Evening Star Newspaper, June 15, 1930, Page 39

Special Articles Part 2—10 Pages BRITAIN’S INDIA PROBLEM SEEMS TO BE UNSOLVABLE Two Centuries of Upbuilding and Vast Fortune Invested Ignored by Natives in Drive for Freedom. BY FRANK H. SIMONDS. ;-fdmn defeat and permit the creation |of the Irish Free State. A;flm{‘& iy a'fir’dm' |~ Moreover, this latest disorder is begin- sy Lo ‘;m : *" | ning to shake British belief in the ex- e mrm’; Pc“n’ o isting program, the program of or- oy ce s it - Of | derly and progressive transfer of power - e Jdifficulty arises from the|gag Ingig by stages acquires the ca- b r:flem\edcomiorlampv which both | pacity for self-government. = When R gl o but | blood begins to flow and mobs shout un the almost Ui erorCUty floWs | the “war cries of independence, the ortia] oot Universal absence of | chances of compromise rapidly lessen. 4ny impartial and expert opinion. India | After Easter Monday, 1916, in Dublin, 320,000,000° of npootains among 1ts | the possibility of settlemeént of the »000,000 of inhabitants peoples of | Irish dispute by home rule of the older 8 many different races and religions | sory vanithed. that anything like a clear view is next | Again. the worst phase of the present to Nimvowble. unrest lies in the fact that the men Crertheless it 1s hard to escape the | who are subjected to the penalties. of fonviction that the disturbances which | British law are precisely the men whose began when Gandhi opened his cam- | character and qualities make them paign of passive resistance against the | leaders and give to their present pun- salt tax has already passed the limits | ishment the color of martyrdom. It is hich the British government itself | the best of the older generation and the foresaw and is rapidly taking on the i appearance of a general demonstration. | e day's news which 8t Pashawar, near Khyber Pass, at Bombay, Madras, Calcutta and Ran- goon discloses a situation which would | only be paralleled geographically in the | United States by disorders in Boston, | coi Angeles, New Orleans and Chicago. | v the forefront of the battle. ‘The very reports trouble | men who should serve as leaders in the | | great task of training the Indian people | for dominion status are now being swept into jail or falling under rifle fire. It is difficult to see what, short of hmplleu‘ withdrawal—and that is ob- usly impossible—is left for British | the uproar which greeted the | a statesmen. All the fruits of more than | King's birthday was particularly note- | two centuries of patient and, on the because the Moslems were the (whole, enlightened activity would be fnost_conspicuous of those demonstra- | swept away. Britain's vast investment $ors who celebrated the natal day of | in India might be destroyed. The finest | the Emperor with black flags and stone imperial achievement since the Romans | Shrowing. Moslem and Hindu are, it | might be condemned to the fate which Would seem. able to agree at least in a | overtook the earlier empire when the = = hostility to their British | legions at last left the Rhine and Dan- ereign. ube. If British troops no longer held Outlook G: ng Darker. the gate of Khyber, how long would it | Tt is, too, becoming fairly clear that | be before the Red army arrived by the road along which the troops of the Czar the prospects of a reasonable compro- | Were expected in the now forgotten mise are growing dimmer as the dis-|days when Kipling wrote of the “Bear order spreads. Gandhi has said, in the | that walks like a man”? past, that he would be satisfied with dominion status of the Canadian va- Loss Would Be Severe Blow. riety. But now that the cry for inde- For Britain the loss of India would dence is being taken up all sides ffl, be l’ blow of ll:golt Igcll’c\:l;blenp'::‘;; ven Gandhi is reported to-have yielded | BOrtions. Then the part of the By to the more extreme views mo{“: his | Empire actually administered from Lon- followers. don would be reduced to a broad band | But while the British are prepared to | Of DAval bases extending right around | concede a measure of home rule, not| lhl; ‘lo:: and to cermnxco]omu ln: only are they not now ready to grant |Africa hardly more extensive or more | complete independence, but. they have | VAlusble than the French. | set their faces against the Genagiae | Yt If t0 go at once and utterly is form of dominion status. patently impossible, even with a Labor cases the reason is the same, the con. |EOVernment in power, to stay may easily | vietion that the mass of the Tngiey |PUt & strain of intolerable severity upon | Deople, or peoples, are as yet unpre- British finances. Today there are but | Ppared for such great responsibilities . | 60.000 British troops in India, but if | Simple justice demands that one revolt became general it would require recognize first that the British have EDITORIAL SECTION he Sundwy Star. WASHINGTON, D. INDUSTRIAL BY ROBERT P. LAMONT, of commerce is—and just what it does. He may think of it merely as an or- ganization that sends out pamphlets C., SUNDAY 5 or 10 times as many troops to hold a already made relatively enormous con- cessions in the matter of turning over power and offices to the natives and that they are giving India what must be perceived to be efficient and Just government, far better government than any informed person believes would be Possible were independence achieved. To understand the Indian situation 2t all it is essential to dismiss ail notion that the British are oppressive masters, that the plight of the Indian peoples in and organization to India, the very edu- cated leaders who are now preaching Tevolt are the product in the main of British schools and . Independence for India today would unquestionably mean a long period of political disorder and economic pros- tration. It might lead to a repetition of the events which have reduced China to its present unlucky state. Every material consideration would seem to be on the side of the British association. And yet something of the same ap- 1 to material considerations has n made in many of the cases where g_:)pls or nations have sought liberty. e dislocation of the Austro-Hun- garian Empire was an economic disaster for practically all the fractions which were created into separate nations. Yet the material considerations did not weigh against the moral and one may doubt if any considerable number of Czechs, Poles, Rumanians or Italians would be willing to return to the more Pprosperous pre-war status. Spirit of Nationality Spreading. For Britons the whole history of the Dineteenth century must today be dis- turbing reading. During the full cen- tury which separates the fall of Napo-| leon from the outbreak of the World War the spirit of nationality had been | sweeping across Europe, and the rights of peoples and tribes to misgovern themselves in accordance with their own conceptions and desires had been es- tablished as the result of many wars and innumerable revolts. Turkey and Austria before 1914, Germany and Rus- #ia as a_consequence of the World War, | ample of all other national movements? United States Secretary of Commerce. country which is continental in its di- iy Rl aruaiens e | mensions. With two millions unemployed, wuh! did not take into account the last year's budget yielding a deflctt‘ influence exerted by the Cham- oy pouM B eaTty o | 514 cnsectives, have bosn /6. Dast of & great colonial war? Of course any- | : | Dot o oh fae Soro APt dons. 18 | Economically it has served o measure | to the whole Gandhi conception. More- | somewhat the progressive commercial over, machine guns, tanks and air-|stride of our times; socially it has ex- ghm have gl.;en m';‘ occuw‘:lng power : gruised the ;emuauéor &r‘ztn:ienuo% lx;: ar better chance than in the earlier | business co-operation 'ms days of less efficacious weapons. | part of our native equipment. Yet in the long run passive resistance | Before tracing the dramatic history might prove an unbeatable policy. Pas- | of this movement let me cite & few | sive resistance to all taxation would | examples of the influence wielded by | soon bring administration o & halt,|the chambers of commerce today. The | while imprisonment for the millions | average reader. perhaps, has a some. | would be out of the question. what hazy idea of just what a chamber Mlnfl::ldy,t;‘;l‘!nhl in India have not yet reacl supreme crisis. Com- promise may yet be possible, the round- | table conference later in the year may | bring adjustment, but already on ail sides one hears the ominous threat that the leaders of the various Indian parties will not participate. And as blood flows passions are inevitably mounting. Dominion status of any sort | is a small concession to peo- | ples demanding independence. At bottom British rule in India can, in the light of modern conceptions, | only be justified upon the ground tha the peoples of India are as yet incapa- | ble of ruling themselves; that they | have still to serve long apprenticeship and acquire power in their own home only by degrees. But will “Young In- dia” accept any such contention? Wil | it admit that the British are a “supe- | rior people”? Will it confess inferior- | ity even temporary inferiority> Or| will it press forward, following the ex In any event it must be clear that Britain is facing in India the gravest problem of an imperial order since the American Revolution. She is meeting the present acute crisis in a spirit of | modernation and of eompromise, but, unhappily, liberty, like chastity, is not & question of fractions, and limited dominion status is hardly an acceptable substitute for independence in the eyes were obliged to release the millions of | subject races under their control. Even! England was compelled in Ireland to| of peoples who are equally sure of their right to and their capacity for self- government Americans Living Near Constantinople Enjoy Life in Smar CONSTANTINOPLE. — There is, of BY HUDSON GRUNEWALD. HE passage of the Ransdell bill to establish a National Institute | of Health in Washington, D. C., marks the beginning of a new | chapter in the history of medi- cine; a new contribution by the United States to medical knowledge of the | most far reaching influence in the re- | lief of human suffering. A veritable | declaration of war against all the phy- sical forces detrimental to health on & | greater scale than ever before af tempted, this bill centers in the Na- | tion's Capital all of the country's medi- | cal and scientific resources for the | combating of disease, and creates in | Washington a clearing house of health | for all the world. | Here, under a commander in_ chief, | | will be marshaled the Nation's army of | | experts in the sciences of medicine, | | surgery, chemistry, physics, biology, | bacteriology. pharmacology, pharmacy dentistry and allied professions, in & concerted drive to prevent disease by ascertaining its cause and applying | t Suburb of Babek Another outbreak. [ Here in the Nation's Capital will be ounded an institution devoted solely | saw it to the study, investigation and re- American, a North preventive measures in advance of its |, describing the beauties and industrial advantages of the city in which it is located in the hope that new citizens and new industries will be induced to locate there. It does far more than that. Examples of the wide chamber of commerce in- fluence could be tabulated bulkily, Last year the Natlonal Association of Com- mercial Organization Executives, of which about a thousand chamber of commerce executives are members, con- ductell a contest to bring out service ideas—ideas that had been put into practical use by chambers of commerce. Out of many ideas submitted, 40 were chosen as outstanding. Let me cite a few: A chamber of Coast organized bought a fleet commerce on the West a shipping company of freight steamers course, an American colony in this city | Carolinian, who came out under a | by the sea. and if Moustafa Kemal | three-year contract, loathes the damn | Pasha could arrange some day to have | place. His term Is over soon, and he search in problems relating to the | health of man, where every available | facility will be provided to aid and en- these Americans herded onto Galata Bridge for an official count they'd prob- ably number about 400. They're from New York, from Mississippl, from me\ far West, from Vermont. Some of them | are missionaries. Others work for to- | bacco companies. Others are with the | American Express and in the diplo- | matic service. And there's a Texas girl here who sings, and rather terribly, in & shoddy cabaret. | Most of these say they like the East. | ‘They have cocktail parties, tennis, mo- ! tor boat cruises and bridge—plenty of | bridge. American children born here have Syrian and Armenian nurses, and these children chatter in Turkish be- | fore they're sure of their English. | There is a cluster of Americans in | Babek, which is to Constantinople what Great Neck is to New York. Why, it | even has the physical attractiveness of | Great Neck, except that there are no| rich aciors around. The Babek Ameri- cans do their commuling on the beau- tiful Bosporous, and the Bosporous to those who haven't seen the Hudson and the Palisades is the world's most en- enaating body of water. Babek is smart; quite the place. And | yeu rent is by no means prohibitive. | For a seven-room, two-story house, which sits regally upon a hill, a young man from Westchester pays, in Turkish piasters, the equivalent of $30. The servant girl, born in Angora, gets a wage of $12 a month. She lives hand- somely on that and has h left over to buy rhinesione buckles. Gaso- line costs you 50 cents & gallon in Tur- says he's going home and stay drunk a week. A girl who was once a member of Atlanta’s Junior League and who married and came to the Near East says she intends to live here all her life. Her romance was & bust, but she found Constantinople & joy. Yes, life can be just as exciting—or just as humdrum—in this whirling East-West metropolis as it can be in Zanesville, or Pelham, or South Bend, or Cincinnati, or Yellow Gap. Towa. The taxis are fast, furiously so, and the fares are low as compared with New York, but higher than in Paris. Many of the Turkish taxi pilots talk Prench. Some of the cars are new American models, others are antiquated European machines, but possessing great power. The Turkish driver general brings along a male companion, sitting side by side they chat animat. edly as the car whirls through the con gested streets. You can give out your laundry in Constantinople hotel ‘at 9 a.m. and get it back by 5 pm. Your shirts may suffer a bit under the process, but you can’t fret about that. The American talking pictures, with titles in Turkish, have been coming here steadily and have been liked. Two par- tcularly successful ones were “Broad- way Melody” and “Hollywood Revue.” The tourist guides as_objection- sble as the guides everywhere, even though they are under governmental supervision. One guide tells me that Scarsdale, or | ’fii courage scientists to combat illness and to solve the many remaining mysteries of disease, and where all medical knowl- | edge andevery advance in the promo- | tlon of human heaith will be pooled | and correlated for the benefit of man- | kind. Planned on Record Scale. Here will be begun new researches | in cancer on a greater scale than ever before attempted; new investigations into the cause and cure of infantile | paralysis and heart disease; new studies of influenza and pneumonia. Here for | the first time the sclentists of an en- tire nation will unite in a mass attack against the common cold and against | other widespread maladies to which aii | are heir. Here will be made new dis- | coveries, new and better methods of | cure and treatment will be found to replace those now in use, and new and greater safeguards of health will be devised. No institution has ever been founded | anywhere in the world for the com- bating of disease on so large a scale, | and there is no means of foretelling what may be its eventual benefits to humanity. | The bill has been termed “the most | forward step ever taken by the Ameri- | can Government.” And it afforcs the | United States “the unique opportunity to give to our country a new and power. { ful weapon for attack on the greatest problems of maintenance of health and cure of disease which is not duplicated SENATOR RANSDEI drawn upon in this fight against dis- ease, but the means are entirely inade- quate, as shown by the continued ravishment of disease.” “United efforts of the Navy, the Infantry, Artillery, Cavalry, Air Serv- ice, etc. is now the seif-understood method of campaign against an enemy,” Dr. Julius Stieglitz of the University of Chicago has pointed out. “Similarly, & campaign against disease, against invading microbes and disorganized body functions will give the greatest promise of success in an institution that MORNING, JUNE 1 ) 5, 1930. Speeding Nation’s Business Chambers of Commerce Throughout Land Have Done Much to Promote Prosperity. GROWTH 1S AN IMPORTANT PART OF THE COMPLEX DESIGN UPON WHICH THE CHAMBER OF COMMERCE ‘WORKS. Drawn for The Sunday Star by Paul Bissell. from the United States Shipping Board, ralsed $650,000 in stock subscriptions and launched a steamship line to the | Orient that is now operating profitably. | The project brought the headquarters of the steamship company to the city, with its corps of executives and clerks, | and brought supply contracts amount- | ing $500,000 annually. It was all en- | gineered by the chamber of commerce, with no cost to the eity. , A Midwestern chamber, by & study | of its fire alarm systems. induced the | city to make improvements that not only saved the insured of the city $85000 & year in reduced premiums, | but removed an industrial handicap | that had been crippling development. Another chamber, by consolidating the four tax collecting offices of its | city into one system not only saved | the taxpayers great personal incon- venience, but actually effected a sav- LL OF LOUISIANA. ity, to reduce their living expenses, to increase their happiness, and prolong their lives. It has unselfish interests to serve, and its beneficent results will enter every home in the Nation. The bill contains three distinct features: First: The creation of a National Institute of Health in the Public ‘ Health Service under the administrative | direction and control of the surgeon | | general, for the special purpose of pure scientific research to ascertain the cause, prevention and cure of diseases ing of $100,000 in operating costs of | tax collection. A Southern chamber, following & warehouse fire, salvaged $23.50 a bale of partly burned material for poor, oth- erwise unprotected farmers, thus al- leviating an actual condition of distress and at the same time gaining good will. Sometimes chambers must prod their own people into activity. A certain chamber urged a local manufacturer to expand his plant. He hesitated, doubtful of the market. Voluntarily the chamber sent out letters announc- ing that such-and-such a company was in lr&ultlfln t0 furnish estimates on 8 certain article. The response was so encouraging that the manufacturer expanded his plant. In effect a “new” industry was gained. The above instances were selected at random. Multiply them by scores—by hundreds—and you will have some idea of the practical influence which cham. (Continued on Fourth Page.) War Declared on Disease Capital to Be Center of Biggest Fight Ever Waged Under Plans Approved by Congress. present Hygienic Laboratory of the Pubélc Health - Service, Washington, D. Second: It authorizes the Treasury Department to accept gifts uncondi- tionally far study, investigation and research in problems relating to the health of man and matters pertaining thereto, with the proviso that if gifts in the sum of half a million dollars or more are made, the name of the donor shall be attached thereto. ‘Third It proposes the establish- | ment and maintenance in the institute of a system of fellowships in scientific | research in order to secure the proper | personnel and to encourage and aid | men and women of marked proficiency | to combat the diseases that menace human health. The main purpose of the bill as re- ported is “to arouse our people to the imperative necessity and wisdom of preventing the innumerable diseases that affect humanity and of making life more comfortable and happy by assuring good health, the greatest of temporal blessings. “The practical ef- fect of the legislation would be to en- large the work of the Public Health Service and to enable it to fulfill a | larger fleld in public health research. “There are millions of sufferers from painful, consuming disease,” says Sen- ator Ransdell, “such as the common cold, about the nature, origin and cure of which little or nothing is known, and which causes more deaths and | economic waste than any other; as in- fluenza, before which modern medicine remains impotent; measles, the offend- ing organisms of which have not as yet been definitely proven; pneumonia, which s still unconquered; tubercu- losis and cancer, which baffle the skill of scientists; child-bed sickness so fatal to mothers: infantile paralysis, which | remains a curse to childbood; Bright's | disease, which is so prevalent among adult men, anemia, mental troubles, heart | lesions, and venereal diseases, all of | which take heavy toll of human life. | Leprosy, life's greatest tragedy, is only | slowly being conquered. A great deal | has been done recently in a scientific way to conquer malaria, but it, too, is not thoroughly understood. A vast | amount of research work is awaiting | the attention of scientists in the field | of medicine and its application for the alleviation of suffering.” | Experts to Work Together. | “There should be one place in the | United States where unceasing efforts are being made to conquer disease,” Senator Copeland of New York told the committee, to which the bill was re- ferred. “It is pathetic to think that infantile paralysis, influenza and pneu- monia are just as fatal today as they were a century ago. There must be found means of controlling those dread | gating that subject, headed by Senator | Gerald W. Nye of North Dakota, will | Spending Alone BY MARK SULLIVAN, tinue to have until November or later, the matter of money used in senatorial primaries. The committee for investi- succeed the lobby investigating com- mittee and Senator Thaddeus Caraway of Arkansas as providers of material for headlines. Senator Nye and his committee are already at work. Already they have paid some attention to the amount of money spent—in vain— by Senator Grundy in Pennsylvania and the amount spent by Mrs. Medill McCormick in Illinois. The Nye committee’s work is not con- fined to investigating charges made by defeated candidates or others. They do not need to wait for charges—they can make their own accusations. And they decidedly do not limit themselves to investigations after the events have occurred—no mere grand jury they The committee construes its function to include the averting of expenditures (or other practices) deemed by them to be improper. They look into expenditures | before they are made, while they are being made and at all stages of the process. The Nye committee is a combination of detective and censor, as well as grand Jury, prosecuting attorney and, to very large extent, court. In the Penn. sylvania primary the committee, in the person of the chairman, and through announcements given out by him and through investigators employed by the committee, was on hand before the pri- mary day and during it. Afterward they summoned the two candidates, Mr Grundy and Mr. Davis, as well as others, before the committee and examined them. The Pennsylvania primary, in which the Senate committee thus functionéd, was the first important one after the committee was created. If the com- mittee maintains that pace and quan- tity of vigilance, investigation, exhor- tation and condemnation, it will follow that we are going to hear a good deal about money in senatorial primaries. | It will be the subject of much argu- | ment, and the argument probably will | fail to include some aspects of the sub- Ject that deserve to be noticed. Standards May Be Set Up. Sooner or later the Senate, if it keeps on this course (which for certain Teasons it may not) will be obliged to set up some standards on this point, will be obliged to say just how much money in a given State is safely on the side of virtue and how much is too much, They will be obliged to say, also, sooner or later, whether quantity of money standing alone is a bar to the Senate—that is what they say now. Or whether, as used to be the case, the real question is not the quantity of money, but the way it is used, with weight, perhaps, to be given in some cases to the source from which it comes. ‘The present phase of the Senate’s at- titude toward money in primaries (rath- er startling when fully understood) is, like most pi ices and institutions in government, an advanced stage of & long evolution. To understand it, a very brief summary will be useful. In the old days, some seventeen years or more ago, before there were any di- rect primaries, and before the direct election of Senators; in the days when candidates for Senator in both parties were named by conventions, and when they were elected by State Legislatures there was a question about money, but it was a question, not of amount but of the way it was used. When a Senator was nominated, not by half a million or a million voters in a direct primary, but by 200 or 300 or 400 men in a State convention, and when Senators were elected, not by one or two million votes more or less in a direct _election, but by 200 or 300 men in a State Legislature—under that set of conditions there was no occasion for the use of much money. That is, there was no apparent legitimate occasion. If money was used 1: llzn‘;l&ul! hlddw be for a purpose nol and was promptly so recognized. At that time, Senators, if any money at all was used, it at once gave out a smell. The only direct use for money would be to pro- cure the individual vote of an indi- vidual member of a Legislature or of an individual delegate to a State conven- tion. Money used that way fitted nition of corruption, and was so re- arded. e Scandal did not occur often. There | were two historic examples. In the year 1898 a wealthy owner of mines in seat in the United States Senate and went after it with great directness. ‘The success of Mr. Clark in the Mon- tana Legislature coincided with a marked increase of affluence on the of certain members of the Legis- ure—rural members paying off mort- gages on their farms, other members indulging themselves in the satisfac- tion of a new house, or other elevation in the standard of living; yet other members displaying quantities of they had had extraordinarily good judgment in betting on horse races. Lorimer Case Recalled. ‘The other case was that of William Lorimer of Illinols. Lorimer was one of the last men who came to the Sen- ate via the old route of election by State Legislature. The choice of Lorimer by the Illinois Legislature gave rise to charges of which the Senate took no- tice and in due course, by a vote of 55 to 28, on July 13, 1912, the Senate ejected Lorimer on a charge described as “corruption on the part of his po- | litical managers.” That ended that chapter. Up to that time, and under the old condition of election by legislators and nomination by conventions, the use of any money in any considerable amount was almost necessarily associated with the charge of corruption—and the question of money under those conditions was freed from the complexities that we now have to consider. Beginning with the passage of the seventeenth amendment to the Con- stitution, on May 31, 1913, Senators are elected directly by the people. A few years previous the direct primary had come into general use, and since then Senators are almost universally nomi- nated in both parties by popular vote. That is to say, a Senator now must get his nomination by persuading some hundreds of thousands of people to vote for him in a primary, and he must then get his election by persuading some more hundreds of thousands of E have with us, and will con- | —at that time, preceding about 1913, | and under that method of choosing | reasonably close, as a rule, tc the defi- | | Montana, Willlam A. Clark, desired a | money which they explained by saying | SENATE CAMPAIGN PROBES MAY BRING SET OF RULES iLimit on Cost and Whether Quantity Will Bar Seating Expected to Be Fixed. money in the most legitimate sense, The amount of money varies. It varies with the number of ‘voters in a State, and it varies with the degree to which the candidate is already known to the people. But as a rule it takes money. Not many years after the coming of direct primaries and direct elections the Senate began to observe that a 0od deal of money being used. he first case that gave rise to any great commotion was that of an old gentleman, named Isaac Stephenson, who ran for the Senate in Wisconsin in 1909 and was elected. Wisconsin was a ploneer in adopting the direct primary, and Stephenson was one of the first Senators nominated under that system. Stephenson was wealthy and he spent a good deal of money. The Senate looked into it and discovered the amount as $197,000. There was argument and debate about it, but Stephenson was not disturbed in his seat. The idea that quantity of money, dissociated from any charge of corruption in the use of it had not yet taken hold. The second case that came up is the one that really started the commotion of which we are now in an advaneed and acute stage. In Michigan in 1918 Henry Ford was a candidate for the nomination for Senator. He was & candidate in both parties. It was his candidacy for the Republican nomina- tion that was associated with some events that later became sensational. Had No Need to Spend Money. Not that Ford spent money improp- erly. No charge was made against him. He didn't need to spend money. He was already so well known that no amount of money could have made him better known. = Ford, during many years previous, in the erdinary course of his business has spent literally millions in advertising, in employing agents and in other ways designed to make him well known. (This condition is pertinent to the whole of the present article. One man, having already become well known, runs for the Senate; another man, desiring to compete, must make himself equally well known. Let the reader ask himself: If you were running against Henry Ford, or against Willlam R. Hearst, for example, how much money would you | need to spend before you could catch up | with your rival? What limitation would be fair for the Senate to put upon you?) Ford’s rival for the Republican nomi- | nation for Senator in Michigan was a with a rather conspicuous record of public and war service, Truman New- berry, who, with his friends, felt, let us say, that the Democratic nomination was quite enough for Mr. Ford. In the | primary roughly $195,000 was spent on behalf of Newberry. While Newberry was wealthy, the investigation did not show that any great amount of money came from him; the bulk of it was con- tributed by relatives and friends. ‘When Newberry arrived in the Senate the Senate took notice of the expendi- ture of $195,000 in his . There was much argument and debate, and in the end Newberry was permitted to keep his seat—though by the narrow majority of only one vote. After Newberry was seated, some Sen- ators got cold feet. The Democrats, and some newspapers, kept up a clamor. about what they called the “Newberry case.” The Senate, as a means of pla- cating criticism, and in a spirit of serving notice on other rich men who might enter in primaries for senatorial nominations, or men having rich friends —the Senate, by a vote of 46 to 41, | passed a remarkable resolution: “That whether the amount expended {in this (Michigan) primary was $195,- 000, as was fully reported or acknowledged, or whether there were some few thousand dollars in excess, the amount expended was in either case | too large, much larger than ought to have been expended. The expenditure of such excessive sums in behalf of & | candidate, either with or without his | knowledge and consent, being contrary to sound public policy, harmful to the | honor and dignity of the Senate and dangerous to the perpetuity of a free | government, such excessive expenditures |are hereby severly condemned and | disapproved.” | That was a remarkable resolution. It id nothing about corruption, nothing about the uses to which money was put. nothing about the sources from which the money came. The resolution con- cerned itself solely with the quantity of money. ‘That resolution has been the Senate's | charter of policy—self-granted—ever since it was passed in 1922. The iden- | tieal words and phrases of that resolu- tion have been carefully repeated in | every subsequent case in which the | Senate has taken action against a Senator on the ground of expenditures. Case Made Election Issue. In the meantime the Democrats and some newspapers not by any means con- | tented with the Senate's of a | mere Tesolution, and insisting that the | Senate ought to have gone the whole | way and expelled Newberry—made the “Newberry case” an issue in senatorial elections in 1922, 1924 and 1926. The Democrats and some newspapers insisted that the action of Republican Senators who had voted to seat Newberry was a political sin. When such Senators came |up for renomination or re-election the Democrats in the various States de- | nounced them for having voted for New- | berry, with the result that four years | after Newberry was seated the Demo- | crats were able to boast that 19 Repubr | lican Senators who had voted to seat | him had been defeated in their respec- | tive States. 1t was claimed that the | whole 19 were defeated solely because | they had voted for Newberry: doubtless n “accurate evaluation of issues and | conditions might show that in some cases, at least, there were other reason: In any event the Senate’s policy th: quantity of money standing alone is a bar took root through the feeling that the public would take, or could be led to take, adverse action upon any Senator failing to vote against the seating of & Senator charged with spending much money. There is not space to tell here the | eircumstances of the two Senator: | Smith of Tlinois and Vare of Pennsy vania, whom the Senate prevented from | taking their seats. In Smith's case, at | least, the source of the money was of & sort to have weight—the bulk of it came | from public utility magnates under ecir- | cumstances likely to create suspicion of an interested motive. But the now settled policy of the Senate is that quantity of money, apart from other considerations, is a bar to the Senate. Both the Smith case and the Vare case were decided on the question of quantity of money. The Senate does not say what quan- tity. And that is but the first of sev- eral disturbing aspects of the Senate' or _equaled elsewhere.” “While war claims its sacrifices in millions of lives” declared Senator can continuously call upon eminent men in the fields of science studying | disease to give their whole service 10 | missions, but utilizes. existing. GHovern: Joseph E. Ransdell (Democrat) of | the planning and execution of the |ment machinery and provides for such 16 ) oAt CosopetRive: Bl Louisiana, author of the bill, “disease | cmpaign against these deadly enemies | enlargement of the Hyglenic Taboratory | OFganization in which leading experts in each year claims its tens of millions. | to the life of our people. | which 5 merged in and made an es. | every branch of science will be brought * * * Can we not use for the solution Coututng Thires Meatires: | Sential part of the Natlonal Institute. |together and given opportunity to work of these problems the same methods so vy It authorizes the appropriation of i unison for the purpose of discover- successfully employed in the solution| The definite object of the Ransdell | $750,000 or so much thereof as may be | ing all the natural laws governing hu- of means of mAKINg war? The ex- | bill is to promote the health of human | necessary for construction \and equip- | man life, and especially to learn those | the !perience of the ages 18 now being ' beings, fo improve th-y eANing capac- | ment of additional buildmes At « ued on Fourih Page.) diseases. The Ransdell bill will help to accomplish this.” The plan of the institute is to make affecting human beings. It does not he gets $350 for a day's work, $1.50 create any new bureaus or new com- for an evening’s work. That'’s his regu- lar fee. But if a man is a gentleman he’ll give more. If he doesn't, all the guides of the Orlent, hear about it at their monthly social. policy. To convict and execute a man in the absence of plain laws and rules about which he can know in advance, partakes unpleasantly of the nature of to take | informal lynching. The Senate, neither in the original Newberry case, nor in the subsequent cases, did not make any distinction be- tween the quantity | might, e_Sena key, but hired help, you see, is ridicu- lously cheap. ‘There's an American here who came out this way before the war, liked it, bought himself a shack and a piece of Jand, and has been here ever since.| Here, he says, he finds peace. He PG e sn't once been inside a mosque: he | Horseradish originally came from hinsn't ascended the Galata Tower, and ' China: rice from Ethiopia, beans from Wouldn't knew Leand-v'c Towar if he ‘s~ Wact Tndies, people to vote for him in a general election. This takes money. To get people to go to the and vote for you; to get them, In the first place notice of you; then to get inter- ested in your views, and, fin: to get them 0 'go to the polls, calls for ex- penditures, as a rule, in some or other. Anybody who gquestiol shuts his eyes to plain 'cl. It of