Evening Star Newspaper, September 6, 1931, Page 13

U. S. POST-WAR BLAMED AS Senator Shipstead, i 8,000,000 Winte POLICIES SLUMP CAUSE n Radio Forum, Sees r Jobless—Asks Extra Congress Session. The following speech by Senator Henrik Shipstead of Minnesota was ce- livered last night in the National Radio Forum, arranged by The Star and broadcast over a coast-to-coast network of the Columbia Broadcasting System from Station WMAL: It is a great privilege to speak to my fellow citizens through the courtesy of The Washington Star. Nearly a yvear ago, just before the opening of the last session of Congre. 1 had the honor and privilege to pr: gent. through the courtesy of The Wash- ington Star, some views relative to an {mmediate program of action for the then coming three months’ session. That program was necessarily limited in scope due to the short time Congress | was to be in session and to the agree. ment made by leaders of all p:vliuuLL groups that a special sessicn was to be avoided at all costs ! The opinion of the country as ex- | pressed at that time, through the press | and through the leaders of tha groups in power, was to the effect that Con- gress should pass appropriation bills end go home, s5 that prosperity. which Wwas sald to be waiting just fround the corner, could have a chance to come to us and restore to the people of America the blessings which God Almighty had prepared in natural resources. climate and location for those who live within the boundaries of its shore lines Accordingly. a program of co-opera- tion was agreed to. It was agreed to by the leaders of both the Republican end Democratic parties that nothing should be done by Congress except pass the necessary appropriation bills earry on the usual functions of the Gov- ernment, with the additional provision that funds should be provided to be Joaned to the drought-stricken farmers #n the South. Country Awaits Prosperity. ‘The political advantages of such a rogram must have seemed appirent the leaders of both political parties. n_addition, they were without doubt bued with a profound conviction that uch a program was not destructive in character but rather constructive énd triotic. Tremendous pressure was ought to bear upon members of Con- 'ss from varfous sources to carry this m through practically as out- ined, with the exception of the bill to money to veterans, and this one, Congress adjourned; its mem- rs went home; the country heaved a h of rellef and waited for the romised prosperity to appear. But the world-wide depressin, which to make its first appearance in e United States during the month of une, 1829, continued its devastating ourse With increasing momentum and gury, spreading its destruction through- put the world. Freedom of progress, in large me s- ure, has been given the spread of the depression by frequently su often repeated statamer industrial and politica there is no depression, and that if there is one, it is psycholog.cal and due to a state of public mind. If they balieve inability to pay interest or amo tion payments cn farm mortgage: ability to draw deposits from c banks, 7,000,000 workingmen out of em- ploymert, ships lying idle in harbors business going bankrupt is simply a ps: cholegiczl phenomena or state of mind, ths only words I can find to express my opinion of their views is to sav that such leaders have no minds at all and should not confuse the public mind with foolish statements. given weight and attention simply and only because of the fact that thesa persons whd have made them happen to cccupy positions of prominence and power. Such men must bear the responsibility of a do- nothing policy that leads to further chacs, as s beccming increasingly ap- parent to people everywhere. Stnce October. 1929, many statesmen, bankers industrialists and economists have been saying that prosperity was ust around the corner and weculd be ere in about 30 days. Some of them have said, nearly every week, “Now we have hit the bottom.” This was true, but they have failed to mentio there was a new bottom ev Many of them before the c the speculative mania were proclaiming that we had reached “a new era of economics, a permanent plateau of prices.” I am not talking to them, but to that portion of the great body of American people who are expected to ay for the mistakes of their leaders in dustry, finance and politics. Exceeds Five Combined. Natlonally, we are in the throes of an ®conomic depression during which the per losses to date have exceeded the combined _losses of the panics of 1873, 4893, 1907, 1920 and 1921: and so far #s we have ways to measure the real or relative losses in those declines, it s found that in all probability all of them together did not approach the resent disaster in magnitude. Bank clearings are now reported on the Fed- eral Reserve index to beat a lower level than ever before, since the Civil War, pnd bank clearings are a good index of the trend of things in a country where most transactions are settled by eheck. | The whole world is facing wholesale defaults in debts, public and private. ‘We have a Treasury deficit, to which we are adding in consequence of our daily borrowing of millions of dollars, Our total number of unemployed per- sons, formerly employed and now em- loyable, will not be less than 8,000,000 v Midwinter. In Ergland there are about 3.000,000 unemployed, and the British Parliament will meet next week to cope with a deficit of $600,000.000. A coalition gov- ernment, non-partisan in character, has | been formed to meet the emergenc Party government in England is on the scrap heap. The new admin’‘stration hopes to balance the budget not by in- creasing taxes, but at the expense of social relief and the existing wage level. Is it really possible that they expect this program to restore the budget to equilibrium and to check the decline in the price level? The proposed economic agreement of Germany and Austria was bafore the Permanent Court of International Jus- ice of the League of Nations for de- cision as to whether the treaty of Ver- sailles and St. Germain would be vio- 1~ted by its conclusion. As evidence on the state of opinion in Europe and the political charaster of the court, I need onlv point out that Austria withdrew from the union under pressure from France before the court rendered its decision. The court's decision was by a | divided vote of 8 to 7. It is also ap- | parent thet judges from nations polit- | ically partisan to France voted against the union and judges from countrios | partisan to England and Germany in | European politics voted favorably on | the question. We may as well bear in | mind the statement of one of the op- | ponents of the agreement, that a deci- | sion favoring the agreement would be | 8 decision favoring a declaration nf‘ war. In spite of Locarno, of the Kellogg | pact and of loud protestations of peace- | Tul intentions, the world is en armed | camp. Although Europe cannot pay its | debts and large numbers of its popula- tion are hungry, expenditures for arma- #=e0t are not decreasing. | We have seen tae World War, which | ‘was stopped by the armistice, continued as an economic war under the provi- slons of the treaty of Versailles. The‘ ‘war indemnities required from Germany | because of an alleged sole responsibility | for the war have been paid, since 1924, with money raised by sale of bonds by bankers to American and other invest- ors, Because of the descending price | Jevel, her lack of ability to borrow and | B the high tariffs against her products, | |she cdn make the indemnity payments | no longer, if at the same tim- she is to pay interest on other borrowing. Ger- many is therefore in the plight of the steamboat that could either move up- stream or blow its whistle, but not do | both these things at the same time, | Under tha treaty of Versailles she is | expected to go on paying indemnities, |and of course those who have loaned her money have required and expect in- erest on the loans. In her position as | & debtor unable to go on with too ex- |tensive a burden, Germany is in the | same position as other governments and millions of private persons, corporations | and communities the world over, unable to pay interest on loans made on the Dasis of inflated credits. The mounting value of gold, with its accompanying decreasing price level, has increased the burden of debt for all debtors alike far beyond their ability to pay. Governments Bankrupt. Governments the world over, includ ing the entire Western Hemisphere (ex- cept Canada and the United States), are in a similar conditicn of insolvency. The state of affairs in_Australia is as bad as that of Chile, Brazil, Spain or Austria. Japan suffers acutely. China is bankrupt. India seethes because of economic chaos. We keep reading of the flight from the mark and the pound. We have also seen the flights of cabi- nets from London to Paris, from Berlin to Paris and London, and from Wash- ington to all these capitals. Why all th's hysteria of flight? If one prefers to ccnsider the world by occupations and classes, he will find the agricultural and live stock industries everywhere in the same destitute con- dition. Swamped with debts which they cannot pay, blinded by conflicting re- perts of governmental policies, those engaged in them are ready, in many instances, to throw up the sponge. Mining and related industries, such as petroleum, cre loudly calling for governmental operation, regulation, price control and tariff protection—for every- thing, in short, except th» traditional eccnemic princinle of untrammeled, free competition, This is as true of Europe as of Asia, as true of South African mining as of Chilean nitrate, as true of copper as of coal and cil. Turn to the manufacturing and trans- portation interests. One finds them in 2ll countries in the same whirl of un- certainty, confusicn and controversy as to public policy or their own trade pelicies. The hotels of Europe and America are filled with representatives of all these industries nervously arguing with each other about remadial action, The investing classes are in trouble. Their ra d cecurities and building bonds are daily shrinking in value in pite of the fict that they have for years enjoy highest rates and rents in hi Unbelievable figures are quoted to us in recent discussions Is to take care for some years of i building and construction bonds. At the present price level, rail- road rates. certainly in e large portion of our inland territory. are almost con- fis~at 2sricultural products. The clamor for wage reductions goes on throughcut the world. The theory seems to b» that because the cost of living is alleged to have declined. the wages of labor should autcmatically line, course, is the assumption that earners have no inherent right to aspire to a higher relative standard of living than they can attain in periods cf de- pression.” This 2ssumption is based on the orthodox principle that he income to capital, even though such ure be heavily inflated, ained at all costs. and ¥ ere therefore transferred to labor by reduction of wages. again king in Sea of Debt. ‘The amazing thing that here we are, 13 war ended, two present depression glimmer of consensus connection has been, if any, between the war and the deprassion. or between the depression and policies pursued since the war. We have had endless consultations. and nothing has come out of them but feebly pious hopes and endless temporizing. Bankers meet and meet again, and out of each conference comes some formula that has for its object the liquidation of existing obli- about it all ars after the after the without a years began, gations as quickly as possible, and then | he creation of more indebtedness as a means of stimulating a revival. But the world is already sinking in a sea of debt. To add to these debts seems like pouring water in a pond where a man 15 already drowning. Offictals travel about looking owlish and suppressing their sense of grest importance and responsibil mists sit around tables square and other shapes—like astrolo- gers of the Middle Ages trying to divine the portents cf the stars moving on the economic_heavens. 1In spite of it all, the peoples of the world have so far been given no clear, single and compre- hensive formula for the intelligent vn- derstanding of the signs of the times. One is reminded of the blind men | who were asked to describe the ele- phant. One grasped his tail and said, “The elephant is like a rope.” An- other grasped his leg and said, “The elephant is like a tree.” The one who felt his trunk s»id. “He is more like a | snake.” Another, feeling his ear, said, “This enimal is like a big fan.” But the man touching his body said, “You are all wrong; the clephant is like a house.” In this sense we may say that we have an economic elephant on our hands. It is natural that we should first think of our own troubles in the United States. We have a lot of them, some implied in what T have said generally regarding world conditions, some that relat2 to our special situation. We have certain problems of transportation, trade. agriculture, labor and finance that are complicated and serious, reach- ing cut over the entire life and activity of our Natlon. Those problems can hardly be more than enumerated in a brief radio address, but that does not mean that they are unknown and un- explored. In point of fact, we shall have this Winter to face them all, and to do so at the worst possible time— when the rest of the world is facing its own desperate situation and turning o us for help, and when urgent difficulties are crowding in upcn us from every angle. The years of our alleged pros- perity and, unfortunately, of our smug complacency passed by without any ef- fort on the part of our responsible lead-. crs to marshal the facts and discover the nature and significance of these problems, vet the problems were there all the while and couid have been per- ceived. Now, when everything is tense with forebodings, when responsible men the world over are showing apprehen- sion as #o the capacity for survival of our industrialistic, economic, and capi- talistic organization. we are forced to turn to the forbidding task of sclving all these problems at one and the same me. Have Most Responsibility. How much responsibility have we for this crisis? I think that we, as a col- lective group in world affairs, as a Na- tion whose force is exercised, with or without pepular knowledge and consent, by Government executives and by busi- ness executives, together or inde- pendently—I think, I repeat, that we have a considerable degree of respon- sibilitv, perhaps more than what is usually termed a “fair stare.” We have ‘pursued certain policies %or 15 years. and these policies have caused European peoples and governments to act in certain ways. We have tolerated (Continued on Fourth Eage.) 2s to what the | \ THE SUNDAY STAR, WASHINGTON, . (.. SEPTEMBER -6, 1!)2%1—'I‘AR;[‘ TW RY SHAN O'CUIV. T is a far cry from the days when | Napper Tandy, on asking how was old Ireland, was told: | | “She’s the most distresstul country : that ever yet was seen, | For thes're hanging men and women for the wearing of the green.” Nobody is hanged for wearing green now; in fact, green is a fashionable col- or at present. Green is no longer the antithesis of “England’s cruel red.” It | has ceased to be the color of Ireland's flag. The green, white and yellow tri- color, first adopted by the Young Ire- landers of 1848 to symbolize the union |of creeds, Catholic, Episcopalian and Presbyterian, is the emblem of all Na- :ionalist Ireland today, and is the official emblem of the Irish Free State. just as the war song of the Irish Volunteers from 1916 to 1921, “A Soldier's Song, is the national anthem of the state. In this land of paradoxes the one flag and the one anthem are shared by the governor general, as representative of King George; by Eamonn de Valera and | the constitutional Republicans. and by Mary MacSweiney and those who main- | tain” with her that the Irish Republic | was set up constitutionally by a vote of the people in 1918 and has never been repudiated by a free vote of the people. While nobody is hanged for what he wears, there are men in jail who claim to be political prisoners and who have resorted to hunger strikes to assert their claims. The governments of the Free State and Northern Ireland refuse to ad- ‘mit the claim. and the old problem, | | “What is a political offense?” arises in | | & new form. More than half & century ago the | |late Lord Bryce, one time chief secre- | tary for IrcMnd and later British Am- bassador at Washington, defined a po- | litical offense as one which did not of- | fend the conscience of the community | in which it was committed. | Political Change Looms. | | This definition is wide enough to cover | {almost anything from rum running in the United States to the sale of sweep- | stakes tickets in England. It certainly | covers many acts which are forbidden | { by the laws of the Irish Free State, and | {helps to explain certain _tendencies | which are manifesting themselves in the | public life of Ireland and which por- | !tend political changes of some conse- | | quence in the course of the next year ! jor two. | | It is an offense in Northern Ireland and in the Pree State for any person, other than the forces of the state, to crill or to carry arms without license. 1 But in both states the law is defied—in | Northern Ireland secretly and in the | Free State openly. The Irish Volunteers | boast of their activities throughout Ire- {1and, and in theaFree State they take i using in their | in the press and on the platform terms relating to mili- | tary organizations which are forbidden | by Jaw.” For a time they did this secret- like other Irish Republicans before | 1913; do it openly. but the law | is rarely invoked against them | | The public conscience is less offended | by the drilling and public parades than | it would be by the jailing of large num- | bers of young men znd women in the | enforcement of the law. Thus, within Ithe last month or two Dublin juries | have acquitted two young men who were charged with treasonable offenses. One | of them was the secretary of the Wolfe County Kilcare, and the other was to BY GASTON NERVAL. HE wild popular applause which greeted the Chilean dictator's overthrow last month was still being heard acréss the Andes, when another South American Chief Exccutive stepped out of power a few days 2go. This time it was the turn of Dr. Isi- | dro Ayora. since 1926 undisputed ruler {of the small but_progressive Republic |of Ecuader. Confronted with bitter op- | position in Congress and hostile public opinion the man who had ruled | Ecuador with a strong hand for the last |six years :iccumbed last week to his {enemics. Handing in his resignation— an “irrevocable” one—the severe, labori- lous, “non-political President made a gracious exit, quite in contrast with that of some of his colieagues who were ousted by force of arms, in other Latin American nations, during the last 12 ad of daring to resist public opinion and thus precipitate a conflict | between the government and the people —a conflict which other Latin exec- utives unfortunately did not avold—Dr. | Ayora was sensible and brave enough | to recognize that he could count no| longer upon the popular support which | had made his ascension to the presi- | | dency possible. And he had the hon-| esty to proceed accordingl He did | ngt wait until conditions were extreme | and violent incidents had led to blood- | ished and internal disorder. He fore- | |saw these and made them unnecessary. | Accepts Rule of Majority. | Abiding by the will of the majority, | he stepped aside and deposited the reins | of government in the hands of those in- dictated by the Constitution. A much more democratic course, indeed, than that adopted by most of his companions in disgrace—the other Latin American ousted Presidents—who either tidn't| have the vision to recognize the gravity of the situation when it first presented itself, or else didn't have the courage to | admit their unpopularity and face their | political fate. | It is due to this different attitude of | the Ecuadorean executive that the re- | {cent_political change in' that country | | was so unlike those which have been re- | | peating _ themsely in other Latin American countries in the last two years. | These were the result of armed up-| irisings, in which the entire population, | without distinction of political colors, | rose against the repudiated authorities and finally overthrew them by violence with the aid of the armed forces of the nation. | In the case of Ecuador, there has not been any popular outbreak. No army uprisings, no government resistance, no casualt; no _bloodshed, no violence | whatsoever. Only a strong public opinion condemning the presidential policies and a well organized, bitter | parliamentary opposition which finally imposed its will. Nation Nearing Maturity. In Latin America, I have often said, the smaller countries seem destined to achieve the greatest political and demo- cratic_development. Ecuador, together with Uruguay and Costa Rica, always has been known for its advanced po- litical ideals and progressive legislation. The way in which the country has just confronted its latest crisis is a corrobo- ration of the fact that Ecwador is nearer to democratic maturity than some of the neighboring republics, which cannot yet see their way out of the chaotic situation in which they were plunged by their recent revolutions. It is true that conditions in Ecuador | were also different. f@;; —Etching by Power O'Malley. A COUNTRY LANE IN OLD ERIN. have delivered the oration at the grave |sentatives to set up & republic in Ire- of Wolfe Tone. the cve of the celebration when excur- sion trains from all parts of Ireland were canceled by order of the govern- ment. They were returned for trial by the district justice, a_state official, but at the trial before Judge Davitt, son of Michael Davitt, who served a'long term of imprisonment in British fails, some of the jurors openly avowed sym- pathy with the principles of the pris- oners, and each of the juries found the prisoners not guilty. Seen as Republican Gain. It would be a mistake to exaggerate the significance of these and similar in- cidents which have occurred in Ireland recently. They have been claimed as a public indorsement of the policy and principles of the Irish Republican army and as an indication of a swing back by the people to the position adopted in 1918 when the Irish Parlia- mentary party led by the late John The basis for this belief, of | Tone d2y celebration at Boldenstown, Redmond was overthrown and a man- wage | date was given to the elected repre- _Il)r. Ayora Avoided Bloodshed by Quit- j ting When He Lost | Support. of Dr. Ayora, although it once had little respect for individual liberties and had been mare or less autocratic in its be- ginnings, could not very well be called a dictatorial and arbitrary regime when it was overcome. There W cal prisoners; the country a “state of ciege” (martial law), the so-often invoked recourse of strong rulers in Latin America: there was no press censorship. nor any restrictions of personal liberties. Unlike other Latin republics recently upset by revolution, Ecuador did not have to resort to force (Continued on Fourth Page.) | they | The government Both were arrested on land. T don't think they represent any defi- nite conviction of that kind. At the same time. it would be a mistake to underrate their significance. They do represent a definite trend in Irish opinfon. which, if it continues, may bring about big changes in the relative strength of political parties at the next general election. In presenting the Civic Guards with medals for valor the other day Mr. Fitz- gerald James-Kenney, minister for jus- tice, referred to “the troubled times through which we are passing and the still more troubled and dangerous times that seem to lie before the couniry.” The abolition of trial by jury and other measures are spoken of as likely to be put before the Dail in October as a means of coping with the situation. Meanwhile, the public is more inter- ested in the political situation than in the troubles that confront the govern- ment in its handling of th# drilling and other activities of the Irish Republican Will Ireland Ch'ange Pilots? ALFONSO CHECKMATED BY CHIEF OF CIVIL GUARDS |One Last Move by Monarch to Save Free State Better Off Than Most Nations, but Still Has Many Unsolved Problems. army. They are speculating as to what will happen when Mr. Cosgrave asks the country for a renewal of confidence. Mr. de Valera's Flanna Fail party, which lost two by-elections a couple of years ago, retained a seat in Longford- ‘Westmeath last year and won the Labor seat in Kildare last month. Making due allowance for certain cross currents which influenced the electors in Kil- dare, the winning of that seat by Fianna Fail nevertheless does indicate that the public is thinking in terms of a change of government. Mr. Cosgrave has been head of the Free State government since 1922 and he has steered the ship of state with skill, but no government in any land can last forever, not even in Ireland! Ten years of office by any government a European country. | While President Cosgrave and his col- | leagues can claim that, far from being “the most distressful country that ever yet was seen” the Irish Free State is relatively better off than most coun- | tries in the world today, the long term | of office of this government is a dis- advantage in a general election. Every | government has to do unpopular things | from time to time, and the Free State government is no exception. Back Hydro-Electric Plan, | Tt faced and overcame all opposition |to the hydro-electric scheme on the | River Shannon, and it is now facing |quite a different sort of opposition in | connection with the administration of | that scheme. Old opponents say, “We | told you so,” and new opponents’ criti- | cize the minister of industry and com- merce for his attitude on the scheme. All admit that the, scheme itself is |sound from an engineering point of | view, and the minister maintains that | his drastic action in dealing with the supply board became necessary in the | | interest of the financial success of the | administration. ~ The discussion _has been a distuwbing influence in Irish politics. In its tariff policy the government | has offended some people by going too far and others by not going far enough. It is praised and blamed by different sections of the community for its policy on the use of the Irish language in Irish education, and its many | schemes for the improvement of Irish egriculture and Irish industry have alienated some supporters while secur- ing the adhesion of others. It has pursued a cautious policy in finance and established the credit of the state on a firm basis as long as English credit holds, but its caution is con- demned by scctions of the people who thought that when Ireland got home rule it would be a land flowing with milk and honey. Ireland today is a happy, carefree land, but it has unsolved problems and unsatisfied ambitions very large section of its people Who would vote for a change of government tomorrow morning if they were sure that the change would bring no violent conflict with Great Britain or Northern | Ireland. It is this element of fear which makes any prediction of the re- sult of the next general election a matter of doubt. In the present Parliament Cumann na Gnaedheal, the government party, has 65 members; Fianna Fail. Mr. Valera's party, 56: Labor. 12, and various other parties, 20. The elements represented by Sinn Fein and the Irish (Continued on Fourth Page.) ' ORDERLY ECUADOR REVOLT CONGRESSMEN CRYSTALIZE SHOWS NATION'S MATURITY FILIPINO SELFRULE VIEWS Both Sides Encouraged by Divergent Remarks o Visi BY FORD WILKINS. ANILA —The Summer of 1931 has brought forth in the Phil- ippines the most prolific import of congressional talent from Washington ever to be re- ceived here. Nine Senators and Rep- rescntatives have arrived and departed. leaving In the wake of the annual junket seascn a sadly perplexed and not altogether comfortable archipelago. Before the arrival of Senator Arthur H. Vandenberg, Republican. of Michi- gan, comparative tranquillity reigned It was carly in Mav, at the height of the hot season, and with the mercury STOPP_I_Ii(j WAR BY BRUCE BART( Y friend, Admiral Sam- uel McGowan, was purchasing agent for the Navy during the World War. e He saw something of the fine idealism and sacrifice which war calls forth. But he saw, also, how greed and profiteering and the basest sort of selfishness wrap them- selves in the cloak of patriot- ism and proceed cold-blogded- 1y to exploit the public neces- sity. g !Yle sends me his plan for preventing war. to which I am glad to give wide publicmg. “Amend the Constitution now,” he urges, “so as to re- quire that before war can be declared or participated in (except only in the event of attack or invasion) there shall be a referendum; “That if a majority of the votes cast be for peace, there the matter end; if for war, every able-bodied male citizen between the ages of 18 and 35 shall be drafted, and “That from the day war is declared until peace is finally concluded, no firtcz or wage shall exceed what it was 90 days prior to such declara- tion; “That all profits in excess of 5 per cent shall be forfeited to the Government, and that no person, firm or corporation shall in peace time or war time be received as a con- tractor who is not a manu- § | favored immediate independence. facturer, or a regular dealer, in the articles to be supplied— a regular dealer being none other than one who, at the time the offer is submibted, either owns outright the arti- cles offered or dependably controls their source of sup- ply.” I cannot see how any in- telligent patriotic person can object to that proposal. If we had the sense and cour- age to write it into the Con- stitution at once we should destroy war propaganda, for no one would be so foolish as to spend money on propa- ganda when no money could possibly be made from war. We should entirely remove the present premium on war and in its stead impose a very heavy penalty. The silliness of war, under modern conditions of de- structiveness, is almost as ap- palling as its horror. Napoleon liked to tell the story of the Dey of Algiers, who, on hearing that the French were fitting out an ex- pedition to destroy the town, sent word that if the King would give him half the money that the expedition would cost he would burn the town down himself. Our experience with war costs and war debts ought to have taught us that the Dey was a pretty wise old owll (Copyright, 1931.) f American tors. | hovering around 98 degrees there was little energy left to devote to the Phil- iopine-American situation. Gov. Gen Dwight F. Davis was in Baguio with his staff, conducting the affairs of state from the “Summer capital,” where it is cool. Vandenberg Calls on Davis. True. there had been an epidemic of “looking facts in the face.” confined chiefly to editorials in the Tribune, an independent Filipino newspaper in English. This was the first sign of an ,outspoken sentiment favoring with- drawal of the immediate independence ‘This attitude was considerably sirengthened by the arrival of Senator Juan Sumulong, leader of the minority party, who has since left the field cf active politics. Coming direct from Washington, he stated frankly that agitation of agricul- tural and labor interests in the United States had created a situation likely to precipitate a form of independence un- favorable to Philippine welfare. He in- clined heavily toward the necessity of | placing independence demands on #n | economic_basis. | Without conferring at length with | any Filipino leaders and by the expedi- ent policy of turning down all invita- tions to dine, Senator Vandenberg on his arrival went directly to Baguio to confer with Gov. Gen. Davis, escaping | entirely the hospitable ministrations of eager independence advocates. He did confer with Speaker Manuel Roxas and |a few others, and expressed a desire to | see Gen. Aguinaldo before leaving the islands, but his attitude was formal enough to discourage any hint that he ator Vandenberg's bill, introduced be- fore the lact Congress, year period of adjustment. Asks Caution of Leaders. Returning from Baguio. he placed emphasis squarely on the economic aspect of the independence question, openly advising Filipino leaders to think _carefully before themselves on the, question of inde- pendence. He cited the prevailing United _States lcading against Philippine free trade. that prevailed in Filipino camps over precipitate independence which pat- ently would plunge the country into chaos. departure, the Philippines Herald, die-hard independence and pro-Filipino advocate, came out with a series of editorials attempting to justify a stand on compromise and deferred independ- ence. If there was any prevailing Filipino opinion it was subject to the instability of reasoning that characterizes all thinking on the independence question. Mostly, it was dormant. Senator Os- mena, wisely cautious, has maintained throughout a stand sufficiently flexible to maintain him in a ition of se- curity in spite of variable winds. He maintained at this time that there had been no change in stand on the part of Filipinos. They still desired their in. lfie and would put their trust gton to devise the fairest so- lution of the Phfllm!:e problem. Gov. Davis’ position 1s still more se- cure. publicly on the question of independence and has stuck consistently to his an- nounced policy, dating from the day of his arrival in the archipelago, to keep out, of politics and stick to governing. and Senators arrived in (Continued on Fourth Page.) > is abnormal in Europe and Ireland ’.I‘ and there is a | de | alied for a 10-| committing economic depression as a factor in the | to agitation He has never committed himself On May 21 four more Representatives the Navy transport Henderson. They were Sena- Throne Thwarted by Gen. Sanjurjo. Bloody Revolt Prevented. HF impulsive act of one ma prompted by memory of a dea | friend, and an hour's delay ‘ were the two seemingly insig- nificant factors that cost ex- | King Alfonso of Spain his crown a few months ago. Numerous thrones have toppled since the World War—in Greece, Germany, Austro - Hungary, Turkey, Bulgaria, Russia and far-away Afghanistan—and, although the pfl&s'::'g jof the House of Bourbon from Spain's political picture, sooner or later, was a foregone conclusion, Alfonso has only himself to blame for the unregal hours which_preceded his ignominious flight from Madrid to Cartegena in the dead of night. el ‘To the resentment of Gen. Sanjurio. chief of the Civil Guards, a special police organization resembling the State troopers of the United States and the { Mounted Police of Canada, can be aus- cribed the one direct move in the peril- ous two days that precipitated the ab- dication of Alfonsc. With the ex-King, crafty to the very end, preparing to | place the entire nation under martial | law at 10 o'clock that night, the doughty Gen. Sanjurjo checkmated Alfonso for the last time, placed the Clvil Guard under the orders of the ! provisional Republican cabinet, which | had been formed at the home of Senor Maura after the country had been without a government for 10 hours, and when Madrid was “in the streets” ready | for mischief. and not only saved the republic, but prevented the country from being drenched in blood. Smile at Alfonso’s Boast. ‘Those who are in a position to know | smile at ex-King Alfonso’s boast that he effaced himself from the picture in order to spare the country bloody in- ternecine strife. Had he been given another hour or two of grace, Alfonso would have promulgated the decree. al- ready prepared and signed, putting Spain under martial law. Before morn- ing the Socialist and Republican lead- | ers, concentrated in the capital, would | have been arrested, many of them per- | haps summarily executed as were Cant. Galan and Capt. Hernandez, fomentors | of the ill-starred Jaca military rebellion, and the rest confined to dungeons or rushed to Fernando Po or other col- onies of exile. Gen. Sanjurjo, old and true friend of the ex-dictator, Gen. Primo de Rivera, is commander of the Civil Guard. ez and his colleagues are now one of the I'standbys of the voung Republic. | Formed to preserve order and enforce the laws of the land the civil guard s, | to a large extent, outside of politics. It has no connection with the army. The chronological order of events— scarcely known except to those on the inside "during the three fateful days when Spain wavered between disorder and an iron glove—was as follows. The Sunday elections, conducted by the Aznar cabinet with a feeling that an immense majority of the returns would be royalist, resulted in less than 30 per cent of the vote cast favoring a repub- lc. As was arranged. the millions of peasants, mostly illiterate. completely dominated by the church and the wealtky landowners, cast their ballots for the King. The returns from the cities, however, showed that all but two of the provincial capitals had gone overwhelmingly Republican. With the Admiral Aznar cabinet still functioning, word reached tre royal palace on Mon- day afternoon that Barcelona had hoisted the Republican flag. Disorders were reported in various parts of the country and on Tuesday morning King Alfonso summoned Gen. Calvacanti and asked how the army stood. A quick survey of the situation convinced Gen. Calvacanti that the King could count upon at least half the garrisons, and perhaps two-thirds—tlese Dbeing scattered through the country at the most strategical points. ~Consequently a decree of martial law was drafted, duly signed by the King and sent to the royal stationers to be prepared for promulgation and posting over the city and country. This was to ge Alfonso’s “ace”—held back for a last bold stroke. Provislonal Government Formed. In the meantime returns from the cities being available and the Aznar cabinet pledged to resign if tk tions went against them, tke King sent fer his prime minister and foreign sec- retary, Count de Romanones, instruct- ing them to confer with Dr. Gregoire Maranon and other anti-monarchist leaders over the terms under which Al- fonso made believe he was prepared to step down. The Socialist-Republican ! leaders, Alcala Zamora, Lerroux, Maura, Marcelino Domingo and others assem bled at Maura’s home and sat as a pro- | vislonal government. ‘They declared | that Alfonso should legally abdicate | }l“d leave the country at once. ‘The | citizens of Madrid were already in the | streets, and unless the royal family | moved quickly the provisional govern- | ment could not guarantee its safety | At 2 o'clock Tuesday afternoon, Al- fonso again sent Admiral Aznar to the | Republicans with the message that he | was drafting his abdication, and would | leave the country providing protection | were pledged himself and members of the royal family and no reprisals would | be permitted against the aristocracy. the rands of the Republican leaders by 6 o'clock that evening. The power | would then be transferred legally and | officially to the provisional government. | Six o'clock arrived. The Aznar cabi- net went to the royval palace in a group | lm hand over their portfolics. The | the decrce of martial ‘He promised to have his abdication in | King received them. He explained that (he had been too worried to complete ‘Lhe text of his abdication and would { have it ready the first thing Wednesday motning. |~ sparring for time, Alfonso, who had | sworn that “born a king. he would die a king,” was moving the pawns fran- tically. OIld Royalists, heretofore | stanch supporters, seeing the hand- | writing on the wall, were adamant to | his pleas, promises and threats and | would not rally around a sinking ship. | The crafty Bourbon knew the conse- | quences of martial law, and also knew | the lives of the royal family were at stake. During the afternoon, when he | was supposed to have been writing his abdication, he was going over the ground with Gen. Calvacanti and other generals, in preparation for & new mili- tary dictatorship—not a mild, good- tempered rule like Primo de Rivera's had been, but the steel helmet and iron fist. If he could hold on through the night, the loyal part of the army would swing Into action at dawn. Signs Martial Law. At 6 o'clock, when the abdication document was ‘due. the military gov- ernor of Madrid, Frederico Berenguer, took another document to the palace— law. Alfonso signed it and issued orders that it was to be promulgated offictally at 9 p.m. Outside the palace things were mov- ing swiftly. The troops were still in their barracks. The Civil Guard was waiting orders. The populace of Madrid was restive—waiting for the promised abdication and littla dreaming that their genial King was preparing cold le2d for their reception a few hours later. Over at headquarters of the Civil Guard another drama was unfolding. Gen. Sanjurjo, sworn to preserve order and protect the lives of Madrid's citi- zens, heard the report from the palace that the Aznar dictatorship would re- sign at 6 pm. and summoned the chief subordinate officers of the Civil Guard for a conference. He put the question bluntly, Were they prepared to take orders from the provisional republican government? They were—almost unan- imously. Gen. Sanjurjo did not need to recall more than once the humilia- tion thit Alfcnso had inflicted on the easy-going Primo de Rivera when the King had found it desirable to change hcrses in midstream because of the rising tide of opposition to the Rivera regime. One thing Alfonso is not con- sidered—that is loyal. Even among Rovalists his vengafulness is a byword. ‘To go _from the headquarters of the Guard Civil to the palace again. On emerging, the Aznar cabinet was greet- ed by newspaper men awaiting news of the abdication. The reporters were told to “come back tomorrow.” Instead of telephoning his office, one of them called the home of Senor Maura, where the “provisional government” was gath- ered. Sensing treachery—most of the leaders had at one time or another been in Alfonso's cabinet or in his prisons— they summoned 14 taxicabs and the entire group drove to the ministry of interior. The building was deserted. Gaining entrance through a side door, they determined upon direct action. ‘Then in walked the doughty Gen Sanjurjo. “Gentlemen, I have come to place the Guard Civil under the orders of the provisional republican government. What is your pleasure?” Instructions given to keep the troops in their barracks and for the Guard to aid the police, inoffensively, in main- taining order, Gen. Sanjurjo was dis- patched to the royal palace, to request King Alfonso to leave the country im- mediately, otherwise the provisional au- thorities could not guarantee the per- 1 safety of the King or his fol- 1S, Proceeds to Palace. Gen. Sanjurjo proceeded to the palace. The “provisional government™ waited. Crowds filled the streets. “I have come on behalf of the pro- visional government to request tha vour majesty leave Spain immediately,” Gen. Sanjurjo informed Alfonso when he was ushered before the royal pres- ence. In his mind's eye he must have pictured a similar moment, not so long before, when Alfonso, smiling cynically, had told Gen. Primo de Rivera as the latter begged for a few da to save his honor and pride: “You must go—now!" According to eyewitnesses, swarthy face turned pale. “What?" he demanded. few words as possible Gen. 1jurjo explained that the Civil Guard had gone cver to the republicans. Turning to Admiral Marquis Majaz, the King asked “Has martial law been proclaimed?” It was nearing 9 p.m. Another hour and soldiers would have been pouring mto the streets of Madrid, Zaragossa, Alicante. Burgos and other cities. By midnight the “provisional government™ might have been dead in a dramatic attempt at resistance. Admiral Majaz made no reply. He merely nodded in the negative. “That changes the situation,” was King Alfonso's only remark as he turned to his private office and took from the desk a sealed envelope. He handed it to Gen. Sanjurjo. In another hour a high-powered motor car, flanked by machines carry- ing members of the Guard Ctvil, emerged quietly from a back entrance to the royal grounds overlooking the river, and started its mad drive for the Mediterranean. Thus passed Alfonso. of grace Alfonso’s {Honor o PARIS —Gaston Doumergue is no ex- ception to the rule that presidents of ‘(he Prench republic leave office poorer ! men than when they are elected. Be- ! fore he became president M. Doumergue | had an apartment in Paris, as well as a house in the country. He retained them during his term of seven years. But !now he has abandoned_the apartment | because he finds it necessary to retrench | in every direction. Since the war the annual salary of | the president has been brought from 200,000 francs to 3.600,000 francs, but ' His statements crystallized the fright | the in¢rease is really a decrease, for 11.200.000 pre-war francs represented $240,000, while 3,600,000 post-war francs ; are only $144.000. In addition the chief Scon_after Mr. Vandenberg's of state has the use of the Elysee Pal- | { ace, the French White House, but the expenses attendant upon his high office | are very=great. | _ Pirst. the tax collector asks for $28.- 000 for income tax. Then there are in- numerable subscriptions and charities, much entertaining and the thousand and one disbursements that come under the head of “cost of representation,” as the French have it. In a word, a presi- dent must not seem niggardly, however ! frequent the calls upon his purse. | _Raymond Poincare left the Elysee a | poor man. When he was elected his law practice had enabled him to set aside a competence, but in his seven | years of office he spent the greater part of it. Mme. Poincare relieved much distress during the war and immediately afterward, always in the most discreet manner. The consequence was that when her husband ended his term he had to do much writing in order to earn an income, and his health broke down under the strain. Armand Fallieres, M. Poincare’s im- mediate predecessor and the only other iiving ex-president having served the full term, lives quietly and frugally at kis vineyards in the south of France, as did Emile Loubet before him. As the tendency of the Third Republic { f Being President of France 'Leaves Occupants of Chair Much Poorer Sen- | |15 to choose presidents past the prime of life, it is difficult for a retiring chief | of state seven years later to take up a | career. Many of them have been law- | vers, but they have considered it would | not be dignified to resume legal practice. | The Elysee Palace has been described | as a cage. for the president is virtually a prisoner in the care of the head of the protocol, who decides what he ma and mav not do. In view of the reduced circgmstances of former presidents, Trenchmen agree that it is not even a gilded cage. (Copyright. 1931). & . |Boom for Roosevelt | Is Started in Hawaii” i HONOLULU.—Hawali is distant from | Washington, and July, 1931, is measur- | ably distant from July, 1932, but Demo- crats of the Territory are already | steaming up politics. The first presi- | dential boom launched in the Territory |1s by a group of Democrats favoring Gov. Roosevelt of New York. They have \forrned the Franklin D. Roosevelt for | President Club. T Several prominent Democratic lead- ers are in this group, including a for- mer chief justice of the Supreme Court of the Territory and a member of the 1931 Legislature. One immediate ob- ject of the club is to send to the next Democratic Naf.c921 Convention & dele- sg:lnn pledged for Roosevelt. Hawailan mocrats have six votes in the N: tional convention and. through various affiliations, are well lined up with sev- eral State Democratic organizations. | _There are also a number of active | Democrats here warmly supporting Al- | fred E. Smith, but doubt as to whether he is even a potential candidate has Dre\'en'fd any organized work for !l.m