Evening Star Newspaper, December 13, 1931, Page 37

EDITORIAL SECTION he Sunday Star. WASHINGTON, D. C. SUNDAY MORNING. DECEMBER 13, 1931. Editorial Page L Part 2—8 Pages GERMANY’S CRISIS IS SEEN | IN FEBRUARY REICHSTAG e ROOSEVELT STILL FIRST, Guaranteeing Workers Jobs | Burbaker cLose seconn Governor Handicapped by Early Start, While Ex-Secretary May Be Compromise Choice. For the Present “Nazis” and “Reds” Are Content to Talk But Not Act and Take Responsibility. Much of Worry Could Be Eliminated and Business Made to Prosper, Declares Economist. BY FRANK H. SIMONDS. ITHIN a relatively brief time a serles of important inci- dents have served to redirect attention to the European crisis, which has been a little obscured by the Manchurian af- fair. Notable among these has been the sudden and perpendicular drop of the pound sterling, the declaration of the French premier that reparations pay- ments must have priority over com- mercial debts and the break-up in a riot of a peace zonference and disarma- men: meeting in Trken togsther disclo sense of distrust a alorg with that of exa lic feelings. The pound because of the double reason that Ger- fmany was visibly sinking and that France was prepared to insist that feparations be paid ahead of commercial debts. This meant that British short- term credits adventured in the Reich (like the much larger American credits) will continue indefinitely in their pres- ent frozen state. But, back of all, lay the inescapable fact that in Germany, itself, things are going steadily from bad to worse. The Teserve in the Reichsbank, despite all the help from the Hoover moratorium and subsequent endeavors to aid, is shrinking weekly. Recent elections have shown the rapid extension of Hitler strength and the parallel but less striking gain of Communism. The Bruening cabinet is losing strength daily Upheaval Postponed. An upheaval in Germany has been sible ever since last Winter. It has n postponed only by two rather odd circumstances—on the one hand, the fundamental conditions are so bad and the outlook s0 unpromising that the Hitlerites, the “Nazis," despite all their bold threats and claims, have no real temptation to assume control with the responsibility involved. Such cool heads s exist in this motley combination of old nationalists and new revolutionaries perceive that assumption of authority now would mean to be quickly dis- credited because, instantly, all chance of aid from the outside world would be destroyed. A party which proposes to pationalize the industries, abolish pri- vate property, starve the Jews to death, | which preaches violence at home and | repudiation of all treaty obligations abroad, could not hope to attract any- | thing but an aloof and hostile treat- | ment from the rest of the world. And, | without aid, Germany cannot carry on. | The Communist situation is even | more interesting German Communism is responsive to and completely under | the direction of Moscow. It derives much of its funds and all its inspira- tion frem the Kremlin. But Soviet Russia, in the midst of the agonies| of the Five Year Plan, does not want | any disturbance in the capitalistic | world from which #t must still derive| the machinery for its experiment. Above | all, it does not desire am upset In Ger- many. The Germans have been sup- | plying the Bolshevists with their needs on long-term contracts. In faet, Amer- ica and Britain have been furnishing | Germany with the funds to equip So- viet Russia! | A German explosion would shut off | this vital aid. It would produce an| inevitable battle between the Reds and | the Nationalists, and, however much it | dislikes the prospect, the Soviets would | be compelled to support their German | allies. As a result Moscow very obvi- | ously has been restraining German | Communism. Thus the two revolu- tionary parties in the Reich are at one time preaching an appeal to vio- | Jence and circumspectly avoiding actual collision. | February Crisis Seen. But the masses in both German | eamps are getting out of hand. Con- | ditions are growing steadily worse. Winter is coming on Wwith its expan sion of unemployment and intensifica tion of suffering. The millions who | have been converted to the belief in! Red or “Nazi” violence as a solution | of their troubles are pressing reluc- | tant leaders to action. At the moment | it is difficult to see how a grave crisis and even a real explosion can be avert- ed when the Reichstag assembles in | Pebruary. France has no investments, _either | long or short term, in Germany. France is concerned with the payment of un- conditional reparations. She takes the ground that because Americans and Britons risked their money in German investments, which have turned out badly, there is no reason why Prance should be deprived of reparations Now it is fairly clear that the Anglo- Saxons cannot get their “frozen” credits back, nor the French their reparations, unless there is some general combina- tion of all concerned and some compre- hensive amelioration of German con- ditions. But, despite all the endless talk that has gone on since last June, when the Hoover moratorium was an- nounced, London, Paris, Berlin and | Washington have not been able to get together The problem of co-operation is com- plicated by the fact that three ap- proaching elections paralyze three of the four powers immediately concerned France will have a general election in the Spring and any political party or group which at this moment revealed ftself as ready to make concessions would be threatened by annihilation at the polls. Nearly six months of “pussy- footing,” evasion and dodging are in- evitab) In Germany there will be a Prussian election in the Spring that will deter- mine the control of Prussia and control of the army and the police. Today Ger- y is actually dominated by a dicta- based on a minority. Hinden- irg, the President, signs and promul- tes what are actually dictatorial de- Brusning rules by virtue of the : 4 the support who are con- Broun, the third end e most powerful of the had hissed a former French prime min- ister, Painleve, recognized in France as one of the most moderate and liberal politicians, because he had repeated the familiar French thesis that security came before reduction in armies. In the present sensitive state of the French mind this constituted an af- front and a challenge, which was an- swered with characteristic promptness. The answer was intended to give onc more warning of the position French representatives must take at the forth- coming Geneva conference French feeling wes, moreover, fu ther excited by the repercussions conditions upcn France % very acute ' Just r was precipitated by Germen collapse, French prosperity and even stability are being assailed by British breakdown. France has lost very heavily by reason of the abandon- ment of the gold standard by the British and even more by the conse- quences of the recent tariff laws in Britain. In fact, a tarifl war between Britain and France is actually in prog- ress. The French believe that German na- tlonalism is about to get control of the Reich and they still see in MacDonald and Hoover foreign statesmen eager to disarm Prance in the face of a new peril. They see their present financial and economic crisis as due to British and American financial support of a Germany which in their eyes deliber- ately courted bankruptcy to escape the treaty of Versailles, in a word, Prench public opinion is becoming intransi- geant ani domestic conditions within France are exacerbating national feeling. | As we approach the turn of the year, | therefore, it is necessary, however un- pleasant, to face the fact that the Eu- ropean situation is rapidly disentegrat- ing. This is true financially, economic- ally and politically. The curse of all | the many “contacts” between public | men, which have filled the press since | the sensational journey of the Germans to Parls last Summer, lies precisely in the fact that these have given the im- | pression that something constructive | had been accomplished, that behind the | scenes progress was being made toward | solution. Politicians Separated. When, however, one comes in contact with the public ‘'men supposed to be working out solutions, it is to find them in a state of approximate despair, con- | fessing privately that they are helpless | either because of domestic political ‘ conditions or similar foreign political complications. The truth is not, for ex- ample, that British, American and | French finance and statesmanship are | collaborating upon a program of relief | for the world, but that there is a seem- | ingly impassable gulf between the views | of the politicians in the three countries, which makes progress impossible. Six months ago, returning from a long and extended tour of Conti- | nent, I wrote in my syndicate articles | that the whole financial and economic | system of the Continent was breaking | down because of political factors. That | was in May. Since then events have | justified every statement then assailed | 25 unfounded pessimism. Now, return- | ing to Washington and re-establishing | my contacts with forelgn diplomats and domestic public men, I find that the | BY ALBERT FANCHER. TEADILY, with accelcrating mo- ' mentum, an important movement is under way—a movement that is making jobs safe for prosperity No spectacular publicity attends it, although as its influence spreads it is likely to play a major role in speed- ing business recovery, :timulating pur- chasing and creating that public con- fidence which is so essential o the con- quest of depression As the world’s richest and most gen- erous nation it is only natural that in times like these we should take care of our own countrymen, finding work for every one possible and seeing to it that those for whom no employment has yet The present | to retard recovery great Nation-wide drive for the relief | what tomorrow may bring is likely to of the unemployed is one answer to this | be in a spending mood; he is engaged Bui there is still another |in saving for the rainy-day which even now may be upon him. workers are worried | for the worst, They wonder when their wages or salaries will be cut, and be discharged been found do not starve. No one who dreads phase of this question He is preparing | Because so many have this attitude, the efforts of thos business leaders who This |87 succeeding in changing it are of fear has flooded the savings banks with | Interest .and significance. Consider, for example, the action of a well known publisher has forced mer- chants to slash prices to induce buying; it is helping to keep money out of circu- | with other business, publishing has felt lation at the very time when purchas- ing is alarmingly overconfidence plaj in bringing on the crash of 1929 today job fear is tending very definitely | circulations have dropped. the effects of the general industrial Many advertisers have reduced d its heedless part their appropriations or eliminated ad- | vertising entirely; in not a few cases ~From an Etching by I. Doskow. | when mergers were the vogue and many | workers were without jobs practically all those employed in "the publishing business were worried 1 Cischarged, either i 1o 90 De | teen Roosevelt and Smith. They don't | cconomy o s the result of soreeneor | much care where the net of the debt of | consolidatian. The owner of this particular peri- | |odical sensed this feeling. Had he | | cared to he could have used c: As an excuse to pare down his pay roll; other employers were furnishing ample precedent. It happened, however, that his business was not :ikely to merge | with any other and, also, that heswas still making money. His action is typ- (Continued on Fourth Page.) England’s Lord of the Press Rothermere Heads Huge Newspaper Group Forged by His Brother, Lord Northcliffe. situation remains unchanged. Evm[ BY C. PATRICK THOMPSON. | one is watching Germany with appre- hension and even with fear. Congress, | which now is in session, seems in a | mood which will paralyze any such far- going and courageous action as the situation visibly requires. ‘The key of the European situation re- mains in Berlin. The chances of Euro- pean recovery in any useful time de- pends upon the survival of the Bruen- ing cabinet. That survival is, in turn, AVING campaigned steadily | since the end of the war against what he christened “Squander- | mania” and for the merging of | the most virile political ele- | ments into an anti-Soclalist national government pledged to tariffs and re- | trenchment in England, Harold Sydney Harmsworth, first Viscount Rothermere, millionaire, Fascist, die-hard, controller | predicated upon the double cireum- |of the biggest engine of publicity in the | stances of aid from abroad and support | island, rests on his oars. He can say, at home. And. so far, both conditions remain unfulfilled Today it is difficult to see how some form of explosion can be avoided in | Pebruary when the Reichstag reassem- bles. and at the same time the ouestion “I told you s0.” For the moment he is | content, but he is a born fighter and he probably won't be for long It is an odd fact that in spite of the personal opinions which with their immense circul. of “frozen” credits must be dealt with. | huge opinion-making power, project (Copyright, 1931.) 15 U. S. College Juniors continually, Lord Rothermere remains to the British public a vague, shadowy personality, the most obscure and elusive of all the celebrated personages whose influences impinge upon the na- Spend Year in Munich | tional and imperial it BERLIN, Germany —Fifteen American college students, of whom 13 are girls, are spending their junior year in the University of Munich under an arrange- ment completed by the Academic EX- | he mogt valuabl He is generally counted one of the two richest men in e of West- minster. But there is a difference be- tween the two. The duke owes his vast wealth to an astut estor who be- came possessed of pr which to- day constitutes a 1ense tract of land in London. On change Bervice. At the end of the |the other hand, Lord Rothermere owes year they will have a chance to pass the regular examination, for which full credit will be given by their home in- stitutions. Prof. Camillo von Klenze and his wife are the directors, and Frau von Klenze has found homes for the col- lege girls with prominet Munich fam- ilies. Thus the students not only have an opportunity to become familiar with the German language and culture but also with the customs of German fam- ilies. Two of the young women are studying music and two chemistry, but the rest are preparing to become teach- ers. Their university courses include literature, history, language, German cultural history, and folklore. In addi- tion to these obligatory studies they can choose three other courses at will The Americans are enthusiastic about Munich and the many pleasant and profitable ways of spending their free hours. They are regular visitors at dramatic and operatic performances and concerts; there is dancing in the students’ home on rainy afternoons. EX- cursions are enjoyed when the weather is good. The students have already been up the Zugspitze, Germany’s high- est mountain, and in other noted re- sorts in the Bavarian highlands, as well o5 in Obberarmergau, where they met Ant>n Lang. Although their studies have only fairly begun, all speak Ger- | his in about equal parts to his own abilities and to the good fortune which gdve him Northcliffe for an elder | brother. | But if you have an idea that North- cliffe_explains Rothermere, dismiss it No two men could be mor dissimfilar |in temperament and in cerebral pro- | eesses. Northcliffe was great jour- | nalist, and looked it to see Roth- ermere sitting at h sk, massive | quick eyed, unemotional ays, with his huge dominating nd his faint haunting resemblance to a Chinese jdol. you would not take him for a new paper man at sll. And for once appear- ances would not be deceptive Is Bad Newspaper Man. | He is a very bad newspaper man. | He has no flair for journalism, When | he interferes editorially with his papers | —Which is often—circulation is more | likely to fall than to rise. That is be- | cause he tries to hammer his own eco. | nomic "or political motions® sin o ublic's head: and that is a. procees which the thick-headed public feats He is, in fact, a big bus man and |8 financer of genius who has by o chance of blood relati: nship got into the newspaper game Having accumulated and great holdings in in England, France Canada a mighty fortune LORD ROTHERMERE AND HIS NEPHEW, SIR HILDEBRANDT HARMSWORTH. Ulstermen, half Irish, half Scotch, In Alfred the Irish blood te be confined almost wholly to India, iterprises | Egypt and Soviet Russia | He will cater to their lust for knowl- | edge. He makes contract with a re- | tired naval captain who has made money in the fur business, borrows | $15,000 from him and launches the | weekly (and still extant) “Answers to | Correspondents.” | year Alfred pushes it to 80,000. Then | he discovers that the crowd loves com- petitions and prizes. He offers this | new bait, and lo! circulation soars in | two months to 210,000. He starts an- other paper, and another, moves to larger ~ offices, gathers young men around him. The money'comes in fast. He takes over a whole building and the tempo quickens. A paper for school- boys is followed by a paper for senti- mental schoolgirls and a boys’ comic paper. Such is the beginning of the Amalgamated Press, the world's biggest publishing business, now capitalized at $70,000,000 and producing 120 different periodicals (but no longer a colony of the Northcliffe-Rothermere empire). Hires Harold as Manager. So there is brother Alfred, with his building, his organization, his staff, his bunch of newspapers, his money com- ing as fast and big, but no one he can trust to look after the finance and busi- |ness generally. The infant business needs a business manager. Alfred thinks of Harold. He has a sound head, he |1s good at figures, he has all the cal- culation the imaginative Alfred lacks. Harold is induced to leave his safe niche and embark on the speculative |enterprise launched by his brother. ‘Thereafter you see Northcliffe supply- ing the enthusiasm, imagination and drive and Rothermere the calculation, cold judgment, caution and legal-finan- cial technique. Northcliffe cared little for money and was always jumping into new enterprises without ‘worrying about the financial end. Sometimes he got beyond his depth and Rothermere had to do salvage work. While North- e e Savis Comniiiting imasitito iyt A Conler et Mo millions of dollars in some new adven- | ture, Rothermere would be counting the pickels, opposing salary raises sanc- tioned by Alfred, cutting his brother's lavish spending program, seeking ways and means for pruning costs here and doing things more cheaply there and driving a harder bargain somewhere cise. "He not only saw that profits were made; he saw that they were in- creased. Without Alfred, Harold would never have achieved millionairedom, but with- out Harcld, Alfred might easily have been wrecked by his own impetuosity. As 1t was, his great adventure with the Times cut deeply into his pri- vate fortune. Rothermere would never have had the fantastic ambition to own the Times. The idea was one to | by whatever seems an impediment to onditions | | help Smith as the candidate for Presi- | grateful to Smith for boosting Roose- | tion on a reforestation amendmeént to jmore to go on with a prcgram that | seems likely to give the nomination to | powerful in the aggregate. If their Circulation starts at 12,000. In a| disposition to let Roosevelt have it| | becomes much further crystallized, the | larger leaders may find it inexpedient | to_halt the movement. | ers, on the other hand, are not stro: | nominating Roosevelt. A few of these | nate the nearest present-day equiva- | didate known to be identified with, and self clear, whether he belongs in the classification of conservative cr of rad- ical. Compared with Gov. Roosevelt, the major Democratic leaders think of |ermn world, a mind with a clearly de- BY MARK SULLIVAN, OV. ROOSEVELT of New York continues to be nearer the Democratic presidential nomi- nation than any one else. The | state of his fortunes can best | be described by considering the Demo- | cratic leaders in two classes—the major | leaders and the minor ones. Most, indeed nearly all, the minor | | Democratic leaders are for Roosevelt. | That 1s not the accurate way to express | it. Their line of thought runs somewhat | like this: Democratic chances for vic- tory in the presidential election next year seem good. the Democrats, they think, can win with any good man— and Roosevelt, as they view it, is at the least one good man. If Newton D. Baker were in Roosevelt's situation they would equally favor or perhaps more strongly favor Baker. But Roosevelt is far in the lead of the race so far as there is an active race, so why not let him go ahead and have it? Why op- | | pose him, why have a contest for the | nomination? A contest runs the risk of causing tleavage and thereby of causing Democratic chances of success in the | | election to be less. The cards seem good | | as they lie, so why not stand pat with the hand we have? | The minor Democratic leaders who | feel this way are those in the counties | and precincts, men who have no fiery interest in issues, but wouid like to see | party success, men who aspire perhaps | to be postmasters, men who compose | the local centers of party organization. | 1t is from these that come the rather | frequent demonstrations and newspaper interviews favoring Roosevelt. | Resent Impediments. ‘The dispesition of these local Demo- | cratic leaders and workers grow steadily more toward going on with a program that looks to letting Roosevelt have the nomination. They are a little irritated this course. They are a little impatient with ex-Gov. Smith for his disposition to stand off from the Roosevelt move- ment. The local leaders nave no con- cern with the personal relations be- mutual gratitude lies as between the two—whether Smith ought to be grate- ful to Roosevelt for risking his health in 1928 to meet Smith's request that Roosevelt ryn for Governor in order to dent, or whether Roosevelt ought to be velt, somewhat unwillingly, into the governorship, which now gives Roose- Vvelt his chance for the presidency. It was digtinctly noticeable that the local Demacratic leaders throughout the country were eager, as between the two men, to see Roosevelt win when Smith appealed to the New York elec- torate to vote against Roosevelt's posi- the New York State constitution. was similarly noticeable -that the local Democratic press throughout the coun- |try was eager—perhaps more eager Bakes than the facts warranted—to interpret the outcome of that controversy on re- forestation as a victory for Roosevelt, a rebuke to Smith. May Be Unable to Halt Him. In short, the local Democratic lead- ers and other local centers of influence throughout the country tend more and evelt, are more and more impa- tient with the attitude of larger leaders who are not ready to commit them- selves. The local leaders are pretty Most of the major Demccratic lead- for' Roosevelt. It would be difficult to name one naticnal leader or one leader of first-rank importance commanding any large State. who is strong for are opposed to him; many are indif- ferent or doubtful. They have, like the minor leaders, decisive faith in Democratic success next year. But the major leaders, in proportion as they bhave faith in success, are inclined to gamble a little on it. If we are so certain to have success in the election, they reason, why not do something worthwhile with it? Why not nomi- lent of Woodrow Wilson, or Grover Cleveland—and by that, as a rule, they mean Newton D. Baker. In the same spirit they reason that if we are sure to be successful, why not have a can- able if President, to provide strong| leadership for a definite set of clear- | cut policies about foreign relations, | prohibition, the tariff. Question Physical Ability. The major leaders have questions in their minds about Rcosevelt'’s avail- ability, about the state of his ‘physical health and his capacity for endurance in the extremely strenuous life that the presidency has come to be. This question would seem to be answered by Roosevelt’s ability to stand up withc apparent handicap in the governorship of the immense State of New York, which is certainly a sufficiently diff- to provide a fair test. Nevertheless, the major leaders have some appre- hension, either that Roosevelt's health would be an actual handicap, or that the Republicans in the campaign would make it seem so. The major leaders also have qualms about the definiteness of Roosevelt's | intellectual cenvictions, on_prohibition, for example. As to "another set of issues they are not clear and they don’t know whether Roosevelt is him- Newton Baker as having shown by | many tests that he has one cf the very | best minds in America, or in the mod- the State primaries begin. If Roosevelt or his friends and the managers of his fortunes go into the primaries of State after State, and if no other equally ag- gressive aspirant enters, Roosevelt, wil acquire enough popular support to make the national leaders think twice about standing in his way. Presumably this will not be permitted to happen. Partly among national Democratic leaders who function in politics, partly among distinguished Democrats not active in politics, is a sentiment for Newton D. Baker, just now becoming energetic enough to see to it that when the convention meets there will be at least enough delegates for Baker to make him available to nominate in case the party leaders de- cide to follow that course. Baker's personal attitude about the nomination is that he does not “cnerish it.” That is Mr. Baker'’s own phrase. It means that he would not refuse it if given to him—but that he will not seek it. Baker or Roosevelt. One of the two—Baker or Roosevelt, it seems today—should be the Demo- cratic candidate. Roosevelt will go ahead and gather a lot of delegates, but probably not enough to give him the required two-thirds. Those party leaders opposing Roosevelt, or at pres- ent not favoring his nomination, will likewise assemble a lot of delegates. Some of these non-Roosevelt delegates will be for Gov. Ritchie of Maryland, some for Byrd of Virginia, some for ex- Senator “Jim” Reed of Missouri, some for Gov. “Alfalfa Bill” Murray of Okla- homa, some for Gov. White of Ohio, some for Senator Lewis of Illinois. Some of these non-Roosevelt dele- gates will be for Newton D. Baker. But Baker will not be, in the beginning, a principal contender against Roosevelt. The picture will not be Roosevelt versus Baker. It will be Roosevelt versus the fleld. The fleld will be large enough to “hold” Roosevelt. In that status, with Roosevelt, so to speak, on trial, the leaders will decide whether to nominate him or not. Speaking more accurately, they have let Roosevelt have it. If in the mean- time everything has gone well with Roosevelt, or fairly well, the leaders may give him their blessing and the nomination. * That is one possibility. The other looks pretty surely toward Baker. If the national leaders decide, under con- ditions as of the time the convention meets, that the nomination of Roosevelt would be wise, or at least wise enough, they will step aside, the minor candi- dates will drop away and Roosevelt will get the prize. But if the leaders, at the time the convention meets, deem the nomination of Roosevelt to be inex- pedient, then they will merely “hold” Roosevelt for a sufficient number of bal- lots, to prove to his own followers the impossibility of nominating him. At It | such a point the convention will pass into & kind of flux and the leaders will then mold it to the nomination of e Everything Aftects Him. In the meantime, during the six months until the convention meets in Democratic poltics will be ini and described in the light of its to Roosevelt. That is the penalty of be- ing what Roosevelt is—far out in front. Some accidents will favor Roosevelt; the greater number will harm him. Unto- ward incidents, like death, favor a shining mark. A Western radical, Sen- ator Wheeler of Montana, indorses Roosevelt in the newspapers; whereup- on 10 Eastern conservatives say (though not in the newspapers): “If Wheeler is for him, I'm agin’ him.” Meantime a ‘Western superradical, Gov, Murray of Oklahoma, says in. effect: “Roosevelt is not radical enough. I, Bill Murray, am D& | the genuine prewar brand; if you want the real thing, nominate me” And Murray will have some delegates. If the mood at the time is really radical, if business conditions are worse, Roose- velt will not be radical enough, cer- tainly not enough for some of the West. If business conditions are better, if the mood of next June is cautious and careful and “don’t rock the boat,” then Roosevelt will be too radical, certainly too much so for some of the East. It is the same as to prohibition. When a Southern dry, Senator Harris of Georgia, announces in the newspa- pers that he is for Roosevelt, a dozen Northern wets say (though not in the newspapers): “K Roossvelt is dry enough for Harris, or sufficiently mild in his wetness for Harris, then he's not wet enough for me.” Meantime the party will have gone through a fight on the prohibition issue, in which it will be a political miracle 1f Roosevelt can |avold giving conclusive offense to one side or the other, This sort of thing is the inevitable penalty of Roosevelt’s position in the lead of the race. And, from this sort of thing, Baker, in the safe security of his genuine indifference to the prize, will be immune. Decidedly, Baker is ;‘het second best bet and may be the rst. s i ¢ France Mest Peaceful, Says Marshal Petain PARIS, France—“France is the most peaceful country in the world,” Marshal Henri Petain said to American cor- respondents here on the eve of his departure for the United States to attend the Yorktown celebrations. “People in America,” he continued, “say that France is imperialistic and wants to hold all Europe under its sway, and that it is spending tremen- dous sums for armaments to prepare for war. All this is utterly untrue. We are only preparing to defend ourselves ini case of attack. This 15 ciearly proved by our established poucy. : : 1 to a journalist'’s vanity, an b and the thermere’s Fascism and | bubbled and sang in flood tide; but in | *PPe& ty, | fined set of convictions, which knows| “If we contemplated ession would ached now the | nasorint }zfi,p short at the strong | Harold the Scottish strain predominates | :f,{“e.‘.’eg"f;‘l;;g Crown 8 acareer It was | exactly where it sets out for. we be spending 5o much o fortity our | that fortune jitting astride | hand and the short retort in foreign | —grim, dour, serious, economical, Te- | POV & Business man's ide soSond| Most of all the major Democratic | frontiers? Our whole military organi- I a2t ti to Hawaii | about as eweet wnd osc, !terests feels | policy.” And what with trying to be | lentlessly practical. In Alfred's biggest | o rouder to buy a Northere onaly |leaders are certain they do mot want |zation is defensive. If we contemplated trol in Prussia. They lmmigration to Hawail aPput s sweet and easy as bestriding rough with Gandhi when all political | flights Harold was never so carried | a8 Prouder fo buy a Nort ST Provin- | the presidential nomination, which does | aggression we would ' have powerful sre picked men, they are trained to Shows'D for Year|® Dicking broncho parties in England are for a compro-| away by the spirit of adventure that he | g7\ [EYSEAPST for, around 8250000, | not take place until next June, to. be | bombing. planes nd b battleships. fight and they dominate the present Shows Drop for Year| Like the millionatre newspaper-own. | B2 agreement with the Indian home | would go ahead without counting the | STAT @ 'atge income from it for many | foreclosed at the present time. They | We now home mow e o, and do not erisis. All Hitler efforts are concen- 4 e 18 In Germany, | rulers, and polite to France when pub- | cost, and never so fascinated by four- | Je2IS, and then sel papers "0/000 |are just a little resentful sgainst Roose- | intend to build new once trated upon breaking this control and = Sditor e Soclalist-nurtured Fascist | e ouiriae 1o irritated with her, and | nalism as to confine his business in- IESCHAY SOF DEWIepCYS, velt, or against his friends, for an ap- | “Compared with certain other coun- the present outlook is that he will suc-| HONOLULU, Hawaii.—Ifhmigration of r Mussolini in Italy Rothermere | mengl to Italy and helpful to Ger- | terests within that field. It was Northcliffe’s aloofness from |parent determination to go ahead and | tries, we are far from being imperialis- eeed in the Spring election. In this sit- | aliens to Hawaii, which has been high | sees no hope for the ilis of modern de- | many );mhoul offending France, and| He was just the man to consolidate | Purely business deals of this sort, along | get the nomination “In the bag” at a|tic. In the United States it seems now uation the Bruening cabinet cannot|for several years owing to the com-|moOCracy except through the ruthiess | vice versa; and amiable to the United | the empire Alired was winning by ex- | With his concentration upon the jour- | time deemed by the national leaders to|to be & common idea that we desired make any concessions o forelgn de- | ing of Pilpino laborers, is on the de- | surgical operation of autocrycy” i States when the average Englishman is | ploiting the great new public created by | Dalistic side of his empire, that kept his | be much too early. the last war. This is absolutely f: mands without insuring disaster in the | crease, according to a report by A. E.|strong hand at home and in overseag feeling %ore. with Uncle Sam, and rec- | popular state-financed education, He | Personal fortune running always on a It any two powers were the: 11-’55 $ ; Prussian election Burnett, inspector of immigration. In- [ Phestastons! Law, order, authority and | coint sore Taoy Beaverbrook for the | was not the man, however, to jump in | much lower level than his brother's. de~ Leaders Are in Control. were the British and German vunpimy Finally there is the American presi- | spector Burnett finds a 10 per cent e- | the big stick. “And if any one prytan, | Ommending Lord Beaverbrook for the | anywhere. Altred had quite a busincss | Spite the {act that he was senior Partner | These national leaders have control | Circumstances made France th dential election, which obviously pre-| crease for the fiscal year ended June punch him on the nose | ey reader would rather | before Harold came upon the scene. and the big noise. of the situation. They control enough |of the war., ’ i e cludes any chance of definitive action | 30, 1931, and unofficial figures stnce | Pailses e : Send that aghie Canadian back to the| You see them back in the '80s; Har-| The story of how these two assured | Stajne Sou potential delegates to Keep | “Iiis will be in the matter of war debts. It is the | that time show that the decrease is ard Time, tend that aglle Canadlist with recon- | old, & serious, unsmiling young man i | the Taw Daper supply of their busisee 4 my first visit to the the nom com- conviction in Washington that Ameri- | still greater. But again, there is a difference be- ciling all these conflicting interests and | the inland revenue department of the|is illuminating. Rothermere is a pessi- pmrtllvell;a:‘::;' h"osu:ge?;:ki':‘o‘;:p.n- United States. 1 am extremely cu- can public sentiment is now opposed to| The Hawailan Sugar Planters' As-| tween Rothermere ang e . h- | civil service, and Alfred, & gay, debon- | ist. But his pessimism has its® con- tlous to see that great country and the debt cancellation or to any form of fur- | sociation has virtually stopped bring- | cists whose poliiio Hoctiines . . | GALase slihden o bgh o R otre A e Youngster | structive side. He always sees obstacies 2:1:2;;;2’3::3 o hant e oy eds Sfound Yorktown, where ther adventuring abroad. The Hoover ing in Filipino leborers. It is an-| strongly approves He is fie i fores | nbuera non trying time. Northcliffe| who had been’ free-lancing and now | Tising and moves to circumvent them. the nomination In a convention in | 1 o °‘"m“= fought as comrades. administration, like the Bruening gov- | nounced that Gov. Gen. Dwight F.|most & man of business. He s AgAInE Awkwar fl]'j y editor for the Daily | has set up in business for himself, his | He is 50 often upset about possible ca- | which the rules require twoo n A &cur lous to make the acquaintance emment and the Laval cabinet, is| Davis of the Philippines will arrive in|any andizement of Britain's en. | Mea in 39 ocare. but his brother | premises two small rooms and his staff | tastrophes that he will start something nominate ¥ | 0 thimk pisans, Who seem Irequently therefore practically paralyzed at this,| Honolulu late this month en route to ould cut her commit- | ohanger inery. rapidly, one after|a share in one office boy. Sgalnst the dark day, bulld & barrier| ““Tiys is the sttuation as of today. 1¢ | ik I of us. the most critical moment in post-war | Washington, and that one reason for mis snd Palestine. s | coanecs the & But Alfred has ideas. He senses the | 883inst disaster. has been approximately the same for By | repeat then what I say to ry. his coming via Honolulu is to ook into " nils0. his own business and | - But then, as T have observed, North- | vague, vast growth of the desire for| Thus while brother Alfred was gayly | pome cen yeurs. Apparently thic Dermg: | Jou oW FTance is the most peaceful B s el e e T | S0 B e | ! w7 et Vo S| SR e e e pore g g O L S B AP P e e S . | 5 at his deman re is & big busi- e dawning of a new age and by|Nad now sprung from the original seed | ynti1 i g H before an international sudience'der to prevent unmy:wmt. the Testoration ef British pruu‘edsh:e: g‘;x;;.‘ :h:}fio R:%rmm g the first processes of general education, (Continued on Fourth Fage.) which “um:nn ;: next, p:‘h:ei have been its chief du:“t‘fi the last 18 ran fluently | United States, he has re police are the creation . apprehensive stage when o post-war years and the result o years and can » L] 4 2 = S >