The New York Herald Newspaper, March 7, 1844, Page 2

bank of the river Rio Bra 1 of latitude, and he Paci» The noble and glorious proposition jack-on woul » of Gener ule of Texas, but also. t and most portion of ‘upper Califorma, together with the bay aad harbor of San Francisco, the best on the western coast of America, and equal to any in the world. [f,it was deemed, as it it is clear- ly most desirable.to obtain the reannexation of Texas, down to a period as late as August, 1835, is it less important at this period t ‘We find the administration of Messrs. Adams and Clay in 18% and 1827, and that of Jackson and Van Buren, in 1829, ‘and subsequently in 1833 and 1835, making strenuous efforts to procure the rean- nexation of Texas, by a purchase from Mexico, at the expense of millions of dollars. Let me observe also the dates of these efforts. That of the first, by Messrs. Adams and Clay, in March, 1825, was within three years only after the recognition of the independence of Mexico by this country, and prior to its full recognition by other powers; and it was within less than five fears subsequent to the final ratification of the treaty by which we surrendered Texas, not to Mexico, but to Spain. Now, as Spain had not then recognised the independence of Mexi- co, and the war was still waging between those nations, the only title which Mexico had to Texas, was by @ successful revolution, and is precisely the same title, and depending. on the same principles, as that now poseessed by Texas. The same re- marks apply to the subsequent efforts of Mesers. ‘Adame and Clay in 1827, and of Jackson and Van Buren in 1829, to acquire Texas by purchase from Mexico. And even at the latest period, no more time had elupee between the date of the recognition of the independence of Mexico, and the proposed purchase from her, than the time (now about seven years) ince our recognition of the independence of Texas. Throughout the period of all these pro- posed treaties, the war was waging between Mexi- co and . The brave Porter, our own gallant commodore, commanded the Mexican navy, aided by many American officers and crews. In the earlier part, also, of the conflict on the land, the gallant Perry, and the brave Magee, an American officer, with a combined American and Mexican army, had defeated the royal forces of Spain in many a glorious conflict. “Throughout this whole period, Mexico was soliciting and obtaining the aid of our countrymen, on the ocean and on the land; and itis more than doubtful whether, in the absence ef that assistance, Mexico would yet have achreved her independence. On the 27th July 1829, las, with a ae army of four thousand men, captured the Mexican city of Tampico,which he held until the 10th September of the same year. Yet, on the 25:h August, 1829, whilst the fate of thie expedition was yet undetermined, the adminis- tration of Jackson and Van Boren, as we have seen, proposed the purchase of Texas trom Mexico. if, then, there be any force in the objections, that Texas was aided in her conflict by American citi- zens, that the war is still waning. which it is not,) or that the independence of Texas isstill unre- cognised by Mexico, or that a treaty with Mexico (as we had with Spain) had been ratified,—all these reasons apply with far greater force aguinst the ese parchase of Texas from Mexico in 1825. 1827, and 1829, when Mexico was yet unrecognised by Spain; when our trenty, surrendering Texas to Spain, was unrescinded, except by the revolution in Mexico; and when our cit zens were still aiding, as they always had done, the people of Mexico in their struggle for independence. It istrue, that, in 1837, within « few weeks or months succeedin; our recognition of the independence of Texas, an before her recogniton by any foreign powers, it might have enbyeeted vs to unjust imputations; and therefore might have been deemed inexpedient, at such a time, and under such circumstances, to reannex Texus by a treaty tothis Union. But now, when seven years have elapsed since our recogni- tion of the independence of Texas; and she has been recognized for many years as an independent power by the great nations of Europe; and her sovereignty fully established, and fully acknow- ledged, there cun be no objection to such a treaty at this peried. i i The reasoas assigned in 1825, 1827, 1829, 1833 and 1885, for the reannexation of Texas, apply now with full force. These reasons were, that the Sabine, as a boundary, was too near New Or- Jeans; that the defence of that city was rendered insecure; and that the Arkansas and Red riyer, and all their tributaries, ought to be in our own exclusive possession. The present boundary is the worst whieh could be devised. It isa succession of mene and curves, carving out the great valley of the Weet into a sh ipe that is absolutely hideous.— It surrenders the Red river, and Arkansas, and their numerous tributaries, for thousands of miles, to a foreign power. It brings that power upon the Gulf, within a day’s sail of the mouth of the Missiesippi, and in the interior, by the curve of the Sabine, within about one hundred miles of the Miser: It places that power, for many hun- dred miles, on the banks ae the Red river, in im- mediate contact with sixty thousand Indian war- riors of our own, and with very many thousand of the fiercest savage tribes in Texas, there to be armed and equipped for the work of death and desolation. It enables a foreign power, with such aids, to descend the Red river, to the junction of the Mississippi, there to cut off all communication from above or below, to arrest at that point all boats which were descending with their troops and munitions of war for the defence of New Orlean and fall down suddenly on that city, thus isolate: from the rest of the Union, and subjected to cer- tain ruin. From the mouth of the Mississippi to the Sabine there is not a single harbor where an American vessel of war could find shelter; but westward of the mouth of the Sabine, in Texas, are several deep is and harbors; and Galveston, one of these, has a depth of water equal to that at the mouth of the Mississippi. Looking into the interior, along this extraordinary boundary, we find a foreign power stretching for many hundred miles along t e Sabine to the Red river; thence westseveral hundred miles along that river to the western boundary of our In- dian territories; thence north to the Arkansas, and up that stream to the southern boundary of the ter- ritory of Oregon, and at a point which, according to the recent most able survey of Lieutenant Fre- mont, 18 within twenty miles of the pass of the Rocky mountains, which secures the entrance to Oregon. We thus place a foreign power there, to Move eastward or westward, npon the valley of the Columbia or Mississippi. We place this power north of St_ Louis, north of a portion of Iowa, and south of New Orleans, and along this line for several thoasand miles in our rear. Such isthe hoandary at present given to the val- pi of the West: such the imminent dangers to which it is subjected of Tudian massacre; such the dismemberment of the great valley, and of many of the noblest streuns tributaries of the Missis- spots such the surrender of so many hundred miies of our coast, with so many bays and harbors; such the hazard to which NewOrleans is subjected, and the outlet of all our commerce to the gulf. Such is our present boundary; andi@it can be exchanged for one that will give Und pei security, that will place our own people and our own settlements in rear of the Indian tribes, and that will cut them off from foreign intlaence; that will restore to us the uninterrupted navigation of the Red river and Ar- kansag, and of all their tributaries; that will place us at the north, upon a point to command the pass of Oregon, and, on the south, to secure New Or- leans, and render certain the command of the Gulf of Mexiao. [a pursuing our ancient and rightful boundary, before we surrendered Texas, along the Del Norte, we are brought, by a western curve of that great river, to apoint within four hundred miles of the Pacific oc and where the waters of the Del Norte almost mingle with those that flow into the Western ocean. Up to thispoint on the Del Norte it is navigable tor steamboats; and from that point to the Pacific is a good route for caravans, and where, it is believed, the Pacific may be unite with the Del Norte aad the Gulf by a railroad, not longer than that which now unites Buffalo and Bos- ton; and where, even now, without such a road, we could command the trade of all the northern States of Mexico, and of a very large portion of the western coast of America. nce of Texas is thus described by his speech of the 3d of April, 1820; ounts concurred in representing Texs to be extremely able. Its superficial extent was three or four times greater than that of Florida. The climate wus delicious; the soil fertile, the mar- gins of the rivers abounding in live-oak; and the couatry admitting of easy settlement. It possessed, moreover, ithe were not misinform one of the finest ports in the Gulf of Mexico. The produc- tions of which it was capable, were suited to our wants. The unfortunate capuve of St Helena wished for ships, commerce, and colonies. We have thern all, if we do not wantonly throw them pees The colonies of other countries are separa- ted from them by vast seas, requiring great expense to protect them, and are held subject to a constant risk of their being torn from their grasp. Our colo- niea, on the contrary, are snited: to, and form a part, of our contineat; and the same Mississippi, rom whose rich deposite the best of them (Louisi- ana) has been formed, will transport on her bosom the brave, the patriotic men trom her tributary Streams, to defend and preserve the next most valuable—the province of Texas.” ‘* He was not disposed to disparage Florida; but its intrinsic value was incomnparably less than that of Texas.” Ia the of instructions from Mr. Madison, as Secretary of State, uf the 29th July, 1903, he says, “the woquisition of the Floridas is still to be pursued.”” ¢ udda, the exchange of any part of wiana, Which Spain may worcee for of the Floridas,” “is inadmissible.” value there is no equality” ‘“ We are the less disposed also to make sacrifices to ob- tain the Fluridas; because their position and the manifest course events an early and reasonable acquisition of In Mr. Madison’s letter, aleo, as Sect of State, of the 8th July, 1904, he announces the ition of Mr. Jefferson “to « perpetual relir nisiment of territory what- ever eastward of Rio Brave.” In the message of President Houston of the Sth May, 1837, he says that Texas contains “ four-fifths of all the live oak now in the world.” Cotton will be itsgreat i and some sugar molasses will be produced.— The , the olive, and indigo, and cocoa, and peatiy all the fruits of the tropics will be grown there also. In Texas are valuable mines of go and silver; the silver mine on the San Saba having been examined and found to be among the richest in the world. . is ; In the recent debate in the British Parliament, Lord Brougham said: ‘* The importance of Texas could not be overrated. It was a country of the greatest capabilities, and was in extent full as large as France, It poeseased a soil of the finest and most fertile character, and it was capable of producing all tropical produce ; and its climate was of a most healthy character. Ithad access to the gulf, to the river Mississippi, with which it communicated by means of the Red river.” The possession of Texas would ensure to us the trade of Santa Fe and all the northern States of Mexico. Above all, Texas is a large and indispensable portion of the valley of the West. That valley once was all our own; but it has been dismembered by @ treaty formed when the West held neither of the high executive stations of the government, and was wholly unrepresented in the cabinet at Washington. The Red river and Arkansas, divided and mutilated, now flow, with their numeroustributaries, for many thousand miles, through the territory of a foreign power ; and the ‘West has been forced back along t e gulf, from the Del Norte to the Sabine. If, then, it be true that the sacrifice ot Texus was made with painful reluc- tance, all those who united in the surrender will re- joice at the re-acquisition. This is no question of the purchase of new terri- tory, but of the re-annexation of that which once wasall our own. It is not a question of the exten- sion of our limits, but of the restoration of former boundaries. It proposes no new addition to the valley of the Mississippi ; but ot its re-union, and all its wa- ters, once more, under our dominion. If the Creator had separated ‘Texas from the Union by mountain barriers, the Alps or the Andes, these might be plau- sible objections; but he pale down the whole valley, including Texas, and united every atom of the soil and every drop of the waters of the mighty whole. He has linked their rivers with the great Mississippi, and marked and united the whole for the dominion of one government and the residence of one people; and it is impious in man to attempt to dissolve this great and glorious Union. Texas is a part of Keqwacty a pertion of the same great valley. Itisa o! New York and Pennsylvania, a part of Maryland and Virginia, and Ohio, and of all the western States, whilst the Tennessee unites with it the waters of Georgia, Alabama, and Caro- lina, The Alleghany, commen its course in New York, and with the Youghiogany, from Mary- land and Monongahela, from Virginia, merging wich the beautiful Ohio at the metropolis of western Penneylvania, embrace the streams of Texas ut the mouths of the Arkansas and Red River, whence their waters flow in kindred union to the gulf. And here let me say, that New York ought to reclaim for the Alleghany its true original name, the Ohio, of which it is a part, and so marked and called by that name in the British maps, prior to 1776, one of which isin the possession of the distinguished representative from the Pittsburg district ot Penn- sylvania. The werds “Ohio” and ‘‘Alleghany,” in two different Indian dialects, mean clear, as de- signing truly, in both cases, the character of the water of both streams; and hence it is that New York is upon the Ohio, and truly stands at the head of the valley ofthe West. The treaty which struck Texas from the Union, inflicted a blow upon this mighty valley. And who will say that the West shall remain dismembered and mutilated, and that the ancient boundaries of the republic shall never be restored? Who will desire to check the young eagle of America, now refixing her gaze upon our former limits, and repluming her pinions for her eternal flight?) What American will say that the flag of the Union shall never wave aes through- out that mighty territory; and that what Jefferson acquired, and Madison refased to surrender, shall never be restored? Who will oppose the re-esta- blishment of our glorious constitution, over the whole of the mighty valley which once was shield- ed by its benignant sway? Who will wish again to curtail the limits of this great Republicanempire, and Nine to dismember the ear valley of the Weat? Who will retuse to replant the banner of the Republic upon our former boundary, or surrender the Arkansas and Red River, and retransfer the coast of the gulf? Whowill refuse to heal the bleeding wounds of the mutilated west, and reunite the veins and arteries, dissevered by the dismem- bering cession of Texas to Spain? To refuse to ac- cept the annexation is to resurrender the territory of Texas, and redismember the valley of the West. Nay, more, under existing circumstances, it is to lower the of the Union before the red cross of St. cece: and to surrender the Forida pass, the mouth of the Miss i, the command of the Mex- ican gulf, and finally Texas itself, into the hands of England. As a question of money, no State is much more deeply interested in the reannexation of Texas than your own great Commonwealth of Kentucky. There, if Texas becomes part of the Union, will be a great and growing market for her beef and pork, her lard and butter, her flour and corn; and there, within a very short period, would be found a ready sale for more than a million dollars in va- lue, of her bale rope and hemp and cotton bagging. Nor cannot it be that Kentucky would desire, by the refusal of reannexation, to mutilate and dis- member the valley of which she is apart; or that Kentucky would curtail the limits of the Republic, or diminish its power and strength and glory. It cannot be that Kentucky will wish to see uny fi except our own upon the banks of the Sabine an Arkansas and Red River, and within a day’s sail ofthe mouth of the Mississippi, and the outlet of all her own commerce in the Gulf Many of her own people are within the limits of Texas, and its battle-fields are watered with the blood of many of her sons. It was herown intrepid Milam, who headed the brave three hundred, who, armed with rifles only, captured the fortress of the Alamo, de- fended by heavy artillery, and thirteen hundred of the picked troops of Mexico, under one of their best commanders. And will Kentucky refuse to re-embrace so many of her own people nor permit them, without leaving Texas, to return to the American Union? And if war should ever again revisit our country, Kentucky knows that the steady aim of the western riflemen, and the brave hearts and stout hands within the l:mits of Texas, are, in the hour ef danger, among the surest defenders of the country, and especially of the valley of the West. The question of reannexation, and of the restoration of ancient boundaries, is a much strong- er case than that of the purchase of new territory. It 18 a stronger case also than the acquisition of Louisiana or Florida; not only upon the ground that these were both an acquisition of new territory, but that they embraced a foreign people, dissimilar to our own in language, laws, and institutions; and transferred without their knowledge or consent, by the act of a European king. More especially, in a case like this, where the people of Texas occupied a region which was once exclusively our own; and this people, in whom we askhowlsdaa to reside the only sovereignty over the whole and every por- tion of Texas, desire the reannexation—that we cannot re-establish our former boundaries, and re. store to usthe whole or any portion of the terri- tory wh.ch was once our own, is a proposition, the bare statement of which is its best refutation. | Let us examine, now, some ot the objections us°d against the reannexationof Texas. And here, it is remarkable that the objections to the purchase of Louisiana are the same now made in the case of Texas; yet all now acknowledge the wisdom of that great measure; and to have ever opposed it, is now regarded asalike unpatriotic and unwise. And so will it be in the case of Texas. The measure will justify itself by its results; and its opponents will stand in the same position now occupied by those who objected to the purchase of Louisiana, The objections, we have said, were the same, and we willex imine them separately. Ist, The exten- sion of territory; and 2d, the question of slavery. As to the extension of territory, it applied with much greater force to the purchase of Louisiana. That purchase annexed to the Union a territory double the size of that already embraced within its limits; whilst the reannexation of Texas, accord- ing to the largest estimates, will add but one-se- venth to the extent of our territory. The highe: estimate of the area of Texas is but 318,000 equare miles, whilst that ef the rest of the Union is 2,000,000 square miles. Now, the British territory, ‘on our own continent of North America, exclusive of the West Indies, and north of our northern boun- dary, is 2,800,000 square miles, being, 500,000 more than that of our whole Union, with Texas united. Indeed, we may add both the Californixs to Texas, and unite them all to the Union, and still the area of the whole will be less than that of the British North American possessions. And is it an Ameri- can doctrine, that monarchies or despotisms are lone fitted for the government of extensive terri- fories, and that a contederacy of States muat be compre: within narrower limits? Of all the forms of government, our confederacy is most spe- cially adapted for an extended territory, and might, without the least danger, but with increased secu- rity, and vastly augmented benefits, embrave a con- tinent. Each State, within its own limits, controls all its local concerns, and the general government chiefly those which Sppertaia to commerce and our foreign relations. Indeed, as you augment the number of States, the bond of Union is stronger; for the opposition of any one State is much lem dangerous and formidable, in a confederacy of States, than of three. On thie sul rience 18 the best test of truth. Has wee a been endangered by the advance in the number of States from thirteen to twenty-six? Look also at all the new States that have been added to the Union since the atoghos of the Constitution, and tell me what one all them, either in war or ce, has ever failed most faithlully to perform its duties; and what one of them has ever proposed or threatened the existence of the government, or the dissolution of the Union? No rebellion or insur- rection has ever raised its banner within their li- mits, nor have traitorous or Union-dissolving con- ventions, in war or in peace, ever been assembled within the boundary of any of the new States of the West; but in peace they have nobly and faithfully Retorned ie tidying 4 te oe bbe and in war the spirit of y Je lore an ardent patriot- ism, and ah lve rushed to the standard of their common ceunt From the shores of the Atlantic and the lakes of the North; from the banks of the Thames and the St. Lawrence to those of the Ala- bama and the Mississippi; from the snows of Cana- da to the sunny plains of the South—the soil of the Union is watered with the blood of the brave and patriotic citizen soldiers of the West. And is it England would persuade us our territory and po- pulation will be too great to permit the re-annex- ation of Texas? Let us see how stands the case with herself and other great powers of the world. The following facts are presented from the most recent geographics:— British empire—area, 8,100,000 square miles; po- pulation 200,000,000. Russian empire—area, 7,500,000 square miles; po- pulation 75,000,000. : Chinese empire—area, 5,500,000 equare miles; po- pulation 250,000,000. a Brazil—area, 3,000,000 square miles; population 6,000,000. - United States (including Texas)—area, 2,316,000 equare miles; population 19,000,000. Here is one monarchy (the British empire) near- ly tour times as large as the United States, inclu- ding Texas; and one monarchy and _ three despot- isms combined, largely more than ten times our area, also including Texas; and to assert, under these circumstances, that our government is to be overthrown or endangered by an addition of one- seventh to its area, is to adopt the exploded argu- ment of kii and despots against our system of confederated States. a3 President Monroe, a citizen of one of the old thirteen States, in his message of 1: thus speaks of the effects of the purchase of Louisiana:— “This expansion of our population, and accession of new States to our Union, have had the happiest effect on all its highest interests. That it has emi- nently augmented our resources, and added to our strength and respectability as a power, is admitted by all. It is manifest, that by enlarging the basis of our system, and increasing the number of States, the system itself has been greatly strengthened in both its branches. Consolidation and tieunion have thereby been rendered equally impracticable. Each government, confiding in its own strength, has less to apprehend from the other; and in consequence, each, he freedom of action, is ren- dered more efficient for all the purposes for which it was instituted.” It is the system of confederate States, united, but not consolidated, and incorpo- rating the great principle which led to the adoption of the constitution—of reciprocal free trade between all the States—that adapt such a government to the extent of a continent. ‘lhe greater the extent of territory, the more enlarged is the power, and the more augmented the blessings of such a govern- ment. In war it will be more certain of success, and therefore wars will be less frequent; and in peace, it will be more respected abroad, and enjoy heat advantages at home, and the less unfavora- le will be the influence on its prosperity, of the hostile policy of foreign nations. It may then have a home market, which, asthe new and exchangea- ble products of various soils and climates are aug- mented, will place its industry less within the con- trolling influence of foreign powers. Especially is this important to the great manufacturing interest, that its home market, which is almost its only mar- ket, should be enlarged and extended by the acces- sion of new territory, and an augmente pabalaticn embraced within the boundaries of the Union, an therefore constituting a part of the domestic market. y the census of 1840, the total product of the mining and the manufactures of the Union, was $282,194,985 ; and of this vast amount, by the trea- sury report, but ee wasexported, and found a market abroad, Almost its only market was the home market, thus demonstrating the vast impor- tance to that great interest of an accession of terri- tory and population at home. Nor is it only the mining and manufacturing in- terests that would feel the influence of such a new and rapidly augmenting home market ; but agricul- ture, commerce, and navigation, the products of the forest and fisheries,the freighting and ship-build- ing interests, would all feel a new impulse; and the great internal communications,by railroads and ca- nals,engaged in transportating our own exchangea- ble products, would find a Cine enlargement of their business and profits, and lead onward to the completion of the present and the construction of new improvements—thus identifying more closely all our great interests, bringing nearer and nearer to each other the remotest portions of the mighty whole, multiplying their trade and intercourse, breaking down the barriers of local and sectional prejudice, and scouting the thought of disunion from the American heart,and leaving the very term obso- lete. Indeed, if we measure distance by thetime in which itis traversed, this Union, with Texas rean- nexed, is much smaller in territory than the Union was at the adoption of the constitution, Then, the journey from the capital to the then remotest corner of the republic could not be traversed in less than a month; while now, much less than one-half that time will take us to the mouth of the Del Norte, the extreme southwestern limit of Texas. Such are the conquests which steam has already effected, upon the water and upon the land; and, when we consider the wonderful advance ‘Which they are still making, we must begin to calculate a journey upon land, by steam, from the Atlantic to the Del Norte, by hours, and not by weeks or months. And he, who, under such Circumstinces, would still say that Texas was too large or distant for re- annexation to the Union, must have been sleeping since the application of steam to locomotion. But it Texas is too large fer incorporation into the Union, why is not Oregon also, which is nearly double the size of Texas? and if Texas is too re- mote, why is not Oregon also, when ten days will take us to the mouth of the Del Norte, whereas three months by land, and five months by sea must be requited for the journey to the mouth o the Columbia. Texas, also, is a part ot the valley of the Mississippi, watered by the same streams, and united with it by nature, as one and indivisi- ble; whereas Oregon is separated from us by mountain barriers, and pours its waters into another and distant ocean. And if Oregon, although dis- uted, and occupied by a foreign power, 18, as I be- eve it to be, in truth and justice, all our own, Texas was once, and for many years, within ow limits, and may now again become our own by the free and unanimous consent, ae aise of ail by whom it is owned and occupied. I have not thus contrasted Texas and Oregon with a view to oppose the occupation of Oregon; for I have al- ways been the ardent friend of that measure. I advocated it in a speech published long before I became a member of the Senate, and now, since the death of the patriotic and lamented Linn, I am the oldest surviving member of the special commit- tee of the Senate which haspressed upon that body, for so many years, the immediate occupation of the whole Territory of Oregon. There, upon the shores of the distant Pacific, if my vote can accom- plish it, shall be planted the banner of the Union; and, with my consent, never shall be surrendered a single point of its coast, an atom of its soil, ora drop of all its waters. ‘But while T am agaiast the surrender of any portion of Oregon, I am also against the surrender of the territory of Texas; for, disguise it as we may, it is a case of re-surren- der, when it once was all our own, and now again is ours, by the free consent of those to whom it belongs, already given, and waiting only the cere- mony of a formal acceptance. Let not those, then, who advocate the occupation of Oregon, tell us that Texas is too distant, or too inaccessible, or too extensive for American occupancy. Let the friends of Ny reflect, also, that Texas, at the head of the Arkansas, is contiguous to Oregon, and within twenty miles of the pass which commands the entrance through all that territory, and the oc- cupation of which pass by a foreign ‘power, would separate the oe and Territory of Oregon from the rest of the Union, and leave them an easy prey to the army of an invader. In truth, Texas is nearly as indispensable for the safe and permanent occupation of Oregon, as it is for the security of New Orleans and the Gulf. The only remaining objection is the question of slavery. And have we a question which is to cur- tail the limits of the republic—to threaten its exia- tence—to aim a deadly blow at all its great and vital interests—to court alliances with foreign and with hostile powers—to recall our commerce and expel our manufactures from bays and rivers that once were all our own—to strike down the flag of the Union, as it advances towards our ancient boundary—to resurrender a mighty territory and invite to its occupancy the deadliest (in truth, the only) foes this government has ever encountered % Is anti-slavery to do allthis? And is it so te en- danger New Orleans, and the valley and commerce and outlet of the West, that we would hold them, not by our own atrength, but by the slender tenure of the will and of the mercy of Great Britain? If anti-slavery can effect all this, may God, in his in- finite mercy, save and ee rreerte this Union ; for the efforts of man woald be feeble and impotent. The avowed object of this party is the immediate abolition of slavery. For this, they traverse seu and land ; for dus, they hold conventions in the societies; there the: countrymen, until their hearts are filled with trea- son; y return, » Americans in name, but Englishmen in feelings end principles Let us all, then, feel and know, whether we live North or South, that this party, if mot vanquished, must overthrow the government, and dissolve the Union. ‘This party propose the immediate abolition of slavery throughoutthe Union. if this were prac- ticable, let us look at the consequences. By the returns of the last census, the products of the slave- holding States, in 1840, amounted in value to 404,429,638. "These products, then, of the South, must have alone enabled it to furnish a home mar- ket tor all the surplus manufactures of the North, aa also a market for the products of its forests and fisheries ; and giving a mighty impulse to all its commercial and navigating interests. Now, nearly all these agricultural products of the South which ac- complish all these great purposes, is the result of slave labor; and, strike down these products by the immediate abolition of slavery, and the markets of the South, for want of the means to purchase,will be lost to the people of the North ; and North and South will be involved in one common ruin. Yes, in the harbors of the North (at Philadelphia, New York and Boston) the vessels would rot at their wharves for want of exchangeable products to car- ry; the building of ships would cease,and the grass would grow in many a street now enlivened by an active and progressive industry. In the interior, the railroads and canals would languish for want of business; and the factories and manufacturin; towns and cities, decaying and deserted, woul stand as blasted monuments of the folly of man.— One universal ban krency would overspread the country, together with all the demoratization and crime which ever accompany such a catastrophe; and the netices at every corner would point onl to sales on execution, by the constable, the sheriff, the marshall,and the auctioneer; whilst the beggars would ask us in the streets, not for pene, but for bread. Dark as the picture may be, it cou! id not ex- ceed the gloomy reality. Such would be the effects in the North; while in the South, no human heart can conceive, nor pen describe, the dreadful con- sequences. Let us look at another result to the North. The slaves being emancipated, not by the South, but by the North, would fly there for safety and protection; and three millions of free blacks would be thrown at once, as if by a convulsion of nature, upon the States of the North. They would come there to the friends of the North, who had iven them freedom, to give them also habitation, food and clothing; and not having it to give, many of them would perish from want and exposure; whilst the wretched remainder would be left to live as they could, by theft or charity. They would still be a degraded caste, free only in name, without the reality of freedom. A few might earn a wretched and precarious subsistence, by competing with ihe white laborers of the North, and reducing their wages to the lowest point in the sliding scale of starvation and misery; whilst the poor house 1, the serine the deaf and dumb, the join in denunci: nese and crime would drive to despair and madness. That these are alities, 1s proved by the census of 1840. Iannex in an appendix a table, marked No. 1, compiled by me entirely from the official returns of the census of 1840, except as to prisons and paupers which are obtained from city and State returns, and the results are as follows:— 1st. The number of deaf and dumb, blind, idiots, and insane, of the negroes in the non-slaveholding States, is one out of every 96; in the slaveholding States, it is one out of every 672, or seven to one in favor of the slaves in this respect, as compared with the free blacks. : 2d. ‘The number of whites, deaf and dumb, blind, idiots, and insane,*in the non-sluveholding States, is one in every, 661, being nearly six to one against the free blacks in the same States. 3d. The number of negroes who are deaf and dumb, blind, idiots, and insane paupers, and in pri- son in the non-slaveholding States, is one out of every 6, and in the slaveholding States, one out of every 154; or twenty-two to one against the free blacks, as compared with the slaves. 4th. Taking the two extremes of north and south in Maine, the number of negroes returned as dea! and dumb, blind, insane, and idiots, by the census of 1840, is one out of every twelve, and in slave- holding Florida, by the same returns, is one of every eleven hundred and five; or ninety-two to one, in favor of the slaves of Florida, as compared with the free blacks of Maine. By the report of the secretary of state of Massa- chusetts (of the Ist of November, 1843) to the legi-- lature, there were then in the county jails, and housesof correction in that State, 4,020 whites, and 364 negroes; and adding the previous returns of the State prison, 255 whites and 32 blacks ; making in all 4,275 whites, and 396 free blacks ; being one out of every one hundred and peeay, of the white, and one out of every twenty-one of the free black population: and by the official returns of the cen- sus of 1840, and their own official returns to their own legislature, one out of every thirteen of the free blacks of Massachuseets was either deaf and dumb, blind, idiot, or insane, or in prison— thus proving a degree of debasement and misery, on the part of the colored race, in that truly great State, which is appalling. In the last official report to the legislature of the warden of the penitentiary of eastern Penrbylvania, he says: ‘The whole number of prisoners received from the opening of the institution, ocr 25, 1820,) to January 1 1843, is 1,622; of these, 1,004 were white males, 633 colored males ; 27 white females, and 58 colored females!” or one out of every 847 of the white, and one out of every sixty-four of the negro population; and of the white female convicts, one cut of every 16,283; and of the colored female convicts, one out of every 349 in one prison, showing a degree of guilt and debasement on the part of the colored females, revolting and unparalleled. When such is the debasement of the colored females, far ex- ceeding even that of the white females in the most corrupt cities of Europe, extending, too, through- out one-half the limits of a great State, we may begin to form some idea of the dreadful condition of the free blacks, and how much worse it is than that of the slaves, whom we are asked to liberate and consign to a similar condition of guilt and mi- sery. Where, too, are these examples? The first is in the great State of Massachusetts, that, for 64 years, hus never had a slave, and whose free black population, being 5,463 in 1790, and but 8,669 at present, is nearly the same free negro population, and their descendants, whom tor more than half a century she has strived, but strived in vain, to ele- vate in rank and comfort and morals. The other example 1g the eastern half of the great State of Pennsylvania, including Philadelphia, and the Quakers of the State, who, with an industry and humanity that never tired, and a charity that spared not time or money, have exerted every effort toim- rove the morals and better the condition of their ree black population. But where are the grea‘ re- sults? Let the census and the 1eports of the pri- sons answer. Worse—incomparably worse, thao the condition of the slaves, and demonstrating that the free black, in the midst of his friends in the. North, is sinking lower every day in the scale of of want and crime and misery. ‘The regular phy- sicians’ report and review, published in 1540, says the “ facts, then, show an increasing disproportion- ate number of colored prisoners in the eastern peni- tentiary.” In contrasting the condition, for the same year, of the penitentiaries of all the non-slave- holding States, as panes with ail the slave. holding States, in which returns are made, I find the number of free blacks is filty-four to one, as compared with the slaves, in proportion to popula- tion, who are incarcerated in these prisons. ‘Lhere are no paupers among the slaves, whilst in the non- slaveholding States great is the number of colored aupers. 7 : From the Belgian statistics, compiled by Mr. Quetelet, the distinguished secretary of the Royal Academy of Brussels, it appears that in Belgium the number of deaf and dumb was one out of every 2,180 persons ; in Great Britain, one out of every 1,589; in Italy, one out of every 1,589 ; and in Eu- rope, one out of every 1,474. f the blind, one out of every 1,009 in Belgium ; one out ot every 800 in Prussia ; one out of every 1,600 in France ; and one out of every 1,666 in Saxony; and no further re- turns, as to the blind, are given. (Belgian Anna- aire, 1936, pages 213, 215, 217.} But the table shows an average in Europe of one of every 1,474 of deaf and dumb, and of ubout one out of every 1,000 of blind; whereas our census shows, of the deaf anddumb whites ot the Union, one out of eve- ry 2,193; and of the blacks in the non-slaveholding Ehates, ‘one out of every 656; also, of the bling, one out of everv 2,821 of the whites of the Union, and one out of every 516 of the blacks in the non- slaveholding States. Thus we have not only shown the condition of the blacks of the non-slavéholding States to be far worse than that of the slaves of the South, but also far worse than the condition of the ‘ople of Europe, deplorable as that may be. Ithas Been heretofore shown that the free blacks in the non-tlaveholding States were becoming, in an aug- mentee proportion, more debased in morals aa they increased in numbers; and the same proposition is true in other respects. h by the census of 1830, the number of deaf and dumb ot the free blacks of the non- slaveholdiag States, was one of every 996; and o! blind, one out of every 893; whereas we huve seen, by the census of 1840, the number ef tree blacks, deaf and dumb, in the non-slaveholding States,was one out of every 656; and of blind, one out of every 616. In the Javt ten years, then, the alarming fact is proved, that the p rtionate number ot free black deal and dumb, and also of blind, has in- creased about fifty per cent. No statement 10 the insane or idiots is given in the census of 1830. Let us now examine the future facrease of tree the ala’ jing States, if Texas is not reannexed to the Union. By the census of 1790, the number of free blacks in the States (adding New York) adjoining the elave- holding States, was 13,953. In the States (adding New York) adjacent to the slaveh the number of tree blacks, by the census of 1840, wus 148,107; being an aggre ate increase of nearly eleven to one in New York, New Jersey, Pennsly- vania, Ohio, Indiana, and Minos Now, by the census table above given, the gate num ber of free blacks who were deaf and dumb, blind, idiot or insane, paupers, or in prisons, in the non- slaveholding States, was 26,342, o1 one in every six of the whole number. Now it the free black pop- ulation should increase in the same ratio, ia the gate, in New York, New Jersey, Pennsylva- nia, Ohio, Indiana, and filinois, from 1840 toi , as it did from 1790 to 1840, the aggregate free black ulation in these six States would be, in 1890, 1,- ,000; in 1865, 800,000; in 1853, 400,000; and the aggregate number in these six States of free blacks, according to the present proportion, who would then be deaf and dumb, blind, idiot or insane, paupers or in prison, would be, in 1890, 266,606; in 1865, 183,333; and in 1853, 66,666; being, as we have seen, one-sixth of the whole number. Now, if the annual cost of eupporting these free blacks in these asylums, and other houses, including the in- terest on the sums expended in their erection, and for the annual repairs, and the money disbursed for the arrest, trial, conviction, and transportation of the criminals, amounted to fifty dollars each, the annual tax on the people of these six States, on ac- count of these free blacks, would then be, in 1890, $319.383,200; in 1865, $6,066,600; and in 1853, ¢: Does, then, humanity require that we should ren- der the blacks more debased and miserable, by this process of abolition, with greater temptations to crime, with more of real guilt, and lees of actual comforts? As the free blacks are thrown more and more upon the cities of the North, und compete more there with the white laborer, the condition of the blacks becomes worse and more perilous every day, until we have already seen, the masses of Cin- cinnati and Philadelphia rise to expel the negro race beyond their limits. Immediate abolition, whilst it deprived the South of the means to pur- chase the products and manufactures of the North and West, would fill those States with an inunda- tion of the free black population, that would be ab- solutely intolerable. Immediate abolition, then, has but few advocates; but if emancipation were not immediate, but only gradual, whilst slavery ex- isted to any great extent in the slaveholding States bordering upon the States of the North and West, this expulsion; by gradual abolition, of the free blacks into the States immediately north of them, would be very considerable, and rapi augment- ing every year It this process of ual aboli- tion only doubled the number of free blacks, to be thrown ‘upon the States of the North and Weat, then, a reference to the tables Shefore presented, roves that the number of free blacks in New York, Bouse New Jersey, Ohio, Indiana, and Illi- neis, would be, in 1890, 3,200,000; in 1868, 1,600,- 000; and in 1853, 800,000; and that the annuul ex- penses to the people of these six Stat: 8, on account of the free blacks would be, in 1890, , 668,400; in 1865, $13,333,200; and in 1853, $6,666,610. It was in view, no doubt, of these facts, that Mr. Davis, of New York, declared, upon the floor of Congress, on the 29th of December, 1843,that ‘the abolition of slavery in the southern States must be followed by adeluge of black population to the North, filling our jails and Pony houses, and bring: ing destruction upon the laboring portion of our people.” _ Duncan also, ot Ciicinnati, Ohio, in his speech in Congress en the 6th of January, 1844, declared the result of abolition would be to inundate the North with free blacks, described by him as “‘paupers, beggars, thieves, assassins, and desperadoes; all, or nearly all, penniless and desti- tute, without skill, means, industry, or persever- arce to obtaina livelihood; each possessing and cherishing revenge for supposed or real wrong+.— No man’s fireside, person, family, or property, would be safe by day or night. It now requires the whole energies of the law and the whole vig:!ance of the pollce of our principul cities to restrain und keep in subordination the few straggling free ne- groes which now infest them.” If suc! the case now, what will be the result when, by abolition, gradual or immediate, the number of these tree negroes shall be doubled and quadrupled, und decu- pled, in the more northern of the slaveholding States, before slavery had receded trom their limits and nearly the whole of which free black popula- tion would be thrown on the adjacent non-sluve- holding States. Much, if not all of this great evil will be prevented by the reannexation of Texas— Since the purchase of Louisiana and Florida, and the settlement of Alabama and Mississippi, there have" been carried into this region, as the census demonstrates, from the States of Delaware, Mary- land, Virginia, and Kentucky, half a million of slaves, including their descendants, that otherwise would now be within the limits of those four States. Such has been the result as to have diminished, in two of these States nearest to the North, the num- ber of their slaves far below what they were at the census of 1790, and tohave reduced them at the census of 1810, in Delaware, to the small number of 2,605. Now, if we double the rate of diminu- tion, as we certainly will by the reannexation of Texas, slavery will stat from Delaware in ten years and from Maryland in twenty, and have great! diminished in Virginia and Kentucky. As, then, by reannexation, ‘slavery advances in Texas, it must recede to the same extent from the mere northern of the slaveholding States; an: conse- quently, the evil to the northern States, from the expuleion into them of free blacks, by abolition, gradual or immediate, would thereby be greatly mitigated, it not entirely prevented. In the Dis- trict of Columbia, by the drain to the new States and Territories of the South and Southwest, the slaves have been reduced from 6,119 in 1830, to 4,694 in 1840; and if, by the reannexation, savery receded in a double ratio, :then it would disappear altogether from the District in twelve year; and that question, which now occupies so much of the time of Congress, and threatens so seriously the harmony, if not the existence of the union, would be put at rest by the reanpexation of Texas. This reannexation, then,would only change the locality of the slaves, and of the slaveholding St. te-, wi h- out augmenting their number. Andis Texas to be lost to the Union, not by the question of the exist- ence of slavery, but of its locality only? If slaver be considered by the States of the North as an evil, why should they prefer that its location should be continued in States ce their border, rather than in the more distant portions of the Uniow. it is clear that, as cea advanced in Texas, 1 would re- cede from the Btates Bordegugion the free States. of the North and West; and thus they would be released from actual contact with what they con sider an evil, and also from all influx from those States of a large and constantly angmenting free black population. As regyrds the slaves, the Afri- can being from a tropical climate, and trom the re- gion of the burning sands and sun, his comfort and condition would be greatly improved, by a tran:fer from northern latitudes to the genial and most salu- brions climate of Texas. There he wonld never suffer from that exposure to cold und frost, which he feels so much more severely than any other race; and there, also, frem the great fertility of the, soil, and exuberance of its products, his supply of food would be abundant. If a desire to improve the condition and increase the comforts of the slave really animated the anti-slavery party, they would be the warmest advocates of the reannexa- tion of Texas. Nor can it be disguised that, by the reannexation, as the number of free blacks augmented in the slaveholdivg States, they would be diffused gradually through Texas and Mexico, and Central and South America, where nine-tenths of their present population are already of the col- ored races, and where, from their vast preponder- ance in number, they are not a degraded caste, but upon a footing, not ere of legal, but what is far more important, of actual equ:lity with the rest of the population. Here, then, il ‘Texas isreannexed throughout the vast region and salubrious and de- licious climate of Mexico, and of Central and Sonthern America, a large and rapidly increasing rtion ot the African race will disappear from the limits of the Union. The process will be gradual and progressive, without a shock, and without a convulsion; whereas, by the lors of Texus,and the imprisonment of the slave population of the Union within its present limits, slavery would increase in nearly all the slaveholding States, and a change in their condition would become impossible; or if it did take place by sudden or gradual abolition, the result would us certainly ge the sudden or gradual introduction of hundrec®.of thousands of free blacks into the States of ti€North; and if their condition there is already deplorable, how would it be when their number there should be augmented tenfold, and the burden become intolerable? Then, indeed, by the loss of the markets of ‘Texas—b the taxation imposed by an immense free blac! population, depressing the value of all property— then, also, from the competition for employment of the free black with the white laborer of the North his wages would be reduced until they would fall to ten Se Wenty. Geass a day, and starvation and misery would be introduced among the white boring population. There is but one way in whi the North can escape these evils; and that is the re- annexation of Texas, which i6 the only safety- valve for the whole Union, and the only practica- ble outlet for the African population, through Texas into Mexico and Cr niral and Southern America. ‘There is a congental climate tor the African race. There cold and want and hanger will not drive the African, as we see it does in the North, into the poor-honse and the jail, and the asylu t the idiotand insane There the boundless ai ost unpeopled territory of Mexico, and of Central and Southern America, with its delicious climate, and most prolific soil, renders most easy the means ol subsistence; and there they would not be a ded caste, but equals among equals, not nid lox, bes b: fooling end onnoe iation. e medical writers all say, (und experie: confirms the gssertion,) that t reatment, ad work, neglect in infancy and sicknyss, drunke want, and crime, are the chief causes of idiocy, blindness, and lunacy; whilst none will deny that want and guilt fill the poot-house and the jail — ‘Why is it, then,that the free black is (as the census peovatt mach wretched i3 condition, and de- ased in morals, than the slave? These free blacks are among the people of the North, and their con- dition is most deplorable in the two great States of Maine and Massachusetts, where, since 1780, slavery never existed. Now, the people of the North are eminently humane, religious, and intel- ligent. What then, is the cause of the misery and debasement of their free black lation? It is chiefly in the fact that the free blacks, among their real superiors—our own white population—are,and ever will be, a degraded caste, free enly in name, without any of the blessings of freedom. Here they can have no pride, and no aspirations—no epirit of industry or emulation, and, in most cases, to live, to vegetate, is their only desire. Henee, the efforts to improve their condition, so long made in Massachusetts, Pennsy!vania, and many other States, have proved utterly uns railing itgrows worse every year, as that population “augments in numbers. In vain do many of the S ive the negro the right of suffrage, and ail the legul privi- leges of the whites: the color marks the dreadful difference which, here, at least, xges cannot oblite- rate. The negroes, however cual in Jaw, are not equal in fact. They are nowliere found in the col- leges or universities, upon the bench or at the bar, in the muster, or the jury box, in legislative or exe- cutive stations; nor does marriage, the great bond of society, unite the white with the negro, except arare occurrence of such unnatural alliance, to call forth the scorn or disgust of the whole com munity. Indeed, { could traly aay, if passing into the immediate presence of the Most High, that, in morals and comforts, the free black is tar below the slave; and that, while the condition of the slave has been greatly ametiorated, and is Improvi: every year, that of the free blacks (as the offici tubles demonstrate) is sinking in misery and de- basement at every census, as, from time to time, by emancipation and other canenny: they are aug- mented in number. Can it, then, be sinful to re- fuse to change the coudition of the slaves to a posi- tion of far greater wretchedness and debasement, by resaciog (ie to the level of the free-negro race, to occupy the asylums of the deaf and dumb, the blind, the idiot and insan«; to wander as mendi- cants; to live in pestilent alleys and hovela.by theft or Shari: or to prolong a miserable existence in the poor house or the jail? All history proves that no people on earth are more docoly. imbued wit.’ the love of freedom, and of its diflusion every- where, among all who can appreciate and enioy its blessings, than the people «f the South; and if the negro slave were ‘mproved in merals and com- forte, and rendered capable of self-government, by emancipation, itwould not be gradual, but im- profits of sincery were tenfold reat- are. Is slavery, then, never to e Union? If confined within i ar from mits, I do not perceive when or how it m nate. It is true, Mr. George Tucker, the distin- guished Virginian, and professor in their great uni- versity, haa demonstrated that, in a period not ex- ceeding eighty years, and probably less, from the density of population in ail the slaveholding Sates, hired Inbor would be as abundant and cheap as slave labor, and that all pecuniary motive for the continuance of slavery Would then have ceased. But would it, therefore, then disappear? No, itcer- tainly would not; for, at the lowest ratio, the slaves would thea number at least ten mullions. Could such a mass be emancipated? Aad if so, what would be the result? We have seen, by the census and other proof, that one-sixth of the free blacks must be supported at the public expense; and that, at the low rate of $50 each, it would cost $30,000,- 000 per annum to be raised by taxation to support the tiee blacks then inthe South requiring support, namely: 1,666,666, if manumission were permitted; but as such a tax could riot be collected, emancipa- tion would be as it now is, prohibited by law, and slavery could not disappear in this manner, even when it became unprofitable. No, ten millions of free blacks, perninied to roum at large in the limits of the South, could never be tolerated. Again, then, the question is asked, is slavery never to dis- appear from the Union? This is a startling and mo- mentous question, but the answer is easy, and the proofs clear; it will certainly disappear it Texas is reannexed to the Union; not by abolition, but against and in epite of all its frenzy, slowly, and Aneel by diffusion, as it has already thus near- receded from several of the more northern of the slaveholdiny i i f, States, and as it will continue thug more rapidly to recede by the reannexation o} Texas, and finally, in the distant future, without a shock, without abolition, without a convulsion, disappear into and through Texas, into Mexico a Central and Southern America. Thus, that same overruling @rovidence that watched over the land- ing of the emigrants and pilgrims at Jamestown and Plymouth; that gave us the victor our strug- ae for independence; that guided by inspiration the framers of our wonderful coustitut that bas thus far preserved this great Union from dangers 80 many and imminent, and is now shiciding it from abolition, its most dangerous and internal foe—will open Texas as a satety-salve, into end through which slavery will slowly and gradually recede, and finillv disappear into the boundless regions of Mexico, and Central and Southern America. Be- pa the Del Norte, slavery will not pars; not only ecause it is forbidden by law, but because the colored races there preponderate ia the ratio of ten to one over the whites; and holding, as they do, the government, and most of the offices in their own possession, they will never permit the en- tlavement of any portion of the colored race which makes and executes the laws of the coun- wry. In Bradford’s Atlas, the facts are given as fol- jows:— Mexico—area, 1,690, equare miles; population 8,000,000-—onesfath white, and all the fest Tadia Africans, mulattoes, zambos, and other colo races. Central America—area, 186,000 square miles po- pulation nearly 2,000,000—one-sixth white, and the rest negroes, zambos, and other colored races. South America—erea, 6,500,000 equare miles; pulation 14,000,000—1,000,000 white, 4,000,000 Te itanss and the remainder, being 9,000,000, blacks and other colored races. % The outlet for our negro race, through this vast region, can never be opened but by the reannexa- tion of Texas; but in that event, there, in that ex- tensive country, bordering upon our negro popula- tion, and four times greater in area than tne whole Union, with a sparse population of but three to the equare mile, where nine-tenths of the population is of the colored races, there, upon that fertile soil, and in that delicious climate, 90 admirably adapted to the negro race, as all experience has now clear- bf proved, the free black would find a home. here, also, as slaves, in the lapse of time, from the density of population and other causes, are emancipated, they will disappear from time to time west of the Del Norte, and beyond the limits of the Union, among a race of their own color; will be diffused throughout this vast region, where they will not be a degraded caste, and where, as to cli- mate, and social and moral condition, and all the hopes and comforts of life, they can occupy, among equals, a position they can never attain in any part of this Union. _ The reannexation of ‘Texas would strengthen and fortify the whole Union, and antedate the pe- riod when our own country would be the first and greatest of all the powers of the earth. To the south and southwest it would give peace and secu- rity ; to agriculture and Se ese the pro- ducts of the mines, the forest, and fisheries, new and important markets, that otherwise must soon be lost forever. To the commercial a’ d naviga- ting interests, it would give a new Ni tee 3,and not a canal or a railroad throughout the Union ; that would net derive increased business, and aug- mented profits; whilst the great city of New York, the centre of most of the business of the Union, would take a mighty step in advance towards that destiny which must place her above London in wealth, in business and population. Indeed, when, as Americans, we look at the city of New oe its deep, accessible and capacious burbor, unit by canals and the Hudson, with th and the lakes, the Ohi two-thirds of the imports, and one-third Y ports of the whole- Union, with all its trade, inter- nal, coastwise, and toreign, and reflect bow gre t and rapidly augmenting an accession to its ness pon be made by the reannezation of Texas; and know that, by the failure of this measure, what is lost to us is gained by England, can we hesitate, or do we never wish to see the day when New York shall take from London the trident of the ocean, and the command of the commerce of the world? Ordo we prefer London to New York, and England to America? And do the opponents of reannexation suppose that a British Parliament and not an American Congress, sits ia the capitol of the Union. Shall, then, Texas be our own, with all its markets, commerce, and products, or we drive it into the arms of England, now out- stretched to receive it, and striving to direct its destiny ? If we retuse the reannexution, then, by the force of circumstances, soon penne beyond the control as well of this country as of et will pass into the hands of England. ‘The refusal of reannexation will, of course, produce no friend- ly feelings in Texas towards this country. United with this will be the direct appeal of |:ngland to the interests of Texas. She will offer to Texas a market in England. free of duty, for all her cotton, upon the assent of Texas to receive in exchange ‘itish manufactures free of duty; and such a treety would no doubt soon be concluded. The