Evening Star Newspaper, January 18, 1931, Page 29

EDITORIAL SECTION The Sunday Star, Part 2—8 Pages WASHINGTON, D. C, SUNDAY MORNING, JANUARY 18, 1931. * CONGRESS STRIFE ROUSES THIRD PARTY INITIATIVES Conditions Almost as Bad as An) History Bring Out Cleavages That Mean Little Improvement Ahead. | act most of the legislation Wilson wished, through the aid of a few Re- publicans and independents who voted with the Democrats. BY MARK SULLIVAN. F the reader of the daily install- ments of news from the Capitol gets the idea that there is an ex- cessive amount of commotion—and Aid From Rival Party. emotion—in national politics just| The possibility of something of the now, that impression is quite correct.| same sort exists in the next House. There have been times when conditions | Even if the Republicans should have were worse. During part of Woodrow]g paper miajority of one or two, it is Wilson administration, after the House gquite possible (the more experienced had gone Republican and after the|among us would say probable) that Benate was so nearly Republican that | enough Progressive Republicans may it was not loyal to Wilson, there was | vote with the Democrats to enabit the more turbulence than now. During | latter to control. It is quite certain Theodore Roosevelt’s administration the | that as respects much of the legisla- | thunderbolts that flew back and forth |tion attempted by the Republicans between Congress and the White House | enough insurgent Republicans will join | were much more violent than any ob- | the Democrats to enable the latter to served recently. When Grover Cleve- | control the situation. For that matter, | Jand had “Congress on his hands” (was | depending on how the deaths and suc- | mot Cleveland the coiner of that | cessors turn out, it may be that it will | phrase?) he found several occasions to be the Democrats who will have the | use harsher words about the legislative | paper majority in the next House. | branch of the Government than any| That picture of chaotic instability is | that have been used since. | the vision of the House in the new 1t is little comfort to the country to | Congress. The Senate will be much m told there have been times when|the same. It is unusual but not un- Ings were worse. The unhappy pres- ent fact is that conditions are pretty bad. And the unhappier future fact is that they seem destined to be worse. Government Divided House. The reader will wish to be told the geason. There are many causes. A cient one may be expressed by say- that the Government of the United tates just now is a divided house. President is a Republican. One- of Congress, the House of Repre- tatives, is Republican by a com- le and safe majority. But the ite is something else. Nominally the Senate is Republican. that means is that the Senate has Republican majority for the purpose of organizing the body on the first day it meets and dividing the offices, the | gommittee chairmanships and the other perquisites among themselves. Excep ing for that purpose and in that sense, | there is no Republican majority in the Benate. It is essentially a three-party body. There are, roughly, 42 regular Republi low the official Republican leaders. ‘There are, roughly, 14 Progressive Re- publicans, who follow no leadership at all, who go their several individual , and whose chief bond of -unity #8 a kind of negative dissent from the r Republican leadership and the blican President. Then there are 89 Democrats. Finally there is a lone one-man party, consisting of Shipstead ©f Minnesota, Farmer-Labor. No one of the three main groups has & majority. No one of them is able to | lay out a program of legislation and | follow it. No one of them is able to | commit the Senate to a policy, or hold it to a sustained course. | Power In Combination. | The nearest there is to a working | majority is a combination of the Demo- crats with the Progressive Republicans. Commonly they vote together, and when they vote together obviously they have their however, both ive Republicans in the nature of situation compose the ition, gince it is the Republicans who have the nominal majority and therefore the responsibility, it follows that the only cans, who in a ‘loose way fol- | | precedented for one of the two branches | of Congress to be thus evenly divided. It is quite without precedent, however, for both chambers to be tottering con- stantly along the tight-rope of 2 ma- - jority of one or two, sometimes for one party, sometimes for the other. As of today it seems as if the Re- publicans (meaning the regular Repub- licans, plus the Progressive Republi- cans) would have a narrow majority of the Senate, Here, however, as in the House, death, and substitution fol- lowing death, will throw the majority sometimes one way, sometimes the other. Since the November election one Senator has died. He was a Democrat, and, as he came from North Carolina, his ‘successor. i3 a Democrat. But it will happen that a Democratic Senator will die and be succeeded by a Repub- “ncan, and vice versa. Swinging of Margin of Power. |~ Until the new Senate actually organ- izes, and throughout the two years of its life, the slender margin of majority power will swing back and forth from one party to the other. ‘The Republicans, when they do have a majority, will only achieve it by add- ing, roughly, 42 regular Republicans to, roughly, 14 Progressive Republicans. It will be a majority, when it exists at all, as incohesive, as productive of commotion, as the present nominal Re- publican majority in the existing Senate. Altogether, without any doubt, no one need wonder why many persons hope there will be no special session of the new Congress; hope that its sittings | will be as brief as possible, at a time when a sick business world yearns for immunity from excitement. { If all this were the sum of the prob- ability of turbulence it would be plenty enough. But there is yet another con- dition making for commotion. That there is a cleavage in the Re- publican party ey knows. The cleavage between regular Republicans and Progressive Republicans is as con- spicuous as the one between Republi- cans and Democrats. It expresses it- self in an official of<the Republican National Committee trying to prevent the re-election of Progressive Republi- can Senator Norris of Nebraska. That working majority in the Senate is a negative one. The combination of Dem- | ocrats and Progressive Republicans has no responsibility. It is not called upon o have a program and its success con- | sists not in getting things done, but in preventing the regular Republicans | from doing wkat the regular Republi- cans would do if"they had the power. | 1f the combination of Democrats and | Progressive Republicans had an affirm- ative program, it would be one which presumably wculd be, as to most of it, repugnant to a Republican President, and, therefore, likely to be vetoed. The combination that has a majority of the present Senate cannot be an af. fimative majority. It must be an op- position majority. For that matter, it enjoys the role. Its function is to pre- vent the regular Republicans from do- ing what they otherwise would, and, | generally, to embarrass the Republican edministration Business of Opposition. this attitude of the opposition is no_essential wickedness. As politics go the business of the opposi- tion is to becevil and discredit the party in p When the situation was rsed, when in Wilson's ad- ministration the Democrats were in | power, the Republicans, with the aid of some Democratic insurgents, were | just as cheerful and ingenious in mak- ing trouble for the Democratic admin- as_the present opposition | | | istration combination is in making trouble for | & Republican administration. The theory of party government is that there should be unity—that at &ny one time the Presidency, the Senate and the House should all three be in the hands of the same party. When either House or Senate or both 5 in the hands cf a party or combination differing frory the President's party, there is party government. There is rather cheos of cross-purposes. | The condition so far described is | what now exists in the present Con- | gress. It is going to be worse. Because it is gong to be worse is the reason | many persons want no special session | ©f the new Congress, want the sittings | ©of the new Congress to be as brief as the law allows. Conditions are going to be worse be- eause after March 4, at whatever time the new Congress holds its first sit- ting, the National Government is go- ing to be even more a divided house than at present Nobody quite knows whether the new Congress will be Republican or Demo- | cratic. What everybody knows is that in both the House and the Senate the margin for either party will be ex- 1 . As 10 the House, when urns of the recent election were i superficial figures were Republicans, 218. Democrats, 216, Farmer-Labor, Those figures make for chaos. The €haos is increased by the fact that the figures won't stay the same for more than a few weeks at a time. | Since the election these figures House have died. Both happened to be Democrats. It happens also that the successors to them will probably be Democrats, because the vacancies oc- curred in districts rather consistently Democratic. From time to time, how- ever, a Democrat will die and be suc- ceeded by a Republican, and vice versa, ‘That narrow Republican majority of one will be “off agin, on agin" every few weeks for the next two years. Chaos will be accelerated by occa- sions when one or two, or five or ten, or more Republicans may choose to vote with the Democrats. Or when the same number of Democrats may choose to vote with the Republicans. Narrow majorities are an incentive to rty insurgency. During the Wilson admin- jstration, there was a time when the Democrats in the House lacked six of & majority. Nevertbeless the Democrats were able to assemble a working ma- Jority and organize the House and en- that resulted in | of the Senate than any matter of legis- | Committee, Senator Fess of Ohlo is| | Republican two _members of the| episode and its sequels have consumed | rather more time in the present session | lation. Ancther G. 0. P. Cleavage. ‘There is still ancther cleavage in the Republican party, as yet comparatively | mild. The regular Republican who is chairman of the Republican National a dry. As a dry he is unpleasing to the wet Republicans of the East. Some incautious dry remarks of Chairman Fess after the recent election provoked outraged reply from wet Republican ex- Senator Wadsworth of New York—pro- voked, indeed, almost the innuendo of a threat of a third party to be com- posed of wet Republicans. BY ALBERT EDWARD WIGGAM. ING ALFONSO OF SPAIN is fighting for his throne. The recent_revolt has been quelled, and affairs apparently are calm again, but under the surface the spirit of unrest is boiling. Even royalists admit that the present crisis is the most critical that has faced the monarchy in recent years. Alfonso may weather the storm, for, contrary to the common American assumption of his mediocrity, we should remember that one of the best judges of men of mod- ern times, Theodore Roosevelt, said, That the Republican party is trou- bled by the major cleavage of “pro- gressivism” and by the so far minor | | cleavage of prohibition everybody now knows. Everybody knows it because the party hbappens to be in power and, therefore, its cleavages are conspicuous. What everybody does not know, but | is likely soon to see, is a cleavage in | the Democratic party so early as that party comes to responsibility Fully half the clectoral votes of the Democratic party comes from the South. In Congress, roughly, half the Democrats come from the South, and the South is dry, very dry. Yet the national Democratic organi- zation is controlled by the wets. The chairman of the Democratic National Committee, John J. Raskob, is a wet, | outstanding 'in his earnestness. How completely the wets control the Demo- cratic national organization, how com- pletely Mr. Raskob almost as an indi- vidual controls it, is pictured in some sentences written by Mr. Frank Kent, political correspondent of the Demo- cratic Baltimor. Sun. Importance of Raskob. “There just isn't anything else to the party organization except Mr. Raskob. He has taken over all its liabilities, as- sumed all its debts and is paying out of his own pocket all its running ex- penses. * * * He mot only duced the party deficit, nearly a million dollars, to $628,000, but has assumed responsibility for the $628,000. The party now owes Mr. Ras- | kob 'personally nearly a quarter of a { million dollars. The receipts of the | committee for the year were $619,000, its expenditures $612,000. Of the money received. all save $15,000 in small con- tributions, came through Mr. Raskob. It was Mr. Raskob who expanded the Wassington headquarters, put Mr. Shouse in charge, and is paying all op- erating expenses, * * © Furtner, Mr | Raskob, it seems, sent personal contri- | butions’ to various Democratic sena- torial and congressional candidates in the last campaign. Add up all these | items and the Raskob ownership of the | party seems pretty well established. | Never in the 135 years of its history has it been so heavily obligated to a | single individual. Never has any party been so deeply in debt to one man. The thing is unprecedented. It is real news. It is amazing that not more has been made of it.” Called Party Machine Owner. | ganization so completely controlled by | the wets as to lead Mr. Kent to sa. | perhaps with some excess of phrase, | that Mr. Raskob “has become the And here is fully half the Democratic members of Congress, fully half the electoral voung..st.nnzth of the party, composing perhaps the most bone dry part of the American public. In that situation is material for cleavage as conspicuous as that which already is seen in the Republican party. If anything, the Democratic cleavage will be more ‘extreme, because the two factions are so evenly balanccd. When and if the Democrats control Congress and stand before the public in the Here is the Democratic national or- | actual owner of the party machinery.” | | | PRESIDENTS WHO HAVE HAD DIF BY WILLIAM C. DEMING. ISTORY repeats itself. Prone as one generation is to assume that political events of the da are without preccdent, usually one can discover that basically they are reminders of equally stirring incidents of long ago. So it is with the present controversy in the Senate over George Otis Smith, Marcel Garsaud and Claude L. Drapef, members of the Federal Power Commis- sion. There have been few Presidents who have not had their difficulties with Congress. Both the executive and the | white light of responsibility, their as the Republicans’ now is. plctured in this article, the turbulence of national politics in all respects, con: stitute one reason we have been near- ing so many allusions to the possibility of a third party—or, so to speak, two third parties—in the presidential el>c- tion next year. Third parties, in any formidable sense, are unusual in Amer- jcan politics. In 40 years there have been but four third parties of a formi- dableness great enough to command as much as 3 per cent of the total vote. Nevertheless, one must concede that In the situation, fust ahead, there is a rather unusual number of conditions of third party movements. (Copyright, 1091 cleavage will be as clearly recognized | The conditions within both parties, | “That fellow is the brigest man in Eu- pe.” rope. Even so, the future of the Spanish monarchy is on the knees of the gods. Kings—Fools or Geniuses? Royalty Over World Truly Has Fallen Upon Evil Times—Here’s a Glimpse of Past Achievements. Drawn for The Sunday Star by J. Scott Williams. grave, the Kaiser is sawing wood at|with “progress” except to hold it back. Doorn, while the bones of ths “Little Pather of All the Russias” and his ill- fated family lle, heaven knows where, Many of these royal refugees have found asylum in other countries, where & few | have taken -to dissipation, some have Before 1931 is over it may be that an- | possibly under the bleak snows of Si- | become waiters in restaurants, some other threne has tumbled into the dust| beria; the latest story is that they are have gone into business or journalism of history. The World War swept a|deposited in the private vault of the dozen other crowns into the same tragic | French Gen. Janin in Paris. | dust heap and, in some cases, the heads | beneath went with them. Most of these crowned heads had already become fig- ureheads, but a few, such as Emperor | Franz Joseph of Austria, the Kaiser and the Rustian Czar, were still power- ful monarch But the haugh'y figurs of Franz Joscph went in sorrow to the FICULTIES WITH THE SENATE AND C. \legislativo branches are jealous of their prerogatives, and always have been so. Time without number nominations by a President Scnate. On more than 500 occasions Presidents have vetoed acts of Con- gress. On such occasions a President usually questions senatorial usurpation of executive power, while Congress la- Executive. ‘With the less important positions, such as the postmaster in Podunk or the Minister to Bula Bula, the public takes no heed. But when the Senate questions the appointment of a member of the President’s immediate official family a fight is on. The public imme- diately sits up, rubs its eyes and secretly hopes for action, which means enter- tainment. In other words, the average person oves a fight. Some of the confirmation attles of American history are fully as stirring as anything we witness today. The Case of Roger B. Taney. One of the first of such squabbles involving an important position cen- tered around Andrew Jackson's nomi- nation of Roger B. Taney of Maryland for Secretary of the Treasury. Taney previously had been confirmed unani- mously as Attorney General. In the meantime Jackson had engaged in a bitter attack on the United States Bank. removed ! have been wejected by the | ments the unwarranted influence of the | the sort that frequertly give rise to | Taney, as Attorney General, advised the | name, President_that the public 'deposits be | This the bank and transferred | son nominated him for associate justice | Certainly royalty has fallen upon evil times. Their estates have bcen co fiscated, their thrones stored in base- ments and their palaces occupled by the so-called “relgn of the ccmmon peo- ple,” which usually means merely the reign of another breed of dictators. The common man has lttle to do COOLIDGE. to other institutions. This aroused the friends of the bank, who were loud in their denunciation When Jackson offered Taney the post of Secretary of th: Treasury he did not care for it. appointed to th: Supreme Court in- stead. But he knew that Jackson faced a crisis and needed a loyal supporter in the Treasury position. He therefore ac- cepted the appointment and served from September, 1833, until June, 1834. Taney had laid himself open to criti- cism by selecting a Maryland bank far which he had served as counsel as a Government depository. When Congress assembled Taney was made the target of savage attacks. Henry Clay was one of many to point out Taney's misdeeds, and was aided in his denunciation by Calhoun and John Quincy Adams. Jackson came back with a vigorous | d:fense of Taney, not materially diffe: ent from the recent statement of Presi- dent Hoover defending the members of | th Power Commission. of protest Jackson said: “Taney's opinions were*well known to me, and his frank expression of them in ‘another situation and his genérous sacrifice of interest and_feeling when unexpectedly called to the station he now occuples ought forever to have shielded his motives from suspicion and his_character from reproach.” The Scnate, however, rejected In his message in June, 1834. He had an ambition to be | ing sides in a fight, and when Taney | went to Prederick and Baltimore after or science. Withal, the most of them { have met their fate true to their tra- ditions, with dignity and courage; for there is one charg> that can rarely be brought against royalty: they have seldom been either men‘al or physical cowards. As a delightful example of this, I re- call an anecdote that our Am- " (Continued on Fourth Presidents and the Senate Conflicts, Such as in Power Commiss ion Case, Have Been Frequent During Life of Government l\"l": FT TO RIGHT: JOHN TYLER, ANDREW JACKSON, ANDREW JOHNSON of the United States Supreme Court, but-again the Senate showed its bitter- ness by postponing action indefinitely. Such a controversy sometimes brings instant popularity to the vanquished party. Most persons cannot resist tak- his defeat the public received him with continuous ovations. One newspaper said: “He will rise again. Roger B. ‘Taney is a man of whom any country may be justly proud. His talents are of the first order; his acquirements are great: his manners most prepossessing and his integrity unimpeachable.” It is hard to understand how any Senate could disregard such an accumu- lation of virtues. Later, Jackson sent Taney's name to the Senate to be con- firmed as Chief Justice of the United States Supreme Court, succeeding John Marshall. The Senate approved the nomination and Taney served with dis- tinction, notwithstanding the bitterness over the Dred Scott decision. Tyler Had His Troubles. Many of the most acrimonious qu rels between President and Senate have occurred in the administrations of Executives who have inherited the office through the death of their predecessors. So it was with John Tyler, who suc- ceeded Willlam Henry Harrison. Tyler had three cabinet nominations his r~d Taney at once resigned. rejected by a hostile Senate. His most In 1825 Jack- | {amous case was that of Caleh Cuching, " (Continued @ Fifth Page) ~ | nomenon_ of i GERMANY TO PUSH FEIGHT BY FRANK H. SIMONDS. ERLIN.—What of the future of Germany? Assuming, as it is fair to assume, that the present Breuning government will be able during the grave crisis of the next few weeks to resist attacks coming alike from Fascists and Com- munists; that it will be able to hold out until Spring, when an improvement in economic conditions will perhaps ar- rive, what has the world to expect of Germany thereafter? long been working? The latter is, I think, the case. What has happened in Germany in recent months has been the disclosure of cer- tain fundamental decisions of the Ger- man people, not Fascists, not super- nationalists, but of the people of all political parties and of every social stage. In three respects the whole Ger- man people have broken definitely with the recent past. They have come to & decision on three vital issues. And on the attitude of the outside world toward this decision will depend the question, if not immediately of peace or war, at the very least of any solid organization of European order. Once for all, the German people have resolved that they will not pay repara- tions; that they will not remain dis- armed in a Europe that continues to fortify its frontiers and reinforce its armies; that they will not permanently accept the present Polish frontier. The question raised here is not whether as a matter of right these German deci- sions are to be praised or blamed, rec- ognized to be reasonable or rejected as improper. The single fact is that they represent the fixed will of a people of sixty millions, Capacity to Pay Question. As to the question of reparations, it!| has long been discussed from the point | of view of the capacity of Germany to pay. But the true point of dcparture| must hereafter be the ability of any| German government to make its own| people pay, or, in the second stage, the willingness of any creditor nations to unite in & new occupation of German territory to enforce payment. As to the question of German gov- ernments, any government must in the people. The German people are now suffering acute economic tress, men and women are on the point of starva- tion, four millions are unemployed, and at the same moment all see millions of dollars being transferred from this suf- fering Germany to a France that is pro: perous, that is devoting these millions to new war expenses. German finance knows that up to | date all that Germany has paid in | reparations has been the result of bor- | rowings abroad, mainly in America. It | cf the nation, destroyed by the war and | inflation, somewhere between five and | ten billons of dollars must be borrowed |on long-term conditions. And it is aware that such borrowings are impos- sible and that in addition there must e_endless borrowings for reparations. Business and finance are concerned with economic aspects, but the politi- cal aspects are what count; for the | whole people see in reparations a sys- |tem of political tribute levied for two | German recovery, to impose misery and suffering for haif a century. And in the revolt of youth, in the spread and fury of Fascism, nothing counts so much as this reparations detail. As & psychelogical factor in fortifying the Fascist sweep it cannot be exaggerated. The charge that “the government is selling us out to foreigners” awakens echoes in the minds and hearts of mil- lions. It is a charge against which no govixrnment can permanently maintain itself. Moratorium in Prospect. Some time in the next weeks, then, Germany will ask—or rather announce —a moratorium, but the payments thus postpaned are but a small part of the total, and relief will be slow to come | and inconsiderable. It will satisfy no one, and it can only be the prelude to| still greater suspensions, the end, and | | the early end, of which must be the cessation of payments altogether—not of payments on private borrowings, not | on post-war obligations, American or won't pay, that's the long and short of it. And Germany will not permit any government to stay in power that ac- cepts the role of debt collector for other countries in the domestic field. As to disarmament, the situation is similar. Today nearer to Berlin than Hartford is to New York or Richmond to Washington are two national fron- tiers manned by armies numerically superior to the German, namely, the Polish and the Czechoslovakian, which, | in combination with a third, the| French, would march against German in any war involving France and Ger many. . And all of Germany in the west from Switzerland to Holland, is unforti- the German mind. | For a certain time German public opinion was held in check by assurances that the League of Nations, through disarmament conferences, would bring about the lowering of French, Czech, Polish_and Italian armies to the Ge: man level. That hope has passed. Geneva has become a bitter joke. Agi- tation for withdrawal from the League is gaining ground all the time. If in January the League does not decide to hold a conference soon, and that con- ference does not give Germany equality with France in means and rights of de- fense, then Germany will consider the | | restrictions put upon her by the treaty |of Versailles as henceforth null and | void. She will proceed to arm within the limits of her financial resources. Voice of German Pacifism. ‘When Count Bernstorff, much to the displeasure of Lord Cecil, announced that for Germany the next arms con- ference at Geneva was the last chance, he spoke as the voice not of German militarism but of German pacifism. It was a despairing, not a threatening, voice. It was the voice of a genuine champlon of disarmament who saw in the very rising tide of his own public sentiment the sure promise of a return to the old pre-war conditions, to a fresh competition in arms all over the Continent, unless the neighbors of Ger- many were prepared to reduce their armaments to German level. Last of all, there is the question of the revision of the peace treaties, which | means the abolition of the Polish Cor- ridor. Here, in, one faces the phe- the resolve of a whole people. It is impossible to discuss the question of the Polish Corridor objec- tively in Germany as a question involv- ing the rights of two races, with his- torical, ethnic and economic sides. Naturally the gxistence of these sides 4n _the end one comes mple sgtement, “It can- e." LiberolyGerme: tlonary Germany, Fas@ist, Nati § L 1 | Is the present|ing and pl o L s o i eckma| S S pideiing o was crisis merely served to bring to the sur- | prasent. ho ; face forces and factors which have| bieser’,NOur is not & men end live by a majority coming from the | 5 | | | knows that to replace working capital | AGAINST REPARATIONS Will Not Remain Unarmed and Debt Ridden With Neighbor Nations Strengthening Frontiers. Socialist Germany, in this regard think and speak not from party standpoints, but as Germans. Understanding with France, co-operation with other Euro- pean nations, consolidation of peace and order in Germany—all turn in the Ger- man mind upon the revision of the peace treaty, which means, frankly and undisguisedly, the refurn of the corridor to Germany. Not Planning for War. But is the German mass, then, think- No; quite ‘The Germany of the ce, but & coherent national unit; it is a chaotic and inco- herent mass. The voices most earnestly raised in favor of treaty revision are precisely those that are most fearful | that if "existing conditions endure war | will eventually result. And no German, not even the PFascists, desire war. De- spite all the fury against peace films, like “All Quiet on the Western Front, the true spirit is much more one of revolt against intolerable conditions than of any spirit for fresh adventure. Suffering, not ambition, explains it. Every class, condition and order of Germany is suffering today. Once you g0 an inch beneath the smooth surface of life as you see it in an international hotel in any capital city, you enter a region of misery and even of despair which it is difficult to exaggerate. Along with the despair goes a sense of desperateness, which explains much in the success of the Fascist movement. Fascism, its crators, Hitler and Goeb- bels, have seized upon and exploited this emotion. And this sense of despair has dangerously weakened the strength and authority of conservative and rea- sonable men who are trying to serve and save Germany in what is certainly her darkest hour since 1923, if not since 1918. Germany is not in any sense a great nation which after temporary disaster and momentary weakness is rapidly es- caping from weakness and beginning to repeat the bombastic words of another period and a vanished regime. It is £till economically, financially, morally prostrated. The burden of all German appeal to the outside world is a rather tragic effort to explain that what exists in Germany cannot continue, and that it is & matter of concern to the world to ald in preventing either Fascism or mmunism from eventual triumph in the Reich. “Only Possible Salvation.” And yet along with this spirit of despair goes the underlying conviction that the only possible conditions of German salvation are the abolition of reparations, the restoration of Ger- many's right to equal security with all other powers and the revision of east- |ern frontiers to restore German unity. No government, right or left, white or red, could live an hour which ventured to rencunce any one of these purposes. Thus, if Germany wins through the present economic and political crisis, in the end the situation will be the same. The vast mass of the German people have resolved highly and deci- sively that they cannot and will not accept their present circumstances, that the treaty of Versailles must be revised by reason or by force. The voice of Fascism is not the voice of the old | generations and designed to prevent| , scac- | that onalist, | There were generals, who are not Fascists, nor of the old junker, who has disappeared. It is the voice of a young Germany, which says in substance: “We did not make the war; we did not lose the war; we, cur generation, will not pey for it. Thosc v 10 accepted the treaty of peace were cowards: thos: who promised to ay were knaves; those Who now urge ayment and submission ave traitors. What has been imposed means the death of Germany. But Germany shall not die.” And, of course, Germany will not die. But the Germany which survives may be something quite different from the dream of Woodrow Wilson. And, in fact, one has the sense in Germany not of living through a crisis but of observing the early, significant evi- dence of a new era. (Copyright. 1931.) Tokio Has Pawnshop Rush From Sl Hard times have boomed the business otherwise, but on reparations. Germany | ¢ Tokio's 16 municipally owned pawn- shops during the last few months, the extra patronage having come in a large measure from the poorer classes, who have been perhaps harder hit than any one else by the depression and its ac- companying unemployment. The city has operated pawnshops for a number of years, not because of the nominal profit involved, but rather to provide such service at reasonable rates to the middle and lower classes, which make a n when t'mes are prosper- pawnshops as seasonal es certain household goods and clothin fled, defenseless, open to invasion. The | now being pursuzd the municipall sence of helplessness, the fceling of de-|add five more pawnsh fenselessness has as a consequence be- | during the next five yea come something like a monomania in| approximately 280,000 to its string , at a cost of en. Last Au- gust a total of 65,116.62 yen was ad- vanced by the 16 shops in the course of 14,681 deals. About 90 per cent of the security consisted of articles of clothing, although trinkets, tools and even 398 debentures were accepted. Pearl Oyster Beds In Hawaii Protected Pearl] oyster propagation in Hawaiian \waters has been proved so definitely & success and the possibilities for devel- oping it are so great that the govern- ment has just taken steps to protect val- uable oyster beds recently located. Gov. Judd has sigred an official order pro- hibiting the taking of any spects of pear] oyster from any of the waters un- der the jcrisdiction of the Hawailan government. _This follows investigations made by Dr. P. S. Galtsoff, expert of the United States Fisheries Buréau at Wash- ington, sent here to co-operate with the government. Dr. Galtsoff visited two great island shoals, Pearl and Hermes Reefs, which He northwest of the main Hawalian group, and verified the reports of rich oyster beds there. In fact, these beds had been “worked” for a year or so past by Hawaiian fishipg interests and a large number of pearl oysters taken out. He found that the beds were being denuded too rapidly. So the prohibitory order was issued. On_the shores of Oahu, the island on which Honolulu is situated, 172 acres has been set, aside for pearl oyster experimental work. Much i also being done to culti- vate the oyster for food. piba it oti Silent Songsters. Prom the Milwaukee Sentinel. Fifty descendants of Pope, Coleridge and other writers, who were guests of the Poetry Society in London, disclosed 1t aever had written veise. no protests. "