Evening Star Newspaper, November 17, 1935, Page 39

Editorial Page Part 2—12 Pages BRITISH HAVE TO DECIDE SOON ON SMASHING DUCE Real Objective of Tory Government Not Made Clear Yet—Peace Outlook Waiting on Definite Decision. BY FRANK H. SIMONDS. published the returns of the British general election will there is another postponement, we shall be on the eve of the application too, the British government will doubtless have made up its mind Italy and get rid of Mussolini, or come to terms with him. So far objective of the Tory government was. All along it has proceeded as if it ing, at the same time, that it was concerned solely with upholding the The Ethiopian affair, however, re- mains what it has always been—a nor Addis Ababa has any importance in the Anglo-Italian quarrel, and that contemporary crisis. Have the British made up their did with Napoleon? Do they want to destroy the Fascist state as they that double question is answered, then the outlook for peace in Europe can be cleared up. If the British ‘want to drive Mussolini to his Water- to go beyond economic sanctions or wait a considerable length of time Situation Complicated. But whatever the British had in to administer to Il Duce what Garvin in the London Observer has described tion has become gravely complicated since Eden's visit to Rome. For it come of the present crisis, Fascist Italy and its dictator are going to ain and the whole Italian people are going to feel toward Great Britain as 1871, The recent rioting in Rome is only Mussolini’s strategy in starting meat- less days is even more noteworthy ing to ram home in the Italian mind for more than a decade, the lesson while it is at the mercy of British financial, economic and naval coercion. want of meat, cold because of the lack of coal and ill-clad because of to hold England responsible and hate as they suffer. {.e British have got to reckon with the constant hostility of Fascist Italy. a war with Germany Mussolini will seize his chance to move into Egypt Sudan. And the whole Italian people is going to see Great Britain as a Italy to the rank of a second-class power by starving women and chil- 11 "uce has already made this point erystal clear to all. Y THE time this article is B have been digested and, unless of economic sanctions. By that time, whether it wants to smash Fascist it has never been clear what the real meant to destroy Mussolini, protest- League of Nations. wholly minor affair. Neither Geneva quarrel is the only real thing in the minds to deal with Mussolini as they destroyed the First Empire? When during the next few months, at least, loo it is plain that they will have for these to become effective. mind when they set out in August as “a diplomatic Adowa,” the situa- is now clear that whatever the out- be implacable enemies of Great Brit- the French did toward Germany after 8 small detail, but it is significant. It points the lesson he has been try- that Italy cannot be a great power As the Italian people go hungry for the shortage of cotton, they are going Thus for a number of years, at least, If Great Britain becomes involved in from Libya and from Eritrea into the country which has tried to reduce dren through a “hunger blockade.” More Pressure Here Likely. Under such circumstances the Tory government, whatever its original in- tentions, may now decide that it has to finish what it started and get rid of Mussolini, If it does it is certain to redouble the pressure on Latin American states to employ economic sanctions, and England has a strangle- hold upon some of them, notably the Argentine, It will redouble its efforts in Washington, as well, to persuade the Roosevelt administration to help it throttle Italy. If it is to be “war to the knife,” as the Bulgarians say, then the truth will not long be hidden. On the other hand, if the Tory party, having won a general election, acquired a mandate to reconstruct the British navy, reasserted British naval supremacy in the Mediterranean and wrested control of the League of Na- tions machinery from the French, feels that it has profited sufficlently out of the Ethiopian affair, then it ¥ "'l agree to some kind of compromise permitting Mussolini to have his irre- ducible minimum of prestige and profit and fix up some kind of a camouflage which will allow Geneva to claim a victory and Haile Selassie to figure as & survivor., It will also put through the huge loan on which discussions h;e tbeen reported. ut for all of this stage managing the time is getting short. The I'.agung troops.are advancing, slowly but sure- 1y, annexing territory as they go, Mus- solini is getting more and more irre- trievably committed to his African adventure even if he should become willing to compromise as a matter of statesmanship. A diplomatic Adowa now would be as fatal to him as the military Adowa of 40 years ago was to Crispl. But giving its consent to & deal which cost Haile Selassie prov- inces and economic rights would con- stitute for the League another Man- churian disaster. Business Not Enthusiastic. Smashing Italy would, I think, be popular in Great Britain if it didn’t lead to war, and even a naval war which -abolished Mussolini to some St. Helena would excite little protest on the part ~f the British, Laborites. In the presence of a real recovery business and finance in Great Britain are, however, manifestly little enthu- siastic about a serious war which could bring no profit and must involve grave dislocations. Even economic sanc- tions arouse more quiet protest than Ppublic cheering in “the city.” But smashing Mussolini does involve 8 serious war. It meansVan Italian invasion of Egypt, an incursion in the Sudan and disturbance all the way from Gibraltar to Aden at the very least. Whether the British could defend Egypt at the start of such a war is a matter of bt and the doul hold the Su it would take a large force of British troops to make Egypt secure. If economic sanctions are imposed and fail of their effect, or if Musso- lini is able to force Haile Selassie to surrencer, then the British will mani- festly suffer a defeat of incalculable proportions. And the longer the crisis endures the greater is the danger that this may occur. There is only one real sanction which counts and that is the exhaustion of Mussolini’'s gold. will be able to get from Germany, the United States, some Latin American states, Austria and Hungary the things he most needs to carry on. Six months or a year hence he might feel the pinch but a great deal can happen in a year or even in half a year. Poland in German Bloc. At any moment a German iaction | may change the whole face of Europe, although things are going too well for Hitler to tempt him to any premature gesture just now. The British have opened Central Europe to him and Austria will fall into his hands like a ripe pear when he is ready. The more acute Italy’s troubles become, the easier it will be for Hitler to extract from Mussolini a consent to an Aus- tro-German union. The little, but bitter dispute now going on between Poland and Czechoslovakia shows how the wind is blowing in Warsaw, while the new economic treaty between Poland and Germany definitely puts political bloc. Today the show which is being con- ducted at Geneva is, so far as the marily at getting the United States committed to support Great Britain, not merely in the Italian quarrel, which is relatively mnor, but in we shall be completely involved when, as every one expects, Germany takes the field again. has disclosed British dependence upon France. It was the French veto which made a blockade of Italy impossible. Otherwise Laval has perforce marched after Baldwin but with great reluct- ance and with extreme delay. Baldwin's repeated ‘“Macedonian” cries directed at Washington do repre- sent a sincere belief that the United States must come back to Europe and | support British policy because he | | knows perfectly well that France and | Great Britain cannot stand up against ' Britain has come back with a venge- | | Germany and Italy and realizes that He | Poland in the German economic and | British are concerned, directed pri-| European questions generally, so that | The Italian episode | EDITORIAL SECTION - Che SHundwy Star WASHINGTON, D. C., SUNDAY MORNIN World’s Cards Reshuffled England Steps to the Fore and Will Largely Influence Future Courses on Continent. BY EDGAR ANSEL MOWRER. Special Radio to The Star. ARIS. — The world cards are| being reshuffied, and the, chances are that Great Brit-| HIS NE The effects on the world here may be far-reaching. The effects on the European countries are immediate. The Itallans, caught in the act, sim- ply could not back down and have W DAY. by American silver racketeers. The|the dominions went a wave of stern|DeEVer are pleasant. he said. ... ‘Our period of blackmail, when any strong- | indignation: The British were again Dest strategy is to surge forward with armed gentleman with ar armed coun- try at his back, could cow the world by NOVEMBER 17, 1935. willing, if necessary, to fight | | With an armed and determined | announcing he would start a war if he | Britain again active on the European ain will come out on top. For | persisted. But outside France and Italy there | From being, on the Conti-|is hardly a soul in Europe who thinks |an end. | was ot immediately paid not to, his Italian policy has insured an nent. a semi-absentee who occasion- they will get Ethiopia. The Germans, | eventual alliance between Rome and Berlin. Tory enthusiasm for Geneva, | @s recent as it is violent, is in no | mall measure the result of the con- | viction that we can only be brought to Europg through the League of Nations, Hitler’s Terms Exorbitant. The British can no longer hope to do business with Hitler because his terms are too exorbitant. He de- mands, in effect, a free hand to seize the Baltic states and crush Soviet Russia. If the Right parties could get control in France they certainly would come to terms with Mussolini and La- val, himself, has long nourished the {dream of a direct deal between Paris ‘and Berlin. A victory for the Right is, nevertheless, unlikely. Looking out | apon contemporary Europe the British see that apart trom the Leftist parties in France they can count upon no ef- fective friends. | They are face to face with an im- | mediate challenge in the Mediter- | ranean and an approaching challenge as never before by reason of the de- velopment of aircraft and there is no defense against air attack which can guarantee immunity to a great city like London. The British would like to play the old balance of power game and they would like to use the League as the G. H. Q. of such a system. As | a matter of fact they have used it as such to a certain degree in their present quarrel with Italy. But the League is not strong enough to permit such a play to be made ef- fectively. It could only become strong enough if the United States could be enticed to Geneva. Then, having taken the pledges of the covenant, we should be bound to join Britain in the coercion of any aggressor who menaced British security—and we have no liabilities which would neces- sitate Britain's taking on new re- sponsibilities. Everybody else asks as well as gives in dealing with the British, but we would be an ideal ally because we have nothing to ask. In the long run, moreover, British se- curity depends upon America’s deci- sion. If we stay at home then the alternative is a tie-up with the Soviet Union as well as France, which has already made its bargain with Mos- cow. While that would please a Labor government, it is poison for a Tory cabinet. . Quarrel Managed Clumsily. So far the British have managed their quarrel with Italy rather clum- slly. First they pulled a gun—the dispatch of the home fleet to the Mediterranean—without any warrant from Geneva. When this failed to arrest Mussolini they went to Geneva and had the law on Italy. Now, when both of these enterprises have failed to stop 1 Duce, John Bull is working every known device of propaganda and of financial pressure to persuade the non-League powers, and chiefly the United States, to help freeze and :::rve the Italian people into submis- o o The home fleet, however, was not sent to the China seas to frighten the Japanese when they marched into Manchuria. Unlike young Anthony Eden, the seasoned Sir John Simon sought not to inflame but to restrain the League nations in the presence of an aggression. Washington was not urged by Lgndon to share in a “hun- ger blockade” of the Japanese people; on the contrary, Mr. Stimson’s zeal for the sanctity of treaties excited ir- ritation in British official quarters. As Winston Churchill says, the League thus became a “mockery” and its rebirth had to wait for a trespass upon British imperial preserves. That rebirth made an election issu may also have sown from which millions of armed will march—whither? (Copyright. 19350 |in the North Sea. England is.exposed | ally intrigued in Berlin and Rome against the very treaties which it had signed and helped impose on Ger- | many, the British have again become | |8 major factor in the European | picture—the central figure, in fact. Today Great Britain is becoming the new sun in the European system and already various lesser bodies are beginning to detach from old affilia- tions and are ready to play satellite to this returning sun. Every one is astonished, some are displeased, but facts are facts. Con- sider the development since the World | War, | | The British people, irrationally | isolationist, were disposed to criticize | the final settlement and grumble about | their useless sacrifices. Britain, it | was said, would pull away from the dangerous and corrupt continent and hand in hand with the United States | manage its own affairs. The conti- | nental powers could more or less go hang. U. S. More Isolationist. But alas, the United States was even more isolationist than Great | Britain. It simply could not see the outstretched English hand, or, if it did, it suspected the British hand- clasp and wishes to keep its distance. The .British were patient, they {curbed their resentment, they in- | structed their journalists to try to “understand” the American position, The Americans made one or two| grudging conoessions, such as naval | | equality. But beyond that, and de- spite the State Department and | | American pro-Leaguers, they were un- willing to go. The British meanwhile had let war | disgust drive them into comparative disarmament. The greatest European democratic power seemed on the de- cline. Leon Trotsky, Russian arch- revolutionary, wrote a big book prov- ing it. Gradually the aspiring champions of the strong-arm school decided that the old lion was really decrepit and that the British Empire was rotting to pieces. British power and prestige were chalenged. First the Japanese began eliminat- Nng British influence and interests from China. The British offered the United States an alliance against Japan, and when the Americans re- fused, did nothing. Compromised With Reich. Then the Germans, whom the British had encouraged some anyway, ran amuck and began an enormous re- armament in deflance of a treaty signed by Great Britain. The British hemmed and hawed, disapproved, but compromised. Then the Italians decided that re- gardless of British disapproval, they would swallow Ethiopia. Suddenly something happened and the old lion awoke with a roar. The British fleet was dispatched to the Mediterranean. A much bigger fleet ‘was promised, the army and air serv- ices were revamped and the entire League of Nations machinery was put in motion against this last peace- breaker. 5 Poland, Japan, Bolivia, and Para- guay had performed acts of aggres- sion. Germany had spat on the Ver- sailles treaty—and nothing had hap- pened. Now things began to happen. British policy became adrot. - Realizing that they coula not longer dominate the world alone, that the Americans—preferred as allies—would not help, the British might have had to come to terms with France or Ger- many individually. - always desirous of admiring the Brit- ish, paused, looked and were awed— and overnight became pro-British. The Japanese hesitated to interfere against the British attempt to strengthen China by saving that coun- try from the silver famine produced SHADOWS OF Wave of Indignation. For, lo and behold, the British not only sent to the Mediterranean— against the Italians—the greatest sea force ever brought together, and not only set about rearming, building up the biggest modern armaments ever known, but all through Britain and WAR CAST TERROR OVER EUROPE Oceans Save America Thralldom Re- vealed by Safety Drill in Capital of Poland. The nations of Europe are merv- ously alert and preparing anziously is inevitable, set blazing by the spark in Ethtopia. The alarmed reasons, are described in a series of dispatches from Walter Duranty, of has written the series after visits to important European centers, NTWERP, Belgium, November 16 (N.ANA).— “Look at waving his arm across War- saw. “Logk and you will understand and why we have to spend upon our army so much of the money that is struction.” I looked and saw nothing. The gay fore had been ablaze with lights and humming with post-theater traffic, ness and there was no sound save the drumming throb of motors in the sky, airplanes overhead. That night War- saw was staging one of the “test air feature of European life in the seven- teenth year after the “war to end all curred and are occurring constantly in most of the major cities of Europe. howl of the sirens to indicate—sup- posedly—the coming of hostile air- must be extinguished under pain of heavy fines. Imagine what that would mean along New York's Broadway between in Europe—no taxis move, no auto- mobiles, no sreet cars. The subway, of the principal refugees against bombs from the air. The streets are throng them move slowly and in fear. They know that it is not real—not for the gemeral war they believe state of mind in Europe, and the which this is the first. Mr. Duranty BY WALTER DURANTY. that,” said the Polish official, why we made the pact with Germany urgently needed for national recon- Polish capital, which five minutes be- had suddenly vanished into utter dark- no light save the firefly twinkle of the raids” which have become a common wars.” Such demonstrations have oc- At “zero hour” there rises the dismal craft. Within five minutes every light Imagine Broadway. 11 and 11:30 p.m., if Broadway were too, is dead because that may be one dark and silent and the crowds that this time—but their hearts are an- along the- darkened streets. It was bad enough before, but what will it be next time? This, oh fortunaté Americans, who | Ethiopia or give news from the Italo- Ethiopian front. Mingle with the peo- ! ple and listen to what they say. They | don’t care about-Ethiopia, they have an equal distrust for the Italian bulle- tins of victory and the imaginative stories from Addis Ababa about hun- dreds of thousands of barbaric war- riors, led by chiefs with unpro- nounceable names, marching to defend their fatherland against the white in- vasion. What these Europeans are saying and what they are thinking is: “How does this affect us?” and “Will this war spread back to our coun- tries?” and “Is this the spark that will fire the powder magazine of Europe, charged with race hatred and arma. ment three times greater than in 1914?” Teke, for instance, Belgium, “the cockpit of Europe” as they used to call it, forced by its geographical po- | sition to be the center of strife between England, France and Germany. The Belgians are a kindly, industrious folk, not unprosperous, thanks to their own | efforts and the richness of their Kongo, eager to welcome foreigners and want- ing nothing more than to live in peace and friendliness with all their neighbors. Antwerp Remembers. Antwerp, more perhaps than Brus- sels, is the true capital of this coun- try, its commercial center and its greatest port. Antwerp is a cos- mopolitan city in the truest sense of the phrase. It lives by trade and the free passage of merchandise, but it hasn't forgotten the dark nights 20 years ago when Zeppelins sailed roar- ing through its skies and dropped their bombs, which were re-echoed by the thunder of the German siege guns. Nor the long period of stagnation which followed, when Belgium lay prostrate under Germany’s iron heel. They remember that in Antwerp— and in Brussels, too. In Belgium, one gets a clear cross-section of the com- mon mind of Europe, a view of the feelings of the average man or woman, uninflamed by race hatreds or wild ambition, asking nothing save to go about their business and live in peace. It is interesting to note the Belgian reaction to the League of Nations program of sanctions against Italy. “But we have to live” ran a headline in thg leading Antwerp newspaper, and its editorial explained that Belgo- Italian trade was no unimportant item in the nation’s commerce. If that trade were canceled, Belgium would lose heavily at a time of gen- eral unemployment when all too many mills and: factories were idle. From this angle, the editorial ‘stated, sanc- tions were deplorable—just one more barrier to trade, in addition to the barriers already erected by “con- tingents” and “quotas” and “valuta restrictions.” Nevertheless, Belgium must support the League as the sole | continent, the entire post-war set-up looked as though it were coming to changed, melted and flowed. France, | caught in an internal crisis, was the | {last nation to understand the event. The French, disillusioned and on the defense anyway, driven apart by the rising tide of economic discontent and Fascist mimicry, did no: want to see anything change, anything reform anything. Suddenly they were asked to choose between an old ally, whom they had come to distrust. and tne new Italian ally, which they had not yet tested. The choice has not yet been made. But the French know well that ity may have to be made tomorrow, for | Britain, rearmed and tired of the dic- tator and dynamic nonsense, can have | a choice of partners in Europe or Asia. If the Prench want to play, they may | have to act in the manner of tradi- | tional France, not of a disgruntled, | irritated, inert France sunk in self- pity. French in Quandary. | Therefore today the French do not know what to do—whether to back the British and make the League of Na- tions eflective, or back the Italians Special Articles FEAR EXPRESSED 1936 ELECTION WILL BE LAST New Deal, Led by Prof. Tugwell, Strives for New Social Order, Says Noted Observer. BY MARK SULLIVAN. | the Fabian strategy. When the coune MERICA, in the political sense, | try shows alarm over potato control, ambles along as if this were an | Secretary Wallace says he won't ene ordinary presidential election. | force it. ‘We have started a little earlier| But without the enactment of any than common and we move toward the | new statute, without any further campaign with a slightly heightened | grant of power from Congress, A. A. interest. Nevertheless, we all think of | A. can go on to a fulfillment in which, it as if it were just one more presi- | in the final phase, there would not be dential election. ~Yet it is quite pos- |any Congress—the legislative branch sible, if the New Deal goes on to the of government would wither up and only destination it can have, that this | disappear as it has in Italy, Germany may be the last presidential election |and Russia. With N. R. A. gone, A. America will have, for as inevitably as | A. A. is substantially the whole of the a sprig grows'into a tree the New Deal, | New Deal: it is the animating motive= if it is not arrested, means a new order | power of the New Deal, and the of society, and a new order of society | framework of the new form of society means a new form qr government | which the New Deal in its final form ‘ldapled to the new society. is designed to be. A. A. A. is much | Prof. Tugwell knows. He says: “I more than control over agriculture. regard the coming months as among It is control over every industry and the most critical ones of our history.” business. But we discuss whether Roosevelt can carry the East or the Republicans carry the Midwest. We talk about aspirants for the Republican nomina- tion, and soon we shall all be talking about whether Landon will carry the primaries in Indiana or Knox get the delegates from Wisconsin; whether ex-Gov. Smith will support Mr. Roose- velt or Hiram Johnson support the Republican candidate. Blind as Russian Farmers. And in all that we are just about as | blind as those kulak farmers in Rus- sia who, in 1916. were intent upon their crops and their cattle, calm in the assumption that what had been ‘wuuld continue to be—not knowing ‘that all around them were forces ang | men who, within a year, would de- | stroy the order of society that 999 | Russians out of 1,000 assumed would go on as before. At Los Angeles last month Prof. Rexford G. Tugwell, Undersecretary of Agriculture, made a speech. I quote | from the Associated Press account: New Deal Is New Society. It is tragic that America fails to see that the New Deal is to America what the early phase of Nazi was to Ger= many and the early phase of Fascism to Italy. The New Deal is intended to be a new order of society. It will not be a duplicate of Fascism, nor a dupli= cate of Nazism. nor a duplicate of | Sovietism. In all three countries where the new order has been imposed, it | has been modified to fit differing con= ditions. Sovietism, Naziism and Fase cism all differ from each other. The New Deal in its ultimate form would differ from all three. But the New Deal, if it goes on to fulfillment, will include the fundamental characters istics which the new order of society has contained wherever it has ap- peared. Among characteristics of the new order, common to it in all three cour tries where it has intrenched itself, are: Enormous concentration of power |in one man: centralization of power “Tugwell asserted the nation was i the National Capital, with the pow= | witnessing the ‘death struggle of in- | €S of local government greatly ree | dustrial autocracy and the birth of |duced or wholly suppressed: practie ! democratic discipline” He said there | C3lly complete suspension of the legis- Was no reason to-expect the disestab- | 18tive branch of Government; subor- lishment of ‘our plutocracy’ will be | dination of courts to the central pleasant. ‘These historical changes, POWer; dominion of Government over | areas of society which in America we | do not think of as functions of Gove ernment—*"The state,” says Mussolini, | “must be the supreme arbiter of so= | ciety™: extinction of the rights of ine | dividuals and minorities — the indi- | vidual has no rights which the state | need respect. In its final form the New Deal will include in America, as the workers and the farmers of this nation, committed to general achieve- ments, but trusting the genius of our leader for the disposition of our forces and the timing of our attacks.'” Powerful in Astuteness. | above him, Secretary The man from whom these words came, Prof. Tugwell, is a powerful person. Not powerful in his person- | ality, not in personal force and mo- | mentum. If anybody would make a |real fight against him he would go back to the academic calm and safety from which he came. But Prof. Tug- | well is powerful in astuteness, shrewd- ness; powerful in his understanding of how to bring about revolution—he has studied it in Russia and written about it in his books; he is powerful in his intellectual processes, including adroitness; he is powerful in his ( thoroughgoing hate for the present holds. secretary of Agriculture. Wallace, is a queer compound of eccentric ephemeral enthusiasms, of mystic and philosopher, his head in the clouds, his feet in a mire of statistics. About the relation of the Secretary to the | Undersecretary, we have the word of and make one French alliance sure. | Gen. Hugh S. Johnson, former head The Germans have really made up ' of N. R. A., who knows well, from the their minds. Always on their knees jnside, the human relations of the New | the new order includes in the three European countries, suppression of freedom of the press and of freedom of opinion through any medium. Sup- pression of free expression of opinion 1s inevitable in the new conception of society, for free expression of opinion gives voice to minorities, turns minor« ities into majorities and that cannot be tolerated by the new conception of society, the “authoritarian state.” Wants “Workers’ World.” The determination that the state shall be the only source of power or authority goes farther than any Amer= | organization of society in America; |ican knows, except those wWho undere and he is powerful in the position he stand what the new order means. There is a clue to an unexpected ex- Officially Prof. Tugwell is Under- | ample of it in one of Prof. Tugwell's But the man books, “The Industrial Discipline.” Practically everybody thinks that the and | New Deal labor legislation aims to in- crease the power of labor unions and their leaders. Actually, the fundae mental conception of the new order is suspicious of labor unions. The new order aims to make labor—and every= body else—look to government as it only source of power. The new order cannot tolerate any body of men gath- before British prestige, they are squealing with delight over the pros- pect of a partnership with British strength. There are voices in Britain, annoyed by the Prench hesitancy and churlishness, that would have Britain Join the Germans. Meanwhile. of course, the German Machiavellis cannot quite refrain from whispering to the Italians soft words about a common future for dic- tators. Realistic Heimwehr officers are insisting ever more loudly that armyJs the biggest and, for Germany, Poles or the Japanese. Properly so. The British comeback who do not share the personal hatred of Prance that drove Foreign Minister Joseph Beck into a partial under- standing with Germany. Poland voted for sanctions against Italy at Geneva simply because the British wanted them voted. Poland today hesitates between Ger- many and France, but with an eye fixed on Britain. As Poland, so the Little Entente. The Czechs say that if the British will uphold the League and the French will not, then the Little Entente had better stick to Britain- and take the Balkan bloc with it. g Russia Does Not Need France. ‘The Yugoslavs are saying that if the French prefer the Italians, then the Yugoslavs had better come to terms with Germany. The Soviets are saying that after all, by assisting the British in the Far East, and offsetting the overweaning German power in Europe, Russia, too, de- serves well of the naval kings. Rus- sia does not perhaps need France. The isolated Italians are looking to Germany only to find that the British had been first at Berlin. French, Premier Pierre Laval found the same thing. Therefore every- body on this strange European chess board is looking around for possi- bilities of new moves and new align- ments. Everybody is watching London. If the British block Italy, they will again be the cock of Europe. Meanwhile, forlornness prevails and nothing is certain. The present time reminds one of Alice in the garden, when she had to play croquet with flamingoes for mallets, rolled hedge- hogs for balls and bent live soldiers for arches, which always moved about. “I don’t think they play at all fairly,” said Alice in a rather com- plaining tone, “and they all quarrel so dreadfully one cannot here one's self speak—and they don't seem to have any rules in particular; at least 1f there are, nobody attends to them.” “after all,” Bolshevik or not, the Red | is a far more useful ally than the| | Dealers: “Mr. Wallace surrendered all | mental conclusions to Rex Tugwell” |all must look to the state, and to Have Different Philosophies. nothing else. In Germany Nazi dise Gen. Johnson says that another of solved the labor unions. the New Dealers, Prof. Felix Frank-| The attitude of Prof. Tugwell to- furter, “is the most influential single | ward labor unions and their leaders individual in the United States.” But, | can be found in his “Industrial Dis~ with due respect for Gen. Johnson's } cipline.” The passage reveals, uncone familiarity with the inner family inti- | sciously possibly, the uncompromising macies of the New Deal, I think he | detestation of Prof. Tugwell has for is wrong in giving primacy to Prof.|the present American organization of Frankfurter over Prof. Tugwell. The society, his biting opposition to the two professors have different philos- | very existence of “the business man | ophies about society—there is not!and the incentive of profit-making.” space here to explain the distinction. | his aim for a “workers’ world” (that As between the two, it is Prof. Tug- | phrase is a slogan of Sovietism in Rus- ered together for co-operative action— has not. escaped Polish politicians, | ress in America, rapid progress. | winning is that Mr. Tugwell knows | where he wants to go and knows how |to get there; in his purpose he is ‘helped by his personal relation to President Roosevelt and by his official position. Prof. Tugwell is the real animating genius of the New Deal. And as Undersecretary of Agricul- ture, with the prerogative of “mental conclusions” surrendered to him by his superior, Prof. Tugwell has his hand on the lever by which the new order of society can be brought about. Hardly a handful of people in Amefe ica, I think, understand what A. A. A. is. When anybody opposes A. A. A, I have a feeling that the Midwestern farmers are resentful; they say, I imagine, “He's unwilling to let the farmers have a little aid.” But farm relief is only a small fraction of the whole of what A. A. A. is. All that the Midwestern farmers, as a rule, see of A. A. A, is the wheat and corn-hog limitation contracts. In those contracts, if ‘they stood alone, there is mo threat to the American form of society and government. Those contracts are voluntary. The farmer ean take them or leave them. He can take the Government money and re- duce his crop, or he can refuse the Government money and raise as much as he pleases. Mechanism for New Order. The mildness A. A. A. practices in the Midwest has a bearing on politics. The Midwest is vitally important in next year's election. To get a second term for President Roosevelt, to per- mit the New Deal to go on, to enable A. A A. to develop to its destined end, the votes of the Midwest farmers are needed in next year's election. These voters are shown only the mild partof A. A.A. | Actually A. A. A. is a mechanism through which there can be set up in America & whole new order of society. The powers are already there. Not many of the powers are exercised yet, doubtless out of caution. Those who direct A. A. A. understand the tech- | well's philosophy that is making prog- | sia), his complete disapproval of the | The | present reason Prof. Tugwell's philosophy is | America: organization of labor in “Submission cannot make a workers® world. * * * Trade unionism has been, traditionally, with us a submissive doctrine, one which accepts the dom- ination of the business man and the incentive of profit-making. It has asked nothing but larger bribes for greater degredatjon. * * * The goinge on must take place; creating a worke ers’ world will not involve a return to any system which ever before existed." Threat of French Civil War Seen PARIS.—Parallel with the political drift of the country toward the “left,” the Fascist movement in France is intensifying its propaganda. Each week there are numerous clashes be- tween groups of members of the “Croix de Feu"” and partisans of the “people’s front.” On several occae sions shots have been exchanged. In one skirmish a dozen men were wounded. The interior department, under Joseph Paganon, is endeavoring to stamp out this agitation, fearing that it may develop into a serious menace of civil war. . > All public demonstrations have been prohibited, but the “Croix de Feu” have managed to get around it by organizing their meetings in vast private properties lent to them for the purpose. Lieut. Col. La Rocque, chief of the Fascist organization, has adopted a plan of sudden and secret mobilizations which have proved ex= traordinarily successful. On one oce casion recently more than 20,000 “Croix de Feu" were assembled, arrive lbl:lg without warning in 5,000 autom« oa. . (Copyright. 1935.) pLEE e s Co-operate With Broken Arms. SPOKANE, Wash. (#) —Fred C, Bowen broke his right arm at golf, His son, Billy, broke his left arm in foot ball. They work together tying nique of bringing abqut revolution | neckties and shoe strings and get without violengg, and they practice | along fine, 1