Evening Star Newspaper, March 6, 1921, Page 33

' EDITORIAL PAGE NATIONAL PROBLEMS i SPECIA L ARTICLES e EDITORIAL SECTION — he Sunday Stat. Part 2—20 Pages WASHINGTON, D. C., SUNDAY MORNING, MARCH 6, 192L Society News PLEDGES TO BE MET BY EXTRA SESSION Problems of Peace, Tariff, B itiantand Government Reorganization Among 2 BY WILL P. KENNEDY. HE new administration’s first v drive to fulfill its campaizn and inaugural pledges to the people will be made at the extraordinary on of Congresa. This is far and away the most impor- tant extra session ever held, because there are problems. both domestic and international, different from and &reater than have ever been pre- gented to any Congress. The international situation will be tenuous until the question of indem- ity that Germany is to pay has been eettled, and that is a matter that the United States alone cannot settle: it 18 to be determined by the allies. The problem of settling our foreign relations—the formal promulgation of peace—is the particular busine: of the Senate in the incoming extra A eession, and it is a matter of world | civilization of tmportance, with ail cagerly watching the course United States. Much of the procedure, bowever, must be worked cut by both houses. Until we arrive at a solid basis of peace, through treaty or international agreement, it i8 a job for the Senate and not for the House. After that there will be a great deal of work for both houses. For example. the foreign service of the United States must be put on a sound business basis. Members of the forelgn affairs committee say that the foreign service of the United States is still functioning substan- tially as in the days of Andrew Jack- son. Other Problems. While the Senate is wrestling With the best way to establish peace at home and abroad, the House has an outstanding and perplexing problem in the establishment of a Sound fis- cal policy regarding taxation and tarifr. ‘While these pre-eminent problems are being worked out, other matters of vital interest Wwill be under con- sideration simultancously, and they include: - > The federal budget system, the House and Senate reorganization to facilitate congressional consideration of the budget and auditing of expen- ditures. Associated with and growing out of the budget legislation wilk come reorgapization of the federal depart- ments and other executive establish- ments. Complementary to the reorganiza- tion Is reclassification of work and ! @alaries for the government em- ! Dioyes. Soldier legislation, particularly the efficient eo-ordination of activities for the ex-service men, Will receive the | actual | Those Demanding Solution. laws to mect after-the-war condi- tions are also imperative. Progressive measures, such as are proposed in the women’s program, will be urged for early passage by some of the republican leaders, who feel that their party is pledged to something of this sort. Tarift and Taxation. Repeal of burdensome taxes, re- vamping of the entire serics of rev nue laws and the enactment of a new. scientific, up-to-date tariff law is the big and vexing task before the House. It has been twelve years since the House enacted a real tariff law. | Seience and industry have developed | so much in the meantime, and world | conditions have been in such up- al, that many commodities in st tariff law are no longer tured, and new materials aken their place which are not ned in any existing tariff law. the ways and means committee = to blaze a way for new things. Members of the ways and means | committee are going to have a con- | ference early this week with Presi- dent Harding, at which time the re- | publican policy on taxation and tarift will be outlined. The committee will not meet until March 14. Then there are three propositions to be considered: (1) Will they adopt the plan outlined by Chairmen Ford- ney for putting in force the Payne- Aldrich rates as a stop-gap, until ex- change gets more nearly stabilized? 1 (2) Or will they tackle internal reve- i nue first—which now pays 65 per cent of the costs of government— eliminating the first proposition? (3) Or will the committee scientifically lana deliberately study, without haste, | a bill which will co-ordinate effi- ciently both sources of revenue to afford the utmost relief to the over- burdened taxpayers? It goes Without saying that any legislation “along this line will be drafted to safeguard American stand- | ards of living. The ways and means committee must revise the tariff primarily for the protection of American industries, but secondarily to increase revenues. It is important to See how far the tar- iff or customs duties can go to re- lieving domestic taxation. The cus- toms duties during the present fiscal year amount to $337.000.000. It is estimated that they ean be increased to $600,000,000. 2 Revision” of Taxing System. The most driving task of the ways and means committee is to revise the taxation system. The present sched- ule is entirely acceptable as a war system, but totally unacceptable in time of peace. The country is becom- @arly attention. Immigration and naturalization NEW PRESIDENT IN WHITE HOUSE, AND A NEW DEAL IN WASHINGTON BY N. 0. MESSENGER. 0, the new deal is on. All Washington feels the thrill of it and shows unmis- takably the effects of the passing of one administration and the advent of another. There is a tingle in the official atmosphere, ozone animates the environment. One is sen- sible of a general spirit of “bucking up': this too, in spite of the fact that only the executi heads of departments have changed, along with idency. ps it is the promise of what is to come that gives the electrical glow to officialdom. For sweeping changes are close abroad, shift- ings not only of personncl, but new policies, radically different policies and novel programs of administration and legislation, compared with the record of the past eight years. ERE The transition of administration made hard- Iy hardiy a ripple and left no wake. The de- parting democrats effaced themselves grace- fully by playing the host to thelr successors. The cabinet officers were visited by the pro- spective incumbents, who were “shown over the place” literally as well as figuratively. Vice President Marshall took Vice President-elect Coolidge under his wing and broke the news gradually to him of what he will have to en- dure in listening to Senate debates. It is said the newcomer did not flinch nor turn a halr, Ladies of the new officials’ families were enter- tained socially. Indeed. as the cub reporter would write it, “a pleasant time was had by one and all.” The democrats. whose lot has been not a happy one since November 2, were glad “it was all over,” and many of them so expressed them- selves. Their troubles, trials and tribulations were ended and it is henceforth “let the galled jade wince"—the figurative jade being the re- Ppublican administration and majority in Con- gress. * Ok ok ok One tragic event lent a somber note—the death of Champ Clark. As the democratic party prepared, like the Arab, to fold up its tents and as silently steal away, this great leader of a democratic faction slipped across the bor- derland of another life. His fate had been vital- 1y bound up in politics of the past eight years. His eyes were closed before he witnessed his great adversary, Woodrow Wilson, physi- cally leave the White House, a man defeated in his dearest aspirations and broken in health Politics had done for them both. Champ Clark’s friends have recently wondered which man had suffered the greater disappointment—Champ Clark in having the nomination and election taken from him by Woodrow Wilson, or the latter, frustrated of his aim to be the man to bring about world peace and write his name above all Americans? Champ Clark’s own party dealt him the first blow which undermined his spirit, in taking back the nomination which had almost been his. The republican party, in defeating him for Con- gress, delivered the finishing stroke. It is be- lieved it hastened his death. He lived by politics: did he conform to the scriptural edict and die by politics? His friends believe that history will write him down as a great democrat of the schoolthat keeps close to Jeffersonian principles. * % ¥k k But the capital is intent upon the rising sun and has little time for more than a sigh of re- gret for those passing out, officially and politi- cally and physically. And the rising sun of the new administration illumines the faces of men who already are nationally known. It is like “"Old Home week” to the republicans in Congress and those who have stuck around Washington the winter through to see the offi- cials of new administration settle down to work. This is especially true with regard to re- publicans in Congress, for the vast majority of them are personally acquainted with most of the cabinet. 7 Now, this is very gratifying to them. but it has its drawbacks for the aforesaid officials. It forebodes early and frequent visits of gentle- men with ingratiating smiles and widely ex- tended “glad hand,” looking for patronage favors. , Oh, and what a hungry bunch they will have along with them! They have been out eight long, lean years now, and can hardly restrain their eagerness to get a sight of the fatted calf. * % ¥ X President Harding, it is said by those close to him, will develop his foreign rolicies grad- ually and after maturest deliberation and full and free conference with members of the United States Senate, his cabinet and prominent pub- licists outside of official life. His first thoughts are for domestic affairs, and while he does mot propose to exercise overlordship in every detail of domestic policies of ad- ministration, he will have enough to do to co- ordinate and direct the efforts of his cabinet officers in straightening out affairs at home. While it is the fashion to poke much fun at patronage seekers and distribution of the so- called “spoils,” the fact is that one of the most important duties of an incoming executive is to build up an effective organization in the public service. The populace may look upon the offices as “spoils,” but they are not; they are essentia! cogs in a great system of machinery, working ceaselessly for the public service. Few, indeed, are the sinecures of publie office. For the most part—aye, overwhelmingly preponderantly—they are places which require ability. industry, ard- uous application. It is work which “takes it out of 2 man” in the long run, when faithfully done. * ¥ ¥ ¥ Very often complaint is heard from business men about the difficulty of doing business with the government at Washington. Accustomed to transacting business “over the counter,” they fret and fume when they encounter delay and red tape in Washington. It is the terrific im- mensity of volume of public business which re- tards instantaneous transaction. No citizen can estimate the magnitude of this going con- cern of Uncle Sam’s. * k % % President Harding will “have Congress on his hands “some time in April, according to pres- ent plans as understood. It is by no means a horriffic prospect, it falls out. It will start out a friendly Congress, and there are no indica- tions of troubles likely to arise to disturb the cordial relations. Team work between the executive and the Congress recognized to be essential. The President and the republicans in Congress have their eggs in the same basket. Which is to say, harmony and success are necessary to contin- ued republican rezime, and neither the Presi- dent nor the congressmen can gain anything by throwing a monkey wrench into the machinery. The make-up of President Harding is ac- cepted as guarantee of his intention to ge along with Congress and not pull against it. He has been there, and knows the deep-seated feeling of congressmen for their own rights and appre- ciation of those of the executive as well. * %k x The general impression which prevails around Washington, in all circles susceptible of being sounded, as to the new administration, can be described about as follows: The new- comers are very welcome, because “it was time for a change.” The newcomers have the con- fidence of the people, who believe that the Harding administration will “make good.” There is faith in the chief executive, disposi- tion to support him loyally, and confidence in the men he has chosen as his advisers. So, while there was a minimum of public demonstration at the inauguration, because there was no opportunity to manifest it, there is a great, deep undercurrent of gratification, confidence, hope and good will for the new gov- ernment. (Copyright, 1921, by The Washington Star.) the war, taxes imposed on account of the war, have not been revoked and no steps have been taken to revise them. The present system cannot produce the ameunt. of money it did during the war time, because of the letting down of business. However, our ex- penditures this year have reached over four billion dollars, leaving a deficit in the form of short-term cer- tificates of $2,500,000,000. The first duty, as republican leaders see It, is to cut government expenditures, so ing fretful because, two years after!as to enable them to reduce the tax burden. The session of Congress just closed cut the amount nearly a bil- lion—and cut the estimates much more than that. If the reduction is sufficient Con- gress can repeal the excess profits tax without substituting a flew ‘tax. In case the cut cannot be made the duty still remains to revise the war tax system. It is hoped by the ma- Jority leaders that the excess profits tax may be repealed and the surtax in the higher ranges may be reduced, by a substitute either upon the un- distributed profits of corporations or a sales tax. Both of these are being| seriously considered. | Europe’s Debt to U. S. But the European situation has a | serious aspect that must be taken into consideration by the House and‘ studlea ‘caretully in relation fo the fiscal policy. Europe owes the United States gov- ernment more than $11,000,000,000 principal and interest. It is contend- ed that Europe cannot pay, except in goods, since there is not gold enough in the world to pay the debt. As- suming that it will be paid in goods, great care must be taken to protect LOOK TO CONGRESS . GOULD LINCOL UMAN life is cheap in United States—cheaper t most other civilized nations, if the statistics of homicides are to be believed. Literally thousands of the men and women are murdered in this country each year, while only hundreds pay the penalty, and comparatively fow pay the extreme penalty of exccution. i the problem. The first is the laxi the enforcement of the laws aga crime and the interminable delays in court procedure. The second is the ease with which weapons to kill are obtained It is with the second reason people and Congress at last appear to be ready to deal. Easy to Get Wenpons. For years the “guntoter”” has gone about in the various communitiesof the country their laws against the carrying of con- cealed weapons—and so has the Distriet of Columbia. Some of the states hav laws more or less stringent dealing with the sale of firearms. But the fact ro- mains that any man, or woman. who has the price—not a great price, by any means—can possess himself or herself of a pistol whenever he or she desires to do so. Yesterday in Washington. the Na- tional Capital. which is supposed to set an example of good and eflicient govern- ment to the rest of the country, former Senator Charles B. Henderson of Ne- vada was shot through the arm in the Senats office building by a man be- lieved to be mentally unbalanced. A few days ago an insane negro obtained lpossessi(m of a pistol. shot and killed a policeman and wounded seriously several other persons before he himself was shot to death. If this were an isolated case it might cause public indignation, but not the outburst of wrath that followed this frightful event. Again Friday night another negro shot two policemen and i wounded in a gun fight. These are the last of a long series of such happenings, and it is to be hoped are the “last straw which will break the camel's back— which will finally arouse the people of Washington and Congress to the neces- sity of drastic action. the American industries from being | disrupted by the European goods. And still further, Europe cannot pay in goods without the ability to purchase raw materials from America. She cannot pay cash for raw mate- rials and will demand an extension of credit for the samé. That means that Europe's prospect of paying her debt depends upon our allowing her to increase her debt. Secretary Hoover's stipulation for reorganization of the Department of (Continued on Third Page.) Bill Offered Six Years Ago. A little more than sIx years ago Senator Shields of Tennessee, whose state has been heavily afflicted by the indiscriminate shootings of the “gun toter,” introduced a bill to sup- press the sale of pistols and other fire- arms of like size used commonly in felonious homicides. It was referred to the Senate judiciary committee. There it rested. A similar bill was in- troduced in the Sixty-fourth, Sixty- fifth and Sixty-sixth Congresses. In an in | Two reasons are given by students of | that the ! practically with impunity. Thestateshave | one civilian and was himself seriously | ‘TO CURB GUN TOTERS \Statistics of Homicides in United States Show Necessity of Halting Carry- ing of Firearms. each instance it got ux far as the Sen- ate judiciary but no far- ther. This bill died again with the ose of the Sixty-sixth Congress on | Friday. 1t had aectual referred |to a | Judic ary commi But 1 (s fur as it ever got. But Senator Shic casily | discouraged. 1o | offer this bill again in the af the new Congre on to moect, and he has hope th roused public sentiment in 1 Capital and in other paris try will force some favorable action at the hands of 1 ee and of Con- gress. He t ber of the Senate judiciary committes Manufacturers Opposed. The opposition to the cording to S comes from the mant he fire- tarms. The 14 van- ishing into thin Wi Shirlds bill is mentioned. The { been made frequently of gunpowd: and gun jarmaments and war are blamed the manufacture: . to be for the homicides in this country. The Shields bill proposes 1 ‘toat the sale of pistols through the power of the federal goverument to regu- late interstate commerce. It provides that it sh =on 11 be unlawful for any per- or corporation “to deliver, or cause to be delivered, to any common { carrier, or tor deposit in the mails to i be carried from one state or territory of ithe United States, or the District of Columbia, to another stat~ or terri- tory or the District of Columbia, for the purpose of sale or in performance {of a contract of sale. a pistol, revol- ver. ar other fircarm of like form, size or description, except those which for the time being have been adopted and are commonly used in the Army and Navy, under the rules and regula- | tions of the constituted authorities of the departments of War and Navy. Only for Use of Military. With the verbal wrappings re- moved, the bill means that no concern shall ship pistols from one state to !another or to the District of Colum- i bia. except for the use of Army and Navy. The measure also makes {it unlawful for any common carriep to accept a pistol for interstate ship- {ment, except it be for the Army o &avy. Any corporation found guilty of violating the proposed law will be held guilty of a misdemeanor amd punished by a fine of not less than $100 nor more than $300. Any per- son found guilty of such an offense shall _be imprisoned not | than (Continued on Third Page.) Britis BY JOHN LLOYD BALDERSTOX Correspondence of The LONDON, February 18.—Alarm and astonishment concerning the growth of the American navy are increasing rapidly in London as the fact that g within four years the United States| will have a fleet overwhelmingly su- perior to the British sinks into the minds of the public. | Until the past week or two it was | cireles that the American 1916 pro- gram would be put throvgi speeches of Secretary Daniels, re- garded here as needlessly provoca- | tive, were taken as so much “bluff. But now the report of the Naval| Board and the debates in Congress, coupled with what Amassador Geddes > appears to have said here concerning | the attitude of the republicans, has at last convinced Englishmen that they are up against the first serious thre; to their lordship of the sea in several centuries. Before discussing possibile counter- measures here and British fears, it should be made clear to Almericans what is the British view the United States program involves in fighting The statement commonly made 1 Navy will only about equal the British in 1925 is not accepted here. The declaration of Mr. Daniels to that effect is re- garded as a mistake, when not char- acterized in harsher terms. U. 8. Fleet Soon Superior. Even if the British do not take to ¥ building furiously, they will have a ton- nage four vears from now slightly greater than the American. The figures will be 1665332 British tons against 1,617,282 American. But here, naval experts have explained to m equality ends. If America continues her program and Britain does not promptly counter it, the American fleet will soon be strong enough to blow the Hritish owt of the water should they meet in battle. Figures obtained from an informed quarter in London concerning the atrength of the two fleets in 1924, a year shead of the time at which Danicls said they would be equal, foreshadow even within three years a crushing Amer- fcan superiority. The bittle of Jut- land, fought in May. 1916, iz the only actfon in which first-class modern armoured ships have met, and the lessons of that fight have been ap- piied to all ships built since by any navy; so that experts here declare that post-Jutland battleships, bat- tla cruisers or destroyers Wwill be infinitely better than warships laid cown in times of inex- perience. ’ By 1924 the United States will have peace and twelve battleships of post-Jutland design, carrying rtecn-inch guns or guns of larger caliher: the Brit- ish will have gune. ~Amarics will have minogre-Jutiand super-dreadnaughts, strong to hold their place in the first line; England will have eighteen. In battleships of the first line alone America in three years, says, will have twenty-one to Eng- |land’s eighteen, but those twent: | will be enormously superior in design, speed and weight of metal. One Battle Cruiser Only. enough | tion at Secretary Daniels for giving the American public to understand that in 1925, in spite of an American “equality” in big ships, the British the admiralty | will have more light crulsers, destroy- ers and submarines. If the American y-one | public is sanctioning the naval pro- gram with a view to obtaining naval equality with Great Britain, the authorities here think the Americans are being misled, and that what is | Turning to battle cruisers, Britain | qimeg at 1o Washington is not equal- not belleved even in well informed| pag completed only one, the Hood.| v pu¢ tremendous superiority. laid down since Jutland, and there In three years England will bave The | are none on the stocks. She possesses | ¢orvo oix 1ight cruisers, as compared three of pre-Jutland design. GRITYIDE | with the American tem, but her de- 14-inch guns or larger. As agalnst | groyer fleet, which is at least equal these, the United States, in three |y " imioreance to cruisers in a fleet years, will have In commission 8iX|seiion as Jutland proved, will con- battle cruisers, carrying 14-inch uns| g5 of only 193 modern destroyers and above, designed since the action capable of traveling from thirty-four off the Dogger bank. to thirty-six knots, against 285 Amer- According to the admiralty, there-| .\ mne United States will have, fore, of ghips of the first line, Amer- according te the admiralty figures, ica will possess twenty-seven and| .;epy.four modern submarines, and Britain twenty-two in 1924, but the; gixty-nine that are not post-Jutland, true disparity of strength Wwill be| p,4 gre efficient, against 105 modern much greater than those indicated by | privieh vessels. these figures. There is some suppressed indigna- | Envoy at Inauguration DR. FRITS HOLM, G. C. 0. M., explorer and diplomat, who represent- ed the ancicent republic of San Marino, the ol independent European state, smallest, at President rdin uxuration. Practically ons of the earth were repre- ted by their diplomatic represen- tatives, resident and special, but this wan the firat time the republic of San Marino was represented at an inay, ration. Dr. Holm was scat from N York to Washington as ecuvey traordinary. Public Opinion Hope Fading. “Overwhelming superiority,” aphrase used to me by a high naval afithority here, represents, in the British view. the aim of the naval authorities at me Sma.]lest Republic ‘Washington. It bas been hoped hith- erto that public opinion in America against tremendous expenditures on useless building competitions would stop or modify this program, but that hope is now fading. Britain when her sea supremacy is menaced is not given over to senti- ment. To talk about “blood is thick- er than water” and “hands across the sea,” confronted by such a situa- tion, would be foreign to John Bull's traditions. But in discussions dur- ing past months and weeks with hundreds of representative English- men, I bave felt that the sentimental consideration is not without some weight; Britain would feel much more alarmed than she does and would have already started vigorous counter measures were her coming rival any other nation in the world but the United States. If belief that American naval power will ever be used for aggressive purposes exists it is of recent growth and is develop- ing slowly. In the same breath that men now say how unthinkable it is that the United States could plan to attack England, they each, however, repeat Lord Northcliffe’'s query, “Against what enemy is America feverishly arming?’ On looking about the world and seeing none, misgivings are beginning to mingle with their confidence. Hair-Trigger British Seatiment. ‘Writing on such a subject, any cor- respondent must feel a strong sense of responsibility. For a large part of six years 1 have lived in England in touch with British opinion, and I put forward, as a personal opimion h Grow Alarmed Over Ame only, but with profound conviction, my belief that in a very short time there will be an outburst of excite- ment here accompanied by a wide- spread public demand for a Tew building program to prevent the threatened passing of the Trident across the Atlantic. Public opinlon here, when it is aroused, brings overwhelming pres- sure on a government which, unlike ours, can be overthrown In a day by an adverse vote In the house of com- mons. It Northcliffe or other power- ful newspaper owners choose to raise a storm they can do S0 in a week by trumpeting forth with sensational implications the figures about the American fleet given above. In that case the more moderate and wiser views taken by the admiralty, or the opinion of the cabinet, may weigh little ana Britain will be compelled to take up again the naval competi- tion that she hoped the scuttling of the German flcet ended once for all. The imperial defense committee is; still sitting in secret conclave deter- mining the future naval policy of the empire. its debate is confined to the relative merits of battleships, submarines and afrcraft in modern warfare. I have strong reason to believe that the composition of the American fleet and general political relations with Amer- ica also come within the scope of its deliberations and will greatly in- fluence its findings. Big Debt to America. To begin another naval building race would raise a financial problem of the first magnitude. Britain owes America now about five billion dollar It is true that the other allies, in- cluding Russia, owe England more than double this amount, but it is very doubtful whether most of this money, if any, can be collected. Should England commence laying down great battleships, costing per- kaps forty million dollars apiece, against the United States it is real- ized here that Washington would probably say at once, “If you can af- ford this expenditure you can afford to pay us what you owe.” 1t is only within the past few days since Austen Chamberlain’s speech that the British public has realized that America intends to collect the money owing her here and will not permit Britain to defer payment until she herself is reimbursed by the oth- er allies. The knowledge of this fact and simultaneous realization that an American fleet i3 being prepared larger than the British comstitute a double shock. It would, I am convinced, be the greatest mistake for Americans to conclude that because of these diffi- cultles England will tamely submit to being outdistanced at sea. The cogntry, whilo paying taxstion-aver- 5 So far as the public knows | aging $75 per head of the population, 18 nevertheless not in the exhausted financial condition of the continental nations. England is courageously trying to meet her expenses out of revenue and pay off some of the war debt at the same time. But borrow- ing capacity is not exhausted. And without dragging) herself as near bankruptey as France and Italy are now, she could If & great wave of pa- triotic fervor were aroused pay off the American debt and start a great naval program at the same time. The bad blood, not to say hatred, such a proceeding would arouse here need not be insisted upon. To put thei matter bluntly, I belleve that if the British feel compelled to make the terrible sacrifices involved in a cut- throat naval competition with Ameri- ca, war between the two peoples in the not distant future will be not im- possible. War Would Mean Rauin. One of the greatest living English public men recently remarke some: years before 1914 I said that war with Germany was a certainty. !' do not fe#l that war with the United States is @ certainty, but it is a prob- ability.” This remark is not typical here—not yet. At present I am sure nine important Englishmen out of ten repudiate with horror the idea of such a conflict, not only for senti- mental reasons, but because they be- lieve it would mean the ruin of this country and of the world. When they use the words “ruin of this country” they are careful to point out that it would ruin the United States as well. ‘Their argument is that a complete world debacle would ensue after such a war, which would be bound to be prolonged. to drag other nations in and to destroy commerce on all the oceans. From the effects of such a disaster not even America, they think, | though unconquerable by direct at- tack, could recover. There is one school of naval thought here which contends that Britaln should not attempt to build against the United States. Its ar- guments are based on two grounds. One is that America is a non-aggres- sive power, unlike Germany, and un- der no circumstances would wanton- ly attack Great Britain. The other and stronger ground is strategic. Vice Admiral Mark Kerr, who com- manded the British fleet in the Adri- atic during the war, belongs to this school, and he discussed with me in unusually frank terms what war with America at sea would mean. He per- mits me to quote him, contrary to usual naval etiquette, because he Baig he believes that complete frankness is the best means of preventing & ‘MI“IIO catastrophe, - . “It must first be realized,” Admiral Kerr said, “that the character of the late war at sea was entirely condi- tioned by the fact that we held the whole German naval force in a bottle. We commanded the exits to the seas of the world. Only by defeating our grand fleet could 'the Germans get Rheir commerce raiders out. The Emdbn, Karlsruhe and a few other cruisers and converted merchantmen that did get loose at the beginning played havoc with our commerce, and for two months disorganized our traffic in every ocean, but these ships were finally one by one brought to book. “In 2 war with America we could not stop American cruisers, subma- rines and converted merchantmen from putting out from any one of the hundred ports on your thousands of miles of coast line in such num- bers that no matter how big our fleet might be, were it four times the present size, our commerce would stop everywhere excepting in Euro- pean waters. We could close the channel, the North sea and the Medi- terranean against you, and we could probably send convoys along the Eu- ropean coasts so strongly guarded that your surface craft could not} get at them. And whether you could seriously molest them with subma- New G. O. P. Committeeman Con.:rs With Chiefs Here JAMES HARRIS, better kmown as “Jim” Harris of Oklahoms, and succeeds the late Jake Hammond as republican natienal com- mitteman from Oklakoma, photo- sraphod in Waskiagion, rican Naval Program rines would be doubtful. Thus, if the remain steaming about, hoping the continent were friendly to us, we | other fellow would come out and could trade with Europe. But that|fght. would be all. it you cold db(ous, wewouit] e T s WA NeEensiern. do to you. Your ocean trade would| ~1crBaps the cnemy iral would cease. You couid not even send mer- | CCHEC: He probably would. knowing chantmen to South America. A coastal trade might be possible, if the convoys were kept always strong- 1y guarded and near land. Difficulties of Battle. “Now we come to the question of the grand fleets. It is my belief that your people are foolish to build so many dreadnaughts, but that is none of my business. What I do have the right to say is that it would be ab- surd for us to become alarmed by your program and bankrupt ourselves in building against it. The reason for this is that, provided both coun- tries posses a reasonably strong battle fleet, which they would care- fully keep in home waters, the other battle fleet could not attack it._ The only way in which a fleet action could be fought would be for the two battle fleets to meet somewhere midocean at a pre-arranged place, as the old knights used to fight, and there have it out. But in modern warfare it is always to the interest of one side or the other to avoid hazard- | ing everything on such a battle, and | 80 it would be here.” “What are the reasons why your fleet, if much stronger than ours, or ours if stronger than yours, could not sail across to the enemy's coast and force the other side to come to action?” I asked Admiral Kerr. “That can be answered in a few words,” the admiral quickly replied. “Suppose one fleet, it does not mat- ter which, Is half as strong again as the other, and suppose its country has suffered so and is so near economic strangulation that the government has decided to hazard everything and orders the navy into action, as the Russians sent their Baltic fleet round the world to meet its doom in the Straits of Japan. *“The grand fleet—ours or yours— aould put forth heavily laden with coal, and sail 2,500 miles or 8o across the ocean. When it arrived in the region where the enemy fleet might appear it would continue to sail about at high speed for fear of sub- marine attack by day; at high speed for fear of destroyer attack by night, until much of its coal was gone. As the bunkers became empty the great ships would get higher in the water, their protective armor would rise nearer to the surface of the sea, until they would be riding so high that in case of action the chances of being holed below the water line would be in | ¥ the odds all in his favor. Those who know with what difficulty some of our ships, especially torpedoed ones, were gotten back to port after actions in the North sea, will realize that for a torpedoed battleship to get home 2,500 miles across the Atlantic would be practically impossib] Moreover, any ships heavily damaged which might desire to put home would have to he escorted by destrovers, which would weaken the fighting value of the fleet. Defending ships, however, even though torpedoed, could probably Le saved und put in action aguin in a month or so. This consideration alone would make foolhardy any attempt to fight a flect action on the wrong side of the ocean. My estimate is that the in- vading fleet would be practically de- stroyed, and that perhaps one-twen- {tieth of its force might ever expect to o home waters again. 1 this { regardless of whether on paper on et might be considerably stronger than the other. The disadvantages I {have enumerated and many others would entirely outwrigh superiority in numbers if the larger flect sought to bring its enemy to bay in enemy waters. “Then you believe,” 1 asked the admiral, “that England should not build against the American battle- ships?” Terms Them “Expensive Toys.” “I certainly do,” he replied, “I think, moreover, that if your people found out that we were taking no notice of your expensive toys they would very on get tired of spending a billion dollars or in four years to in- cumber the water with these con- trivances.” Vice Admiral Kerr's view iz that of a large school of informed naval opinion. But the technical reasons which he brings forward are not un- derstood by the public, who remain, think, at the mercy of any “scare campaign that may be started here because of the growing American fleet. As every American is brought up to regard the Monroe doctrine as something sacred, whether he under- stands it or not, so every Englishman acquires in the cradle the dogma that the British navy must always be su- preme. And the danger that may arise when the British_people see that supremacy slipping from them will not be lessened by expert opinion that no matter how many dreadnaughts the two nations build they can never fight, but that by commerce raiding greatly increased. The invading fleet would merely commit suicide by ap- proaching near to a defended base, in view of modern submarines, mines and-coastal defenses, So it would the two countries can thoroughly wreck each other if the supreme ca» lsmity ever takes place. (Copyright, 1921)