Evening Star Newspaper, February 21, 1926, Page 37

EDITORIAL SECTION EDITORIAL PAGE NATIONAL' PROBLEMS SPECIAL FEATUPES Part 2—14 Pages . HOUSE IS FAST REGAININ LEADERSHIP BY EFFICIENCY Workmanlike Manner in Handling Legis- lation Declared Upper Hand BY W HE House win . KENNEDY. into its again. It is returning those zood old days of Tom Recd and Uncle Joe Cannon. when he was at his when it put the brakes on the ind said: “Thus far and no coming farther The House is rapidly rezaining confidence of the people Eenate Just apidly confidence ‘of the people. The House. Kkept close to the per by reelection every two yvears, is enly responsible 1o the voiers, responsive the voters. and ssinz well considered and matured tion. while the Nenate lexis tor the m; under w prefty o nnanimons conrtesy” the is s losinz the legisl lati consent to amy The tation itself is part ont of senatorial wrnsted Honse by the uthority the reatest =ift of a self ‘the y destroy the Con to in Erant of power in the governing people. since to tax is the power to conscientiously terests of in satezuarding the people The House is zoing further—it protecting the people from bu some tivation by assuming responsibility for appropriations venting waste and extravagance expenditures by careful scrutiny. in- is eater pro- in Leadership The House beil stren: by the policy and practic House leadership in building up the individual responsibility of commit- tee chairmen and giving them prac tical training in handling measures the floor. The individual mem bers of the Hous approaching their work with reater sense of responsibility as they realize that people have an increasing confi e in them he House has never. it is safe to 1y, functioned as thoroughly or with as zreat precision and regularity ane , 85 systematically it is doing at the present session of Cor This i confirmed by William Tyler Page. clerk of the House. speaking from 4 vo of pemsonal experience in the Capitol as a close student of lezisla- tion and research into the history of the American Conzress The record the present Cungress is unprecedented, and record after record has been broken for rapidity. thoroughness und importance of action Without a minute’s delay the House took up for consideration on the very first day of the the tax-re. duction bill. This is usually a bitter partisan measure, fouzht over tooth nd nail for party Tvantage. this vear the | wiays and means committee presented its report on the opening day on a bipartisan or non partisan meas: with the consoli dated <upport of hoth the Republican majority and the Democratic minority. This represented four months of the wost careful committee consideratic The House proceeded at once to d cuss it thoroughly. consider it for amendments, passed it within two weeks—Dbefore the Christmas holi days. Is Developed. x sthened of on House in the session No Calls for Qu Purinz that the attendance . veriod of consideration of House members on the floor was extraordinarily large ind there was not one call for a quorum—which was unprecedented. Never hefore in the history of the Congress did the House on the first day it met. after completing its canization, settle rizht down to legis Litive business \zain. the House rules zoverninz its out the usual partis st important ch <titution 1 rule 1 mittees, instead of the rule in the Sixty-eighth Congress for the dis charge of committees, which had been passed by a coalition of and insurgents Then. promptly following the of the tax-reduction hill hy unprecedented vote of 390 to 2 ire, the THouse took the great propriation bills, that wre and Post Office earrying $872,000,000. This was de- hated for 10 hows. carefully con- sidered for amendment and whipped inio final shape for hefore rnment for the Christmas he prompily procedure n o strife sing the instruct adopted with the sub- com pas the 5 on a up the Government ap- for the Treas- Departments, passage dnvs, Phat was Jiouse having heen December 7 to December Great Speed on Bi TTpon reassembling the louse start ed in again and achieved another sovord that is likely to stand for many Ars. Two years v the last of appropriation bills was passed in House on May 24. This yea Cungress is going to adjourn some time between May 15 and ‘June ‘'he House has now passed out 11 big appropriation bills, while vears ago it had passed only ? to this date (Interior Janua and Post Office and Treasury Tehruary 12). This table shows siriking progress the from record, an uniq of two up n on the Anpronriation e pareed A _seultire asury “and’ Post (iffice Wor Dapartment Trzent deficisner Tndependent offices Iunning on thi; Tuwo vears o Al Tan schedule the House will have passed by the middle of March every one of the zreat ap- p~iatfon bills, leaving ample time for ivliberate consideration by the Senate nd ample time for adjustment of dif- ferences between the two houses Congress in conferences. Therefore, » far as the supply bills are con- cerned, this Congress has establish- 1 and probably will establish more records. Other Legislation Passed. Interspersed between the consid- aration of the annual appropriation )ills the House has had time. and has ntilized that time, to pass much im portant general legislation. including: All of the six foreign debt funding hills, upon which there was the full- o<t and freest discussion, the co-oper- \1ive marketing bill, the McFadden Janking bill to improve the facilities «of and protect the national banks and suthorizing branch banking and con- solidation into i ‘horizing appropriation of $165.000, won for a public bulldings program overing all the States and the Dis- it of Columbia. which is the first \mblie building bill to pass the House ince the great “pork harrel” bill in 418, which never hecame law. The railroad Jabor bill has been com- new while the | den. | the | But | Democrats | of | ssoclations, a bill au-| to Be Bringing Over Senate. pleted | hearin | House on Tue: | be passed on Wednesd: | support of hoth iab very unusual condition. | In addition to such legislation of gen cral interest already passed, the House has three different times cleared the lconsent calender of . unobjected bills. which are mostly of al inter- | est throughout the country. | 117 Bills Are Passed. { he House has passed a total of 117 bills of public and private natur Iso an unique achievement in the pro. cedure of the House thus early in the sion. The District Iy une the j committee after extensive and will be taken up in the day. and will probably It has the in f Columbia. exclusive- risdiction of Congres: has twice had its calendar cleared- @ tutal of seven bills, and the District_commitiee held o special ses <ion on Friday to zet two bills reported out to have three measures on the calendar for Monday, which | “District_day Now. the underlying cause of this expeditiousne: by the House is the fact that it has a responsible majority, which is so well organized in its lead ership and committees that co-opera {tion. co-ordil ion nd onfidence exists, where it was sadly lacking in | previous Congresses, when there was | no responsible majority The House leaders and majorit membership from the titular leade Speaker Longworth, and the floor lead: er, John Q. Tilson, on down the we working together in perfect har- | mony and correlation, with a_definite | { program, which is being carried out trom day to day as far cireum stances and unforeseen contingencies permit. Committees Laid Ground Work. Three of the most important Jiouse committees worked duwring the in-: | terim_between the Sixty-eighth and| | the Sixty-ninth Conzresses et | “their major measures in the best pos- | sible shape for early consideration in! the House—the ways and means, the appropriations and the interstate and foreign commerce committees. These ond all other House committees have !iieen enzaged ever since the Congress convened in extended hearings upon 1 the great questions bhefore them s has resulted in positive action by of favorable reports on many nd i other cases in nega deliberation. It here that it re I | way measures. tive action, <hould be noted ri | quires just as much tim ithoucht onsideration and courage to reach a | negative as an affirmative conclusion J Thus much of the time of mem | bers of the House and of House com- | | mitrees is occupied in keeping off of | the calendar unwise legislative propo sitions—almost much is con-f | smmed in mvin favorable considera tien to such measures as are deemed | worthy The Inlk of the lezislation sent 10 | he Senate by the House is still pend | ing in the Serate. The Nenate's time | has been consumed in deb World Court and tax-reduction It not until last w that any | of the appropriation bills was taken up in the Senate. During past week the Treasury and Post Office appropriation hill. ‘the Navy Depart- | ment appropriation bill. and the first deficiency bill were passed and sent to conference. There still remain ir he Scnate committee on appropria | tions the Interior. ricultural and War Department appropriation hills Tax Bill Brings Battle. The tax-reduction bill illustration of how the acted in a businesslike m fully considering the inter people to whom they are responsible, while the Senate “ran wild.” House committee worked dur rest period when Congress was session, and reporied on a non-parti sun basis fic, well considered tax-reduction bill, based on the finan cial condition of the Government, desizned to preserve the intesrity of the Government's finances and to cre {ate o healthy economic conditic The House passed a bill the tax burden of the peopie §: 000. When the Senate t hold of it, | ruthies without hearinzs and e ! nomic study, on the motion of indi | vidual Senators, slashed off. without any |that the Treasury could |lo: wars the is a striking | House has nner vedincing 000 evidence stand Then the House was heard from- | an echo of the vld days—the House [ leaders, Democrats as well as Repub licans. united in declaring to the Sen {ate: “You shall not impair the fin | cial stability of the Government The House stood firm on two hiz prin ciples: First, it was willing to vield ujs to $330,000.000 in reductions, feel ling that was the ultimate limit the \finances of the country would stand and prevent any change in the policy | of payng off the national debt: {second, the House stood against the Senate actlon in wiping out entirely the inheritance tax. which the House was willing to cut in half, from 40 per cent to 20 per cent. | So the House comes out victorious, 'having galned the confidence of the !people by basinz the tax reduction on |sound business hasis, while the peo e are not blind enough not to that the Senate made a few rand wuent gestures so that as the Sena s came up for reelection they could shout—"We tried to reduce vour taxes another $150.000.000." Bui the people are seeing through all this, Bloc System Scored. There the House assumed sibility to the people and the Senate indulged in irresponsible action, through coalition. That shows forc biy the difference between responsible action in a body controlled by a defi- nite positive body where the bloc s an excellent illus imay happen in {here when no party | majority, like the h Chamber of Deputies and the German Reichs- {tag, in which there can be no effective action on a great public question without coalition of two or more blocs. Following the example of the House, Senate leaders have just made an jeffort to protect against a wild orgy of costly investigations, by employing | safeguards, which have long been in | vogue in the House. The cost of Sen- ate investigations has been mounting enormously and scandalously, up to $300,000 a year being spent on con- {fested election cases alone. It has been the custom of the Senate to sanc- tion an investtigation at the request of a single Senator. It is now pro- posed to refer all requests to the proper committee for preliminary consider; roand capltal—a | = ! he Sunday Staf WASHINGTON, D. C., SUNDAY MORNING, FEBRUARY 21, 1926 Where U.S. Will Have to Draw the Line In Discussing Limitation of Armaments BY G. GOULD LINCOLN. MERICA'S policy, general and specific, with regard to the problems which will be presented at the projected limitation of arms conference, necessarily will be & ter of very vital importance to the 115,000,000 people of this country. The United States Government is making no announcement of its policy at this time with regard to the various questions presented for consideration in the invitation extended by the League of Nations to attend the preliminary “onference in Geneva—or elsewhere, if the Swiss and the Russians fall to reach an agreement over their differences. Nevertheless, the Ameri can delegation to the preliminary conference will go with fnll instructions as to what shall be their attitude—instructions which naturally may be amplified or modified later : ca sion may warrant. Work on these instructions has been progressing for some time. * ok ok X A perusal ol the questions suggested in the letter of invitation for consideration by the prefimi conference—which 1o frame the agenda and bring about the draft possibly of A tentative convention for submission to the various nation: indicates that the confe ence is designed to deal with questions far other than mere limitation of armaments commonly understood. Ko example, there presented the question of security. There is the suggestion that the limitation of armaments shall be consirued to incl a limitation on the industrial strength now regarded as so es- sential in time of And closely allied with this is the question as to whether the proposed limitation shall deal with the peace or war strength of nations. merica’s text at the conference is likely to run somewhat as follows: Discussions should be limited to those meas ures intended to place a limitation upon the military peace strength of the nations partlci pating in the conference. There should be no discussion of security in which the United States would pledge itself to mix in the differences or the affairs of other nations. This is regarded as absolutely essential. There should be no attempt to limit the ulti mate war s ngth of a nation. In fact, there Is strong feeling here that it would be idle 1o talk of such limitation. In time of war the strenzth of a nation is the sum of all its re- sources. including man power, wealth and ma terial. and it geographical situation. To talk of limiting these resources could lead nowhery There should be no discussion of limitation of industry. Limitation of reserve war material on hand during peace times, however, is a dif ferent affair and may be considered. But to seek to place 4 limit on the industrial development, on the capacity of production of materials that may be needed in war would be no less than an effort limit arbitrarily the development the country along business and commercial fnes * Kk ok % In the event of such discussion. it might be said that the U i States, because of great in dustries, its steel plants, its shoe manufactories ete., has a potential war strength which should in some way be limited, or that because of such facilities {ts actual military strenzth in p should be lower than otherwise. Any such g gument would be repugnant to America. America’s interest in proper means of n tional defense. it may be said in passing, is by no means lemic as some people are in or wherever the preliminary conference ulti- mately Is held, before the conference proper as- sembles, * ok ok K There is yet no absolute assurance when the preliminary conference will be held. Events in fiurope already have postponed it from the middle of February. It is now thought it may be held by the middle of May. But the date is not likely to be settled until after the meeting of the "League of Nations council in March. In any event, the time of meeting of the con. ference proper, it is believed in well informed quarters here,’ will not be before the Fall of 192 In such case, actual agreements regard ing limitation of armaments may not result un il 1928, or even later. Arms limitation, it ap pears, is not to be a matter of the immediate fu- ture. This may not be pleasing to ardent advo- arms limitation, but no great lasting achievement is accomplished overnight. The State Department is looking forward to the ar- rvival of Hugh S. Gibson. American Minister to Switzerland, who is coming here with the late information regarding the conference plans and to consult with Secretary Kellog and other officials of the Government regar ing Rightly or wre . there been a suspi cion in some quarters in this country that tie projected arms conference has not as its main object the limitation of armaments. Rather, it has been feared that the gathering is to deal with political and economic problems, with the nations about the board seeking their ow. particy dvantage. In such a confer should it materialize, the United States has no proper place. The United States, it has again and again been made clear, will welcome hon est efforts at reduction of armaments, but will not be drawn into “security pacts” with other nations, nor will it enter upon a discussion of -its economic problems with other nations, The feeling is strong that this country, in suc matters, would stand only to lose at an inter- national conference. * ok K ok In the European mind security and security pacts seem to be inextricably entwined with limitation of armaments. A mere agreement to limit armaments without security pacts has made no appeal to many of the nations. At the Washington econference on limitation of arma ments it n became clear that there could be no timitation of land armaments without curity.” But if the disarmament is to be proportionate to security, then the security must extend to the who worid, and not to only a natian or « Eroup of nations. On the other hand, rezional security does offer a hope of reglonal disarma ment and presents a practical means for lirni tation of armaments. The more general such urity. the greater and more general the limi m of armaments A group of American republics, however, has kled the problem of arms limitation with out first seeking the establishment of security pacts. These are the Central American conn- tries, and all have ratified the arms lHmitation agreement except Hondura he conference which was held here, has proved salutary in many respects, it is said. Whether it would be possible ever to hold a conference which deals alone with limitation of armaments and igne completely all politi- cal nd economic questions is problematic Kven at the Washington conference in 1 the nations attending were called upon to con sider other problems. the problems of the P pacts were entered Into or sought at the Wash- ington conference. The four-power Pacific pact, embracing the United States, Great Britain, France and Japan, contains no word of al- llance; it is merely an agreement to consult to- Kether in the event of a difference arising be- tween any of the nations over matters in the Pacific. While there are no “problems of the At- Jantic” or “problems of Kurope specially mentioned in the call for the arms conference by the League of Nations, it seems clear from the questions transmitted in the Invitations that the problems of Europe are to be con- sidered. These ISuropean problems may prove an insurmountable obstacle to any great re- duction of armaments. The [United States is going into liminary armas conference in z0ood may come of it and the conference proper which is to follow. While this coun- try made no bid or suggestion whatever that it should he Invited to the conference by the League of Natlons, it has been felt here that once the invitation was extended. in view of the traditional attitude of the United States toward limitation of armaments, it could not use to take part * ok ok ok formulas will be presented for limi talion of armaments ai the preliminary con- ference. The American attitude or formula, it is believed, wil be somewhat as follows The limitation should apply to peace-time armaments and should apply to the metro- politan areas of the countries involved The peace-time strength of the regular or active armies should be in direct ratio to the population and area of the country. The peace-time strength of the army should be the basis for the limitation of war reserves and materfal. The term and character of service should he standardized. This last would mean the abolition of conscription doubtless. if it be adopted. Certainly the United States will urge that that system of military service be climinated. It is not likely that the United States would agree to limitation according to budgetary or financial expenditures for the support of its Army or Navy. It is notorfously a fact that this country spends more per unit on its mili- tary and naval forces than do other coun- tries—which is largely in accordance with the hisher standards of living fn this coun- try. It dne also to the fact that in many of the nations conscription exists, with its low compesnation to the men so drafted LA Some of the matters which are regarded in this country as serving no useful purpose for discussion at the conference include limi- tation of colonfal armaments. A country possessing colonles necessarily will he guided by the problems it confronts in those colonfas in fixing the number of its armed forces in the colonies. or is the joint consideration of army and navy armaments belleved a suc- cessful method of attacking the problem. If security pacts or alliances are to be consid- ered, they must he acceptable to all the coun- tries of a continent, it is helieved here. if they are to be of real value. So far as limi- tation of afrcraft, military or commerclal, or the limitation of commercial fleets, it is not helieved here that any discussion will prove fruftful. When it comes to measuring the armaments of the countries and comparing them to each the pre- the hope that Various ate on the | bill. $100,000,000 more was | the | and | respon. | ¢ clined to pl more insur beeau and ¥ oceans seps powers needs of nati The preliminary rate this country nal defense conference, to which Congress has virtually 000, gives p fo | "l to he discussed at true that | jects which | ence prop e It s : cluded in the nury that every effort w But the feeling 1l be made to oh sent of the zovernnents to g0 through with the agenda drafted in Geneva or Brussels or Paris The greater the property the ance needed for its protection. Merely e the United States is wedded to peace no agzression in mind, or because two from other great are no zood reasons for ignoring the United States has accepted an invi appropriated ymise now of being v important than appeared originally. At this con ference determination will be made of the sub. the proper might discard some of the subjects in genda drawn up by the prelimi cific Ocean. these problems not beer have been no naval now exists. United S ticuary The time p: sion of the ' po ites which the tlon, and sty more the confer- conference anese alliance, an the elimination of liance, and also the is growing in the con- It may be said. nd it is well understood that had n imi RO was v in_the preser pen door”” policy in the Far - which has always been distinetly Ameri can and apart from the | with which the old world nations have oceupied themseves for centuries. The United States was interested also in the abolition of the Anglo-Jap. alliance some day arisen to pligue this country tfularly in its dealings with the Far East he \Washington conference provision was made “open formally recognized by the natlons taking part however, onsidered there could tion treaty such Tnevactive A% sidered, re interested at that wtion and exten ast, n A sive, wlicy of special privilege ference. that might have par At the Angl, door Japanese al- policy was that no “security other, strict standards and <erve supplies of war material and the systems of service and training. In the case of naval armaments the gross tonnage is the measure me Whether armaments are to be and measured as purely defensive or as offen- o both, heen suggested in the inv, The foreign largely govern in determining the size of its armaments. a4 military point of view, it is sald. to deter- mine with some degree of accuracy whether the armaments of a nation are at anv time offensive or defensive. for the purpose of the conference it may be advisable to consider that all the participat- ing nations be accorded purel, tives in regard to their will have to be adopted. reserve forces must be con- t to be relied upon. considered is another matter ation policies which has to the con- of a nation But it should be possible, from As a reasonable basis defensive mo- present armaments. :DEMANf)S ACTION BY CONGRESS TO HALT FUTURE COAL STRIKES Redfield Declares Present Peace Is Only Temporary Mighty Craft Are I and Must Not Be Allowed to Interfere With Leg BY WILLIAM C. REDFIELD, Former Secretary of Commerce The third conference between miners ended the points to no final solu- There is a lull of exhaustion, no assurance that there will not s when both sides have The anthracite coal bu sore spot in American in dustry Strikes have heen going on Intermittently for vears. Suspen i sion of operiations and bitter recrimi nations have become i habit -~ habit which costs the public dear. It threat ens the future of the industry ftself. it brings untold suffering to the poor it me ses the health and welfore of sur cities. On one side it encourages profiteering, vn the other side it im | poverishes many. It engenders ihe <pirit of hate between labor and capi tal which, were it to spread, would poison our whole industrial system. Two conferences between miners [ana operators resulted in deadlock | The third broke a strike which was [ 164 days old and meant a loss in | profits, railroad revenue and stage said to he more than $1,000,- 000,000, As the strike ends with | Spring just_around the corner, the I people may forget for a time and Con aress, glad of a respite, may fail in its long-neglected duty of legislating on the situation. But the issue re. | mains, and if allowed to go unsolved | will return to plague us. When are resumed in the mines i the atmosphere will still be as obscure and ominous as the smoke-laden air of i citfes which the strike leaves in its | wake. { Cites Conferees’ Futility. Recent events show clearly’ that miners and operators cannot be trust- ed to control the grievances which so jmperil the interest of the public. They have proved themselves incapa- ! ble of ending within reasonable time | limits @ situation that threatened the { happiness and prosperity of the Na- tion. Unfortunately, no Federal agency | exists which can institute an inquiry to disclose costs, margins and profits. So the public has no adequate data on which to decide the merits of the case. Without facts for accurate judgment, opinion on the coal strike habit is bound to be prejudiced. The conserva- tive will side with the operators and the radical will sympathize with the miner Responsibility for this un- happy state rests squarely with Con- grese. Recurring strikes during the last 25 vears have shown the need for official consideration of the causes and the remedy for the evil habit. 1 commissions within recent times have made reports and warned of dangers. The commission appointed by Pres and operators has coal strike, but it tion of the problem in hostilities but be othe recovered ness i< the hecanse W | again i lative Curb on Industry dent Harding foresaw the calamity of this Winter. In his first message to Congress President Coolidge pointed out “the President should have authority to appoint a commission to deal with whatever emergency or situation might arise.” His recommendation went unheeded. In the strike was two ed that Congress consider findinzs of the last coal commission and suggested that authority be lodged with “the President and the Depart ments of Comn md Labor, giv ing them power 1o deal with an emer zeney.” But that body months old, tic Summer heat which dealt with recommendations of coal commissions and Presidents, forgotten on the table Deplores Senate Action. Meanwhile prices of substitutes soared and profiteers thrived Coke oil, water and electric interests were not slow to take advantage of the situ- ion. Ax the anthracite industry re sumes operations, it finds serious com. petitors in the field. During the la few weeks constituents all over the country have heen prodding Congress. To save its face, the Senate passed a resolution asking the P ident to in- tercede in case of a crisis. Having ig nored the warnings of the last two vears and failing to enact a law em- powering the Government to call for witnesses and documents which would put us in possession of the facts re- Jating to the anthracite industry, Con gress sought to evade the-issue and offered the palliative of presidential medation. Tt would have the Execu- tive who has repeatedly asked for constructive legislation assume the humiliating role of humble mediator. The results of the coal strike con cern more than the interested parties. The public has a right to know the truth as to the right or wrong of the conditions within the business. Only through having the facts can steps be aken to heal the sore spot in Ameri can industry. Experience shows that the supply of coal must be constant. Its production, or rather lack of pro. duction, obstructs, restrains and bur- dens interstate commerce. The time has come for Congress to supervise and restrain the costly and deadly strike habit. The public must not be left to guess about the matter. It cer- tainly cannot be left to suffer either mnow or in the future. Dance Dispels Loneliness. Life on the loneliest island of the British empire, Tristan da Cunha, is a strange affair. Dancing is the chief amusement, but men dance with men and women with women, save on very speclal occasfons. ~ December, when | future. he | mass concerned with | its own interests and tulled by a false | | sense of security, dreamed of “fantas. | while the Oddie bill, | SMALL BUT PERFECT PLANES SOUGHT BY U. S. AIR SERVICE| .ooked Upon by Experts as Im- practical for Future Use—Swift, Light Bombers Chief Need at Present. BY FRED Extravagant ICK R. NEELY. tales of monstrous that | multi-motored airplanes carrying 10,000 pounds of bombs and operating at great distances from thelr bases are frowned upon by Army Alr Service experts as a weapon of the immediate Springing from a jumbled of wood, fabric and metal in 1903, the alrplane today stands as the result of a lightening-like development. | but succeeding vears must be glven lover to a thorotizh process of filling | out |""In the past five years the Army Alr Service has been experimenting with Wo types of planes—observation and rsuft—with the view to standard zing these craft for at least a five rear period, The result of this ex- haustive research in the laboratories the manufacturing trade and at McCook Fileld, Dayton, Ohlo, where the actual test fiying is undertaken, ve two up-to-the-minute types which now are in production and will guar- antee the Air Service equality superiority for several vears. They are the Curtis and Boeing pursuit planes and the Curtiss and Douglas observation ships. The former replace the immediate post-war Thbmas Mor MB-3's and the British wartime SE-5's, while the latter supplant the old re. liahle DeHavilland 4-B. But hombers—the hackbone and chief reason for alrcraft in time of war, still puzzle the service. Almost daily the Air Service receives draw- ings of u fanatical dream, pictures of | airplanes that resemble a flving motor { laboratory; monoplanes with enough motors to equip a present strength | of showing that they can carry twice, four, six, eight and even 10 times as much weight in TNT as the present craft. Size Not Object. To the layman it is logic to say the bigger the bomber the bigger the homb, but when the air experts bring out & pad and pencil, figure a little bit and produce the answer, it is clearly evident that such grotesque craft are not desirable. First, for every motor added to the plane the cruising radius is decreased propor- tionally, and to compensate for this additional weight bigger and thicker wings must be added. The bigger and thicker the wing the less speed, and the more weight taken up in mo- tors and fuel the less military load is carried. This can be followed out indefinitely, and even though a plane inconceivably large could be coas structed, its value as a war machine would be almost worthless. Whenever any one says “big ships” down at the Air Service he is pollte!) escorted over to the wall of almos office, hangs a beaugiful any where if not | o | Dear ; machine, same graceful squadron; all conceived with the \'w\\': photograph of the Barling bomber. The ecorted one is told: “There!" It he cannot see the point, some one Will_explain to him that the “fiying hotel,” or whatever name comes into the mind at the moment, has been sentenced to remain on the ground for the rest of its natural life. The big, clumsy, bulky 40,000-pound monstrosity of an afrplane, carryving six Liberty motors in its wings, which EEregate 2,400 horsepower, is a total “wash-out” " without having crashed. The longest flight it ever made was from Dayton, Ohio, to St. Louis and return, in the Fall of . True, it did make some local fiights over the broad expanse at Fairfield, just ou slde of Dayvton. known as Wilbur Wright Field. and hung up a welght- carrying record or two. As far the latter was concerned, at the time the Barling was fiving it was the largest afloat, and even though it only reached 10 feet with a pay load it would have the record. P -Not Total Loss. Yet the Alr Service doesn’t regard the thousands of dollars spent in this plane as a total loss. In years to come that investment will continue to profitable dividends, it is de- clared, for whenever a movement comes up in Congress or elsewhere to build “big ships” the Barling will be hauled out of its hangar and stand in silent testimony to the fact there are no such things for military pur poses. And this ship, too, will serve as a silent warning to commercial planes. The Barling could not side- slip into a small field as a military nor could it perform the maneuver if it were ated for strictly commercial pur- Which leads up to the fact that the bombers of the future will he comparatively small. Military airmen would rather pool their money in five bombers t conld carry one 2,000- pound bomb each than one big ship that could carry only one 10,000- pound homb. The reason is obvious, although to many it is not. A bomber. designed to carry no greater plece of ordnance than a 2.000-pounder will have considerable ability to maneuver, longer cruising radius, and will have many brothers and sisters in the sery. ice. If a squadron goes out, some one is sure to get back, while if all is staked on the big ship, all available pursuit planes in the air force would be necessary to chaperon it out and back. Even then its absolute safety could not be guaranteed. One Motor Favored. A‘smaller bomber also means fewer motors to drag through the air. The number of motors in a small bomber— small in the sense it can carry one 2.000-pound bomb for a crulsing radius (Continued on Fourth Puge) i Coming BY FRANK H. SIMONDS, rrespondence of The Star ONDON.—Great Britain at the moment stands under the shadow of the most appalling crisis since the close of the World War. All estimates as to the immediate prospects of British recovery, economic rehabilitation indeed " of British triumphs over the terrific difficulties following’ the war, are contingent upon the solu | tion of the impending difficulties. The | entire political and social structure {of England may be profoundly modi { fied if peaceful solution is not found The crisis arises out of the coal situ fation. Last Summer the Conservative | government was suddenly faced with | the threat of a national strike. The coal operato) and owners after long trial had arrived at the conclusion that the it coal industry could not be conducted further on the basis of the wages and hours of labor which ;prfl\‘nwl Coal was actually costing more to produce than it could be marketed for in the world, the trade 4s a whole, despite various exceptions, was making consistent losses Thus the mine owners served notice upon the workers that wages must drop and hours of labor rise Paralysis Threatened. The result of this notice was an miners that any change would precipi |tate a strike, a general strike, not alone of mines, but of all the trans- | portation and railway companies of {the nation. In a word, all the key in- dustries of the nation would be para- Ivzed by the walkout of the em. ployes if the coal owners' proposals were carried out. England was thus faced, not alone Iwith a sudden termination of activ ity in most of the important indus | tries, but with a paralysis of the whole | industrial life of th nation. The i coal mines having closed, the railways having stopped, the motor transport and the shipping having ceased, the whole industrial machinery of the country, lacking coal, lacking raw ma- terials would have to follow suit. In effect a national strike, a national shutdown, would follow. | More and worse, since Britain is de pendent upon foreign supplies for its | food, since it must be t ship and rafl, the immediate quence of a general he the sudden and acute crisis inci !dent to the stoppage of the influx of food. The great cities. London first | of all, were ced by the possibility of something approaching famine in short order. Thus, in the words of the prime minister himself, “a pistol was presented at the head of the govern ment and presented suddenly.” The choice was between a very dangerous | surrender and an even more perilous { resistance. conse Surrender Chosen. The government chose to surrender. { Tt could hardly have taken any other course at the moment, because general paralysis meant in addition to all e the sudden termination of the desper ate British effort to regain lost ground in the world markets, the abrupt withdrawal from the field, leaving !to rivals not alone the opportu inity to make present profits, but iperhaps to replace Britain per- ! manently. The double calamity was 100 great to envisage; national paral | ¥sis and the checking of foreign trade | meant complete national disaster. | " As a consequence the Baldwin cabi- | et brought forward the notorious | subsidy, the undertaking on the part of the government to meet the losses | of the coal owners incident to con | tinued operation of the mines at pres lent costs. “You keep the wages up and we will stand the cost,” that was | the sum and substance of the official advice, which at once imposed the already overburdened British treasury a fresh burden calculated at | the moment to cost $100.000,000, but | now likely to amount to more than { twice this huge sum. | Put Limit on Subsidy. In making this surrender to labor, however, the government put a defi- nite limit on the duration of the sub- | stdy and provided that during its pay ment. which would last until the com- ing May, an official commission should investigate the whole question and re- port, so that when the subsidy period was ended there would be a basis for a new line of action, which would meet the existing problem. In a word. the | whole subsidy device was little more | than a play for time, with the main |issue as to whether there 1d be a Ifight or a compromise left to be set ! tled. | Since that time, the coal « sfon has held its public hearinzs and terminated its taking of evidence. On the whole the net result_has been un | promising. Nefther the coal awners nor the coal miners have shown the | smallest indication of yvielding; there |13 absolutely nothing to suggest that {through any agreement between the {contending parties there can bhe a set- tlement. Unless the governmnt can find some solution and coerce both sides Into accepting it. the battle which threatened last Summer will be even more threatening next May Industry Organized Poorly. | Of course, the difficulty lies in cer- {tain fundamental conditions. Rritish ! coal mining is notoriously badly or |ganized and many British coal mines can no longer be worked profitably, { while the market for British coal | abroad is diminishing and must con- ! tinue to shrink. Profitable exploita- tion involves a rather tremendous gen eral system of combinations. of new machinery and of ruthiess scrapping of unprofitable mines. And on the other hand, the wages actually paid are in the vast majority of cases about as low as Is consistent cent standard of lving. The program of the workingman and of the Labor party is clear and unmistakable. 1t demands the na- tionalization of the whole coal in dustry? it would have the government operate the mines, believing that gov- ernment operation would insure main- tenance and even the raising of wages. Behind all else in the fight of the miners lies the clear purpose to take the mines from the private owners and put the government in charge. { This proposal, too, is only a detail in the general program, which would | force the nationalization of the rail- | ways and transport systems of the na- | tion., From such a colossal experiment in national operation the nation pretty generally shrinks. But the difficulty lies in the fact that on the whole the coal owners do not seem to have been able to find any clear substitute; they have not disclosed any real apprecia tion of the extent of the evil in the existing situation nor the possession of the imagination and vision neces- mmis | immediate response on the part of the | sported by | paralysis would | upon | with any de- | 'APPALLING CRISIS RISES BEFORE GREAT BRITAIN Coal Issue, With Possibility of Profound Change in Structure of Nation, to Head. Sary to carry out the re ansformation which must take place if British coal mining is to be restored to prosperity and again {2 to be able to compete in the world markers where it now beinz fatally under sold ¥ tremendons Crisis Approaching. Day by day, in the face of all 1h terrible consequences inevitable in ¢ of a national economic battle, the uation i drifting toward an ultimate crisis. “We are living on the edg the precipice,” this is the familiar phrase of ohservers of almost every shade of opinion. The nation by and llarge is eager bevond exaggeration to |avoid the catastrophe, hut while | hopes, the fears remain constant and the “zero hour” of May 1 approaches without progress to peaceful ad ! justment " Looking h and industr] tional strike | reckone it is clear that the soclal and political | effects can easily be tremendous. | What would happen if the whole work- |ingz population of an industrial nation {suddenly were thrown on the streets, (the food supply of the nation were ! paralyvzed, all transportation brought {to a dead stop, can hardly be imagined. | What possibilities of disorder, violence and general trouble would exist cannot be exaggerated. Plans Made to Fight. It is fair to say that in the f: of this impending battle organizition is going forward, a vast stem of volunteer motor transport is ready at the moment, the Government has or- ganized a great supply svstem. recall- ing that of the war behind the fight- ing lines. A huge army of special constables has been enrolled, there | has been an almost German efficiency shown in the organization of the de- fense against the possible attack upon national life incident to general strike. Yet is is clear that the nation as a whole does not want to fight. The forces which are pushingz for battle are twofold. the extreme labor fac tions, which take their color from the Russian soviet. and the extreme con servatives, for whom the Facisti meth | 0ds are the model. A battle between Rome and Moscow would be inevitable, if it were not for the fact that the vast mass of Englishmen are respon- sive neither to Lenin nor to Mussolini inspiration. Yet always one has the dangerous situation that the Tory leadership is being worked upon by its_extremist followers to stand and fight. while Ramsay MacDonald on the labor side, like Baldwin on the Tory, |is under similar pressure. | Class War Feared. The supreme effért and the domi tir necessity of Stanley Baldwin to avoid what may degen- erate into a class war, a class war which if once joined may gzo to many lencths and last for an incalculable period of time, regard being had for the passions unloosed You can put the thing vy if u gay t the whale fahric ere economic of a na now he robable must if not a n is easily a v clearly at the present hour of the British polit- at stake. and the ul the British people in whit must be re- zarded uelest test in their long history depends upon decisions soon to be taken. If labor and cap- ital separate for a long battle it is almost impossible to conceive that it will be possible during or even at the end of the struggle for Britain to come back. The supreme genius of the race to compromise, to im- | provise, to adjust, “to muddle | through,” has now to he proven once | more. Accordingly when one comes o ce the familiar questions as to Brit ish recovery, to meet the inquiry now | mmon on our side of the water, “Is | Enzland through”” one must per ceive that the response has to be con- ditional, for the decisive test has not vet been made. Despite all forecasts of evil and analyses having thei origin in pessimism, British trade and industry are improving. Britai has had on the whole another vear, but there have been. neverthe jess, many scattered signs of actu improvement and some real solid proofs. 1 do not see any reason to believe that the average Englishman is half as pessimistic about his own outlook as are his American friends timate success of nounting the |fac bad Optimism Prevalent. 1t s a fact last yeun organized designed intended that where there was a fairly well propaganda of pessimism for home consumption and to convince the laboring man that he must make sacrifices to insure o national prosperity in which he would share, there ix today just mani | festly deltberate propaganda of optimism. You find all public men and business men in their public statements insisting not alone that things are improving, but that the future is assured, that. while effort remains necessary, the wor: Is over. | But all optimism is conditioned on {the one mighty “if.” All depends upon the coal question. If it cannot be solved. if the battle be joined, or {if the still slender resources of the | treasury he again mortgaged to meet thsidies, it is diffienlt to see how the restoration can take place. It the 1 industry has a subsidy today the { railway workers may obtain it to | morrow. 17 the coal mines are na- | tianalized the sailwavs will certainly | follow snit. ane we shall have Eng jland willy 1y committed to social jism on a ale which hardly can e realized on our side of the water. | Coming here direct from Amerles 1 have the sense ihat there ix as yel | no adequate appreciation of the veal {ity of the present crisis in British af which political. We have heen tre: to endless discussions of the Br | situation as disclosed in statist i i trade, taxation and production. Yet, In England people are thinking in other terms, they bhelieve that If the great problem of domestic adjust ment between capital and labor can take place, if there can be coopera tion and not class warfare, all other problems will in due course of time be solved—are in fact solving them selves. Suspense Keenly Felt. Actually one, has the sense here which one hadyin visiting the allled { armies during ithe war and in the quiet Winter period preceding the in evitable launching of a new campalzn lin the Spring. There is a sense of suspense, of excitement, of the com- ing of great events. There is a feel | ing that action which may well be de. clsive is at hand. There is about the same amount of confidence, determ- ination and of pesstmism and doubt (Continued or Third Paged is