become consumers of immense amounts of our manufactures and other products, and would pay us toa great extent in silver, which is their great staple. Texas, also, has valuable mines of gold and silver, and this aleo would be one ct her great exports, with which she would purchase our products; aad thus, by her specie infased into our circulation, render our currency more secure, and eubject usto less danger of being drained to too great an extent of gold and sliver. Our exports of lomestic producia by the treaenry report. of 1840, amounted to $103 583,895, deducting which from ‘ole products by ihe census f 181, would 600,545 of our own products, consumed, tion of 17 062 453; and vestic products. ($108,- wixtion of the world, (910 000.- onsumpuon of $56 ny €ach oof of 1 velue of our each persoa leave § that year by son within four own products as thus pro- ving the won regards the cons sumption ¢ Union, between Texas no couain fleet, ule those art © to come, #9 6 foreign (ihe Union. When we re- oroducts ot Texas are chiefly of re low whieh find a market abroad, itt with the means to purebage, with the pre of th » the surplus pro- ducta o} ates, which do not produce theee exports ; neretore, the secession of euch a country t + Union is vastly meve mportapi tothe great m aring interest than f “Lexas did not raise such €x orts, but became a rival producer of our own domestic munufactures. Hence it must be obvious, independent of the proof here exhibited, that the New England States, the middie ond north- western Statee, would derive the principal profit from the reannexation of Texis. Peonsylvacia standing first, and then Massachusetis and New York ; and of the cities, Pittsburg, Cincinnati, and New Orleans, Boston, New York, Baltimore, and Philadelphia. The city which wiil derive the great- est advantage, in proportion to her population, un- doubtedly,will be Pittsburg, not only from the won- derful extent and variety of her manufactures, but also from her position. e same steamboat con- stiucted by her ekilful workinen, which starts from Pittsburg, at the head ef the Ohio, freaghted with ber manufactures, can ascend the Red river tor ma- ny hundreds m lea, into one of the mout fertile re~ gions of Texis, acd return to the iron city witha carzo of cotton, there to be manufactured for sale in Texas, and other sections of the Union. ‘Th steamboats of Pittsburg, also, can descend the Mis- sissippi to the gulf, and, consting aloug its shores to Galveston, Matagorda, and the other ports of Tex: there diepove of their cargoes of manufactures, an bring back the cotton and sugar of Ti and the gold and silver, which will be farnished by her mines in great abundance, whenever they are work- cd with suffix kill and ital. Pittsburg isa great western city; and whether she shall soon be the greatest manufacturing city of the world, de- pends upon the markets of the west, and especially on the market of Texas—which, we have seen, can alone be secured by reannexation, and, without it, muat be lost forever. And ehall Pittsburg comp'aim that new States are to be added inthe West 1 Y; the new States of the West have made P.ttsburg all that she is, and all that she ever will be; and each addition to their number will only still more rapidly augment her markets, her business, ber wealth, population. Nor can Pittsburg wdvayce without the correspondent improvement of Philadelphia, and of all the great interior of Pennsy’ fen the whole lise of iaternal comraunication that binds together the two great cities of the Keystone Sule. While it is true that New England, and the middle and northwestern Sta‘es, will derive the greatest [Continued on the Sizth Page.)