Evening Star Newspaper, November 27, 1932, Page 21

EDITORIAL SECTION The Sunday Star. Special Articles —— Part 2--8 Pages WASHINGTON, 3. €, SUNDAY MORNING, NOVEMBER 27, 1932. MORE ACTIVITY BY U.S. ABROAD IS Europe Expects R Show Increased national Affairs. BY PAUL SCOTT MOWRER. G ENEVA.—More rather than less co-operation in_international afiairs by thc United States under the administration of positively It s admitted th: Rocsevelt has not Frankiin D. Roosevelt is now ecied abroad. Presid self on the sub; Yet a sounding made and an analysis undertaken are all said to indicetc that the United certainly bccome even more active in foreign pelicy. This does not mi it is said, that e of Nations or making a lot of new peace pacts is contemplated. It means simply that the policies alrendy t committed him- States, in its cwn s, will almost ensational o like joining the stated by President Hcover and Cecre- | tary of State Henry L. Stimson will b2 taken over by the Democrats and vig: orously developed along the logical lines of American 1 Succcssor to Britain, Some European diplomats even fore- #2e that the Cnited States must, from now on, increasingly exercise in the world that <olé of peaceful regulator and stabilizer which Great Britain in the past has so often and so success- fully held. “Give and take” is the motto of diplomacy and President-elect Roose- velt, it is said, thoroughly understands this. There will be no gratuitous meddling with other nations’ concerns, but to defend Americzn interests is not meddling and these intere: both vast and widespread. ‘The main issue, it is sgreed, is the economic cepression and how to get out of it. This involves, it is said, the salvoging, if possible, American private and foreign loans, and the restoration, if possible, of the for- of depreciated foreign curren and_consideration of tariffs and other artificial trade barriers also are said to be elements. But, in addition, the United States has two other important interests. One is the protection of its policies in the Far East, particularly to prevent, if pos- sible, o new partition of China, which Jap:n secms to have begun by its mili- tary cccupation cf Manchuria. The other is naval disarmament, with its possible effect, one way or another, on the American budget 2nd the Ameri- can gener:l desirc for peace. Busier Now Than Ever. All thess factors, together with the war debt problem, while' theoretically thaps unrelated, must actually, as uman affairs go, form the material of what will be in reality, it i said, one big international negotiation, a sort of | super-conference, under the general rule of “give and take.” =, ® is said, is the meaning of of the huge| ANTICIPATED oosevelt Regime to| Interest in Inter- President Hoover's reported suggesunn‘f following his talks with President-elect Roosevelt, that any new war debt dis- cussions should be entrusted to the same persons who represent the United States in the Disarmament and World Eco- nomic Conferences. least, delegates now sitting in Geneva. Despite the sort of interim of au- thority which threatens to make itself feit pending the coming out of President Hoover and the coming in of the Roose- velt administration, the American dele- gation in Geneva, far from relaxing its efforts, appears to be actually increas- ing them. They are being unostentatiously con- sulted on every phase of the League’s handling of the Manchurian 2ffair. It is our delegates who have succeeded in bringing the French and Itallans into new nav:l negotiations. It is the infuence of the Americans ore than h, after long and patient endeavors, scems’ 2t last to have persuaded both the French and Germans to agree to five-power disarm2ment talks here next Thursday. Incidentally, the r H. Davis, American rt that Norman elegate, would be | present at this talk merely as an ob- | server is completely erroneous. He will participate fully, it is affirmed, on an equal basis with the others. ‘Temporarily the difficulties of the American delegation have been consid- erebly increased by the bad feeling |aroused in both Europe and the United | States over the war debt controversy | For the moment both Great Britain and are now | France appear even more reluctant than | |formerly to make concessions to the | American viewpoint in other matters. | However, the situation is not viewed | ragically. The feeling of experienced | diplomats is that after a few days or | real negotiations can begin. | There is said to be little doubt that |our trump card in the defense and fur- | therance of the other American inter- ests at present is the war debt issue. The United States can afford, it is said, to be more or less lenient, according to whether satisfactory solutions are reach- led in other problems. | That the war debts are ever really | going to bz paid in any circumstances seems highly doubtful. The main ques- tion, thercfore, appears to be to what extent the eventual readjustment of the |war debts can be made to serve tne cavse of peace, disarmament end eco- nemic rchabilitation. | .., The diplomatic position of the United | States today appears if successfully exploited, it can be in- strumental in bringing these benefits | not to the United States alone, it is said, | but to the entire world. | (Coprright. 1932.) Old Royal Grapevin Prove Steady Dividend Yielders LCNDON.—Among Europe's stead- lest dividend ylelders today must be classed two famous royal grapevines— the one at Hampton Court Palace, near London, and the other at Fountaine- bleu, France. Each Summer these his- toric vines, despite their advanced oge, produce bountiful crops, which are sold %o the public. ‘The Great Vine of Hampton Court, | which is nominally the property of King George, was planted in 1768, or at a time when the present sovereign's ancestor, George III, was rather per- turbed over the rebellious activities of some of his subjects in the American colenies. Recently this Methuselah of vines celebrated its 164th birthday by the convincing yield of nearly €00 buches of large black Hamburgh grapes of a quality certainly fit for a king or &n epicure, an output which would have dene credit to a “tree” of one-tenth its | years. These were sold to the public for 6| &hillings (about $1.50 at par) a pound. Owing to the quality of the fruit and its centimental value as a bunch of | “King Geo:ge's own grapes,” there is never any dearth of purchasers. The bunches are fold in baskets made by blind coldiers at St. Dunstan’s Home, the home receiving the profits from the baskets and the crowa the proceeds from the fruit, emounting to between $500 and $600 & year. In its youth the vine’s yield was often 2,200 bunches. Adorned Royzl Table. Until 17 years 2go the grapes adorned the dinner table at Windsor Castle and other royal establishments. Since then, however, the wants of royalty and its guests have been supplied by the vine at Cumberland Lodge, Windsor, a de- scendant of -the Hampton Court vet- eran, and only a few years its junior. For several- years after the Hampton Court grapes ceased being sent to ‘Windsor the whole crop was purchased by Lady Wolseley, widow of the late es of Europe | Field Marshal Lord Wolseley, and pre- sented by her to hospitals and chari- | table institutions. Since her death the | seles have been cpen to the public, but not to commercial houses. It is the practice in France to auction off the | royal grapes at Fontainbleau to trades- | men, who then dispose of the bunches | to_Paris restaurants. The keeper of the crown jewels is no | more interested in the safety of thase | treasures than is the keeper of the For the present at | this would mean the American| that of any other group | weeks of excited exchanges of epithets | and discourtesies by newspapers and | | politicians, the controversy will be toned | | cown, a temporary technical solution of | | some ‘sort will have been reached &nd | fo-be such that, | PRESIDENT HOOVER. BY MARK SULLIVAN. N the outpouring of speculation about the future following the election, one question engaging wide curiosity was, “What will| President Hoover do?” The question is not wholly personal. It has a personal aspect, to be sure, but what Mr. Hoover or any other pub- lic man will do in his private capacity is, of course, a matter to be decided by his own inclination and ecircum- stances. But about the public aspect of it there can be legitimate specula- tion. There can even be, on the part of the, roughly, 15,000,000 people who | voted for Mr. Hoover, a legitimate ex- pression of desire. Some part of them, a considerable part, voted for Mr. Hoover as a man. These surely have 2 legitimate concern about what Mr. Hcover does. Coolidge Case No Precedent. To find an anzlogy to the position in which Mr. Hoover will be after March 4, we must go back pretty far. The case of Mr. Coolidge is not like| that of Mr. Hoover. Mr. Coolidge is an_ex-President who was succeeded by a President belonging to his own party; Mr. Hoover is one who is to be suc- ceeded by a President belonging to | another party. The difference is wide. What is expected of a President whcse | successor belongs to the same party is silence about subjects likely to be con- troversial as between him and his suc- cessor. This Mr. Coolidge has prac- ticed scrupulously. Nobody who ex- pected a difference of opinion between Mr. Coolidge 2nd Mr: Hooyer-exitacted one from the tight lips of Mr. Coolidge. Mr. Coolidge has even been silent about subjects likely to bes controver- sial as between Democrats and ub- | licans. Most of the periodical iting Mr. Coolidg> has done has been of the | nature of recollections of his youth. | For just a year Mr. Coolidge wrote | pieces for the daily newspapers. These were about public affairs, but they | were written in a spirlt that carefully | avoided controversy or partisanship. At the end of the year Mr. Coolidge | was strongly urged to continue his writing for the newspaper syndicate, but declined. His reason he gave to one who called on him. He said that he felt the recentness of his own con- | tact with public affairs equipped him | | Hampton Court vine—H. Peckham—in |the welfare of his charge. Not only has j he tended and clipped it and gathered | the bunches for, fully 17 years, but he | | has its rich history at his finger tips. | He has ascertained that the daddy of present-day grapevines was originally | | a slip taken irom a now defunct plant | | which once flourished at Valentine's | vinery at Ilford, Essex. | Called Oldest on Record. In showing this thriving prodigy to the Sun correspondent, the vine keeper explained that while it is not | the largest on record it is by far the | oldest. | “The last crop,” he said, “was well above the everage, really the best for three or four years. The old vine ac- tually took it into its head to put out new shoot three years ago, the first for 40 years. A normal vine only bears {ruit for £ix or seven years, but it looks though this fellow intends to go on king long after we shall be gone.” At ground level the monster vine has a girth of 81 inches, said to be the largest of any vine in existence. Its main branch, which is also its' oldest, is 114 feet long. It is suggested that its roots have traveled into the bed of the River Thames, which is about 60 feet from the vine house. The vine which covers the greatest roof space in Europe, and possibly in the world, is said to be that at Badavgan Castle in Scotland. E (Copyright, 1932.) British Life Declared Prolonged By LONDON.—To those Britons who have becn carping about the expendi- ture of vast sums on the health of the nation, Sir Geocge Newman, chief medical cfficer of tn2 ministry of health, as given the reply: “Never before have the Englisk, people enjoyed the meacure of natioral health which they And to back up his contention, Sir asserts taat the cxpectation of birth ir, d by not National Health Insurance | Since this investigation was com- | pleted efforts have been made to check | the malingering habit of work-shys. | One means of doing so has been to | discourage insurance doctors from be- ing too free with certificates of inca- pacity for patients. Large Increase. In the 20 years that the national heelth insurance scheme has been in operaticn in England and Wales the 1871 to ,880 the cxpeciation of | number of insured persons entitled to birth wa; 41 years for a boy and girl; tday it is 56 for the boy for the girl. Vast Sums Expended. 20 years since the adoption of medical benefit has increased to 16,- 000,000 (more than half the adult pop | ulation) wage-carners between 16 and 65 years of age. Insurance work is now | undertaken by 15764 doctors, or about In the national health insurance scheme a |70 per cent of the registered medical sum cxceeding $2.000,000,000 has becen expended on medical, sickness, disabil- | ity, maternity and other benefits. De- | practitioners of England and Wales. The average number of insured persons per practitioner is 1,002. A patient has spite the enormous good accruing from | the right to choose his own insurance sais cutlay, it is admitted by Sir eorge | doctor. ‘The scheme is financed by that, taken as a whole, sickness and | contributions from the insured person, disability still lead to the loss of much | the employer and the state. time from organized industry. This Since the inception of the scheme ap- loss among the insured ulation av- | proximately $770,000,000 has been ex- erages 12 days per uplgq gnmully. or | pended on medical benefit, $820,000,000 approximately three weeks per insured | cn sickness benefit, $335,000,000 on dis- These n annually. show little sign of declining. It has becen complained in some re- | nity benefit and $105,000,00 on other benefits. (Copyright, Remember “Arcos”? 1932) to attempt for s much as a year in-| struction of the public about current questions. conditions and new_conditions, he felt | he could not continue, while in_ the| retirement in a small city distant from 1 occupies in the newspapers of the great | ments of England and Scotland, but the heert of things, to write usefully for the public. Mr. Coolidge may be considered to have genuinely sought and achieved retirement. That course is rather dic- tated for an ex-President whose suc- | cessor belongs to the s2me party. | Woodrow Wilson'’s Course. ‘Woodrow Wilson's case is analogous, | superficially, to Mr. Hoover's. From | March 4, 1921, until he died, February | 3, 1924, Wilson was a Democratic ex- President whose successor in the White | House a few blocks away was a Re- | publican. But Wilson was a sick man, |and had been sick for more than a | year before he retired. What he would haye done had he been well can only | e’ surmised. One might guess that | had_Wilson been in full strength he | | | would have dedicated himself to ag- | gressive support of the cause that was | | most in his heart when illness struck imm down, advocacy of American. par- ticipation 'in the League of. Nations. | While Wilson, had he been well, prob- ably would have spoken forcefully for his cause, he would have refrained | from direct attack upon his successor in | office. With a characteristically high sense of taste, he felt it to be improper for an ex-President even to criticize the President in office. In a private con- versation Wilson said that he “proposed to show Mr. Harding how an ex-Presi- | dent should behave.” | One thing that Wilson did in his | private capacity has now been largely | forgotten. He asked the Secretary of State who retired with him, Bainbridge Colby, to form with him a law firm. | The firm was formed. There was an {office and letterheads. But Wilson | never visited the office, and 1t is doubt- ful if there was ever in any court docket a case in which the attorneys on one side were stated as “Wilson and Colby.” In a little while the firm was | dissolved. It was felt that Wilson's initiation of the firm was rather a sick man’s whim. Had he been well, prac- | tice of the law would have been a natu- |ral course. Grover Cleveland and | Benjamin Harrison during their retire- ments practiced law actively and, of course, successfully. So did William H. Taft in a limited way. Taft and Roosevelt in 1913. In 1913 there was'a change in presi- dency accompanying change of party. The circumstances, however, were p culiar. Democratic Candidate Wilson had beaten, m;lly.t "1"-.0. dm%\zbue;‘nge | The Republican y split. % g t immedi- too, | ability benefit, $150,000,000 on mater- | Wh |a teacher of law at Yale University, |and in a very limited way, a prac- | protagonist of Scottish home rule on FORMER PRESIDENT COOLIDGE. lowers that they should so conduct themselves in retirement as to be in readiness to.take the presidency again if and when the wheel should turn. Taft, in his private capacity, became titloner of law. For a high-minded | reason he refrained from practicing | law as actively as his training and position would have enabled him to. He had appointed, while President, about 60 per cent of the occupants of the Federal bench—the Supreme Court, the | District ard Circuit Courts. In that condition, Taft felt, he could not ap- | peer as a practitioner before judges who owed their appointments to him. During some of the years of his retire- ment Taft was a professional lecturer, trudging up and down the country to keep engagements before Chautauqua and other popular audiences. For & hard-working average of five nights a week Taft kept it up month after month. It was out of this that Taft accumulated much of the modest for- tune he Aeauxrad. Taft's attitude toward public affairs continued to be only mildly that of a Republican. Almost he became a non- partisan, a sage, an_elder statesman. When Democratic President Wilson What Will Mr. Hoover Do? This Question Always Arises When the Country’s Chief Executives Step Out of Office. FORMER PRESIDENT TAFT. FORMER PRESIDENT ROOSEVELT. took up the League of Nations, Taft, united with him in support of it. On one occasion, in the Metropolitan Opera House in New York during March, 1919, Taft actually stood on the same plat- form with Wilson in joint and earnest advocacy of the cause into which Wil- son had put his heart. That joint appearance was, one surmises without verification, without precedent in American history. ‘Theodore Roosevelt during this period continued in his personal capacity the one private career he had, that of pro- fessional writing. In his attitude to- ward public affairs Roosevelt was ex- tremely active, extremely partisan. He aimed to be, and ‘became, the outstand- ing spokesman of the opposition to Wilson. During the three years that remained of the Progressive party's brief life, Roosevelt continued, of course, titular head of ths Progressive party. But he brought it about that the Progressive party should reunite with the Repuhlican one; and after the union Raosevelt was clearly and aggres- sively and violently the head and the voice of the critics of Wilson’s adminis- | tration. The case of Wilson as the | President belonging to one party, and Theodore Rooseveit as ex-President belonging to the other is the outstand- BECOMES |Rival Plans Projected to Set Up Own Parliament, but With Single Defense ard One Foreign Policy. BY LEWIS SPENCE, | Vice Chairman, National Party of Scotland. | ‘ONDON.—Eventshave beenmarch- ing within recent weeks in those widening circles which concern | themselves with the question of self-government for Scotland; indeed, at no time in its history has| such an extraordinary degree of popu- | With the passege of time, |lar interest in this much-debated sub- | Bowever, and the emergence-of chinged | ject been visible. Perhaps the best Cri- | tne warry waagests the cstamishmons of terion of the hold it has taken upon the | public mind is the extensive space it cities, especially those which are Eng- | lish-owned but which cultivate a degree of Scottish sentiment hitherto unknown | to local journals. Within the last few days a quite be- wildering activity has been apparent, | not only within Scottish Nationalist | circles, but in those which oppose them. | In the first place, the Duke of Mont- | rose, who has for many years been a revolutionary lines, has now definitely | formed a party of “Moderates,” of whom | the chief supporters are Scotsmen so | well and favorably known as Sir Henry Keith and Sir Alexander MacEwen, ex- provost of Inverness, | On the following day an influential | body of Scottish business men called a | meeting in Glasgow for November 13, | the purpose of which was to initiate a | non-party movement to oppose by all | constitutional means any measure of self-government for Scotland. Nationalist Candidates Defeated. Side by side with the report of these meetings were published the results of the municipal elections held through- out Scotland on November 1, which re- vealed that not one of the 18 Scot- tish Nationalist candidates put forward for election by the Scottish National party had been returned. To those not | conversant with the situation a reverse | so crushing would seem to indicate a | government policy and cause. That is not so, however, for even the Scotsman, Edinburgh Conservative or- gan, which formerly was extremely hos- tile to the movement, but which re- cently has evinced a certain friendly interest in it, admits that “Scottish na- tional demands were not in issue at this election, the main consideration of reasonable - electors being to keep the Soctalist representation low in order to prevent municipal extravagance.” Controversy circles chiefly around the National party of Scotland and- its recently published manifesto. The wy was formed in 1928 from existing es of patriotic tendency, the Scot- tish National Movement, the Scots’ Na- tional League, the Scottish Home Rule Association and the Glasgow University Nationalist Association. In the Autumn of that year its president, R. B. Cun- ninghame Graham, a writer of repute and author of many works on the Spanish conquest of America, stood as a Scottish Nationalist candidate for the lord rectorship of Glasgow University, an honor he failed to achieve merely by a handful of votes, but which has since been secured by Compton Mac- kenzie, novelist and one of the leaders of the National party. Separate Parliament Envisaged. ‘The manifesto in question ,was in. tended to dissipate those misunder: standings which had been rife concern- ing its policy. The party, it states, was founded, “as the result of repeated fail. ures of the English-controlled parties to SELF-RULE IN SCOTLAND | other union cn what might be described strong public aversion to the self-| MAJOR ISSUE far as possible,” and that these should be_under “joint executive control.” It does not advocate the erection of a tarif barrier between England and Scotland and believes that the admin- istration of the British crown colonies should be the joint concern of both countries. | For the purpose of administering | these and cther matters of mutual in- | a representative British council upon a basis to be agreed between the Parlia- thinks it premature at this juncture to define in detail the express nature of such a council. This council, it is urged, should submit all schemes involv- ing financial contributions from Eng- land and Scotland for imperial pur- poses to the Parliaments of the two countries for ratification. Treaty Powers Stressed. It is stressed that any treaty or mili- ary or naval agreement entered into with any other nation by the joint coun- | cil must be ratified by the Parliaments of both countries before it is binding on either. This would also apply to questions of peace and war. The party manifesto ends with the expression of opinion that co-operation between England, Scotland and the other members of the British Common- wealth must be on a fdoting of equality and in keeping with the “true concep- tion of the sovereignty of Scotland.” The proposals of the National party thus imply the setting aside of the union of 1707 and the conception of an- as federal lines, while resuming the ing example in which the ex-President made himself the critic of the in- cumbent. In the Taft Administration. PFrom 1909 until 1913 there was the same condition as recently, an analogy to Mr. Hoover and Mr. Coolidge. There was in office a Republican President, ‘Taft, and in private life a Republican ex-President, Theodore Roosevelt. The relation between them was exceptional in that Roosevelt had, literally, made Taft President. That 1909-1913 situa- tion turned out to be one of the most sensational in- American history. For three years Roosevelt refrained from publicly criticizing Taft, although privately he felt he had good reason to find fault with Taft in the White House. Then, as Taft approached the close of his term, and as the matter of the next Republican presidential nomination came near, Roosevelt turned upon Taft violently. A little later Roosevelt announced that he would himself try for the nomination to which Taft was by custom entitled. Roosevelt tried and lost. There ensued the split in the Republican party, the organiza- tion of the Progressive party—and, of |5 course, Democratic victory. Case of Grover Cleveland . To find a true analogy to Mr. Hoover’s situation we must go back to the 1880s 1890s. Mr. Hoover's G JAPAN’S “TWO VOICES” CONFUSING TO LEAGUE Dog Growls Menacingly in Tokio and Wags Friendly Tail in Geneva, Observer Points Out. BY ALBIN E. JOHNSON. 1 ENEVA.—While Japanese diplo- | mats and statesmen here at| Geneva are arguing that Japan is motivated only by| peaceful and altruistic aims in | pursuing to its logical conclusion her Manchuarian policy, reliable reports from Tokio tell an_entirely different| story. At Geneva Japan's spokesmen | are pleading for a “peaceful under-| standing” and “equitable solution”; 1| Tokio the powers-that-be declare that, | if need b, Japan is prepared, as she | was in the Russo-Japancse War, to) stake her future existence as a “big| power” on the flelds of Manchuria. Authoritative reports received at Geneva indicate that Japan's army | estimates for the coming year have been more than doubled; her navy expend- | itures ars 50 per cent higher than this | year’s. The 1933 budget for “national | defense” is the largect in the history | of the country. On the other hand, an estimated budgetary deficit of 37 per cent has bzen increased to 43 per cent as a result of supplementary credits authorized for the army and navy, and indications are, with the rapidly declin- ing revenues from taxation, that the budgetary deficit will surpass 50 per cent by January 1, 1933, when the new budgetary year begins. The effect on Japan's currency has been - staggering. The yen today is down 60 per cent in normal value, and is still dropping. National expendituges are certain to climb with the increas- ing drain in Manchuria where guerilla warfare is prevalent. Economic condi- tions are described as “appalling” in the agricultural districts of the country and so-called “Communism” is growing among the peasan§ population. League Council Confused. In Geneva, representatives of the 14 powers on the League Council, and the delegates from 58 countries summoned for the extraordinary assembly, are more or less confused over the picture ted by Ambassadors Nagaoka and Matsuidiara, and the representatives sent here from Tokio, and the reports which arrive daily from diplomatic officials of their various governments stationed in the Far East. a Japan’s spokesmen here argue that neither the League covenant nor the trated the cunning designs of the resi of the world to interfere with and op- press the Far East, and through Shanghai incident Japan was able to check Western aggression and escal ‘Western supervision. China ought to grateful for all this, for we should like China to realize that, through us, China has a chance to destroy all Western in- fluence in China.” Commenting on _the well known fact that since the Russo-Japanese War ‘Tokio's foreign policy has been to play in with the Western powers, Hanzawa reveals that this policy was followed for a “very good reason.” This policy is no longer necessary. “Formerly, for very good reasons,” he writes, “our diplomacy was based on conciliation toward Europe and Amer- ica. That day, however, is gone. Ja- pan is now confident of her ability to stand up alone and we have now re- turned to the principle of ‘hands off in Asia,’ and she is even prepared to go to the extent of severing relations with the United States, if this is necessary, to maintain_this principle.” In explaining to China that Japan's policy is simply “Asia first,” the Gaiko Jiho says the Chinese must not regard the independence of Manchuria as & national disgrace. Manchuria is char- acterized as a child abandoned by & poor parent unable to look after it properly, and Japan is= doing a good service to both Manchuria and China in adopting and cherishing the poor babe, “The Real Issue.” “The real issue,” the article con- cludes, is racial; resistance on the part of the yellow races to the domination of the West. Official declarations of leaders such as QGen. Araki, minister of war, and Kaku Mori, leader of the Fascist wing of the i party, which is in power, form a striking contrast to the conciliatory attitude of the Japanese spokesmen at Geneva. While the foreign office repre- sentatives are arguing over political and Jjudicial technicalities, the militarists are Kellogg pact have been violated and |This that the nine-power treaty is capable of several interpretations. In Japan, |80 unp according to dispatches received at the League, the people are told that “Japan | by the the League of Nations Diplomatic Review (Galko Jiho) which publishes articles from mats, army and navy sonalities influential and situatjon is that of a President belong- | goV¢ ing fo one term, has run for re-election and lost to- the other party. That duplicated twice in the 1880s. Groyer Cleveland was elected Demo- cratic President in 1884, served one term, ran for re-election and was defeated by Republican Benjamin Harrison. Cleveland from 1889 until 1893 was in the situation in which Mr. oover will now “be. In that case, eveland at the end of the four-year interval was renominated by his party, was re-elected and served from 189 to 1897. The identical situation, with the parties reversed, occurred about the same time. Benjamin Harrison, Re- publican, was elected in 1888, served one term, ran for re-election at the end of it, and was defeated by Cleve- land. After four years, although Harrison was still alive, he was not renominated by the Republicans. y who has served one has was No Basis for Precedents. All that can be said for this is that it is an interesting historical summary. It provides no basis for presumption about Mr. Hoover’s future. There can be no basis in precedents. Situations may be similar, or in two cases, those of Cleveland and Harrison, identical. But this is the kind of situation in which the differing personalities of men weigh heavily. There will be speculation about Mr. Hoover's future, much of it. But what Mr. Hoover will do in his personal capacity will not emerge until after March 4. What will happen about him as a public man will depend upon developments which will not appear until the Democrats have been in office for perhaps a year. (Copyright, 1932.) one of actual and vital interest and discussion in Scotland cannot be denied. The new-born movement to oppose home rule, as it is still called by many, has been initiated by a committee com- posed of West of Scotland business men, the invitation committee of which in- cludes such well known figures as Lord Maclay, Sir Steven Bilsland, Sir John Stirling Maxwell, Six Thomas Kelly, lord provost of Glasgow, and Sir Adam 0. sovereignty of the Scottish state as a | Nimrn mother country. The Scottish self-gov- ernment party, as the Duke of Mont- rose's group has come to be known, urges that the government be asked to introduce and pass a self-government bill for Scotland whose main provisions would embrace the establishment of a Parliament . which would be the final legislative authority on purely Scottish affairs, and whose powers should con- cern_matters not expressly reserved to the Imperial Parliament, such as suc- cession to the crown, peace and war, de- fense forces and foreign affairs, but which should include the control of finance and taxation. It is suggested that a statutory commission be set up to determine how best to deal with cus- toms and excise without involving tariff barriers. Union of Parties Unlikely. These provisions, of course, directly traverse the aims of the National party, and it is unlikely that union between the party and the Scottish self-govern- ment party or “Moderates,” will take place, espeeially as the Duke of Mont- rose has already stated publicly that the National party’s manifesto en- visages a breach of the Union of 1707. But it is not unlikely that conversa- tions between the groups will take place, although the hope of agreement upon a common basis of action is remote. John , secretary of the Ni tional , has, however, given it as his opinion that the differences between the two bodies are negligible. d extreme whom but little public sympathy is re- vealed. But responsible leaders ness an uni loyment = problem whhhmmuu:fiwbemmmt more acute than that recorded in Eng- United Opposition Asked. In its letter of invitation the com- mittee points out that -the time has come when represenative business and responsible public opinion in Scotland should strongly and clearly express it- self in opposition to any proposal for setting up a Scottish national parlia- ment. It is added that an agitation for home rule, formerly carried on by the National party of Scotland, recently has been stimulated by other bodies calling themselves “Moderate Home Rulers,” who demand national parliament in Scotland, with extensive powers of taxation and legislation. The invitation continu “Believing, as we do,lthn scutzflh opinion ‘13 over- whelmingly opposed to any of proposals, and that any form of home rule which involved a Parliament in Scotland would be a disaster to our country and a calamity for our people, our purpose is to give truly representa- tive opinion” an opportunity to express itself on the subject in a non-party way, but so forcefully and definitely that the political parties will realize that there is no substantial backing for any home rule project. Such adjust- ments as may be desirable in the local circumstances of Scotland can be uhizvedwnglnmemopeo!mepmmt constitution.’ of Scotland the people -is taken into account this is nenoa!imlmhh Nearly a genera- tion elapsed bef the Labor made any real headway in but the advance of the National party at elections has been much more rapid uuml that of the Labor party in its egr] 'l'za of the National surely fhese | Is felt {n most quarters that, the proin- adds: “The enemies which Japan has consistently are the League and America.” “Whom did Japan fight so heroically at Geneva?” Hanzawa asks and then to answer his question as fol- It was not China; it was a world influence attempting to take advantage of the internal dissentions in China to establish sway over Asia. When Japan sent troops to Shanghai and de- The Japanese | the leading ddlplm any officials and per- 12 ‘the- industrial | exist side stroyed the Chapel district and wrecked | the the Woosung forts, she did not do so because she hated China, but in order to serve notice on the West to quit meddling in Asia.” “Japan’s Enemy.” “In other words,” continues Han- zawa, “Japan’s enemy was not. the 19th Route Army (of China) but the recog- nition of the existence of the world’s greatest potential military power (United States). The bombing of the Commercial Press by our heroic airmen was a notice to the League of Nations to _cease interferring in the Far East. (China has, at her own request, been supplied with international experts to assist in reorganizing her sanitary, hos- pital, medical, educational and trans- portation services. The Commercial | Press, at the moment of its destruction, was engaged printing in Chinese & semi-official book on “Twelve Years of International Co-operation.”) “The destruction of the Woosung forts was really the destruction of American designs to penetrate into, and consolidate her position m the Far East. Through the Shanghai incident Japan fought the world and emerged vic- torious.” Advancing the thesls that China ought to be grateful to Japan for com- ing to her rescue, the Gaiko Jiho article says: among Japanese spokesmen against drastic action, which, they say, might cause Japgn to commit national suicide. They point out that in the agrarian districts people are eating grass and roots; that farmers and workers have resorted to selling their daughters to the “yoshiwara,” or houses of prosti- tution, to obtain money for bread. The unemployed riots are pointed out as an indication that Japan cannot continue long on her present road of militarism unless the economic depression passes. On the other hand, the League has more than Japan’s interests to con- sider. In invading Manchuria, Japan has either been guilty of ignoring treaty and Covenant obligations, or she has been within her legitimate rights. It is up to the League to pass judg- ment, the majority of delegations here believe, and, if Japan is found to be the aggressor, to see that China is The series of triumphs achieved by our heroic troops in Shanghai frus- given satisfaction for her losses, both at Shanghal and in Manchuria. Fight to Preserve “King’s English” Is Invoked by Use of U. S. Slang LONDON.—In the battle to preserve the purity of what is known in Great Britain as “King’s English,” the most formidable foe at the moment is the person described by St. John Ervine, the dramatist, as the “celluloid nit-wit,” the purveyor hereabouts of American film slang. As these “nit-wits” are now legion, it check on slang in certain Holly- wood studios is a reform that has been delayed tco long. This objettionable jargon pervades homes, offices and schools. Tt is asserted by some of the purists that the slangy captions of the silent films were not responsible for much language corruption, as the offending words only hit the eye. But talkie slang has made a deep impression be- cause the ear has registered it at the . | dialects obliterated in as Ool. Chutney cannot always the nightmare that the ym"m altern undergoing reproof is cocuun' the sentence, “I gettcha, you big stiff. Nor can the belted earls assume old retainers, or butlers with mutton- chop whiskers, do all their reflecting without occasional sly use of film jargon. ‘Worries Women More, It has been the experience of the heads of some business houses that women occupying positions of au- thority are more concerned over what they regard as indiscipline bred by the use of such slang than are masculine chiefs of departments. Even a naturedly muttered, “Okay, chief,” from a girl stenographer arouses the ire of her feminine superior. The man is more often disposed to ignore such familiarity, or repress a smile over it, x‘g‘ab’ax:alg't because he gets a home train- But apart from this perilous influence of American talkie slang on King’s English there are several other aspects of the language problem which are [2) great concern. The dum of icast English into the Iris State is a sore trial for Gaelic zealots to have preserved ar > afraid all will be the ; jd of “standard”