Evening Star Newspaper, September 19, 1896, Page 17

woe - WHE EVENING STAR, SATURDAY, SEPTEMBER 1 8, 1896—-TWENTY-TWO PAGES, S82. Friends and Fellow-ditizens: The period for a new election of a citizen to administer the executive government of the United States being not far distant, and the time ‘actually arrived when your thoughts must be employed in designating the person who is to be clothed with that important trust, it appears to me proper, especially as It may conduce to a more distinct expression of the public voice, that I should now ap- prise you of the resolution I have formed to decline being considered among the num- ber of those out of whom a choice is to be made. I beg you at the same time to do me the justice to be assured that this ressiution has not been taken without a strict regard to all the considerations appertaining to the relation which binds a dutiful citizen to his country; and that in withdrawing the tender of service, which silence in my sit- uation might imply, I am influenced by no diminution of zeal for your future interest, no deficiency of grateful respect fer your past kindness, but am supported by a full conviction that the step is compatible with both. The acceptance of and continuance hith- erto in the office to which your suffrages have twice called me have been a uniform sacrifice of inclination to the opinion of duty and to a deference for what appeared to be your desire. [ constantly hoped that it would have been much earlier in my } power, consistently with motives which I! Was not at liberty to disregard, to return | to that retirement from which I had been relvctantly drawn. The strengih of my in- | clination to do thi previous to the last | election had even led to the preparation of an address to declare it to you; but mature reflection on the then perplexed and critical posture of our affairs th foreign nations } and the unanimous ad © of persons en- titled to my confidence impelled me to abandon the idea. I rejoice that the state ef your concerns, external as well as in- ternal. no longer render the pursuit of in- clination incompatible with the sentiment of duiy or propriety, and am persuaded, whatever partiality may be retained for my services, that in the present cireum- stances of our country you will not disap- si with which I first under- took the arduous trust were explained on the ion. In the discharge of I wili only say that I have, with yi intentions, contributed toward the or- tion and administration o t the best exertions of w fot uncon- le judgmen capabli in the outset of the inferiority of my e nee in my own eye mor n the e; of ot gthened the motives to a 3 day the fi s it will be welcome. Sat- ny circumstances have given my serv they were the consolation to be- and prudence invite scene, patriotism » the career of my do not permit me | zment of e to my stea it has supported ies I have thence inviolable at- persever- | unequal to my ve resulted to our coun- agi- mis- i; amidst apy sometimes “du- bious; vicissitude ane often di 2 2 tly want o} spirit of ¢ port was the e: a gu h they were e ated with this idea, I me to my grave as a strong incitement to | unceasing vows that heaven may continue to you the choicest tokens of its benefi- ce that your union and brotherly affec- tion may be perpetual; that the free Con- stitution which is the work of your hands may be sacredly maintained; that its ad- ministration in every department may be amped with wisdom and virtue; that, in fine, the happiness of the people of these states, under the auspices of liberty, may be made complete by se careful a preserva- tion and so prudent a use of this blessing as will acquire to them the glory of recom- mending it to the applause, the affection | and adoption of every nation which is yet @ stranger to it. Here, perhaps, I ought to stop. But a eolicitude for your welfare which cannot end but with my life, and the apprehension of | danger natural to that solicitude, urge me on an occasion like the present to offer to your solemn contemplation and to recom- mend to your frequent review some senti- ments which are the result of much reflec- tion, of no inconsiderable observation, and which appear to me all important to the of your felicity as a people. hese will be offered to you with the more $eelom as you can only see in them the interested warnings of a parting friend, no can possibly have no personal motive -4o bias his counsel. Nor can I forget as an encouragement to it your indulgent recep- tion of my sentiments on a former and not dissimilar occasion. interwoven as is the love of liberty with every ligament of your hearts, no recom- menidation of mine is necessary to fortify or confirm the attachment. The unity of government which consti- tutes you one people is also now dear to you. It is justly so, fog it is a main pillar in the edifice of your real Independence, the sup- port of your tranquillity at home, your peace abroad, of your safety, of your pros- perity, of that very liberty which you so highly prize. But as it is easy to foresee that from from differ- ent quarters much be taken, many artifices employed, to weaken in your minds the conviction of this truth, as this is the point in your political fortress agtinst which the batteries of Internal and external enes<s will be most constantly and activeiy (thoug>~«ften covertly and in- sidiously) directed, it is tY infinite moment that you should properly te the im: mense value of your national wu: to your collective and individual hay that you should cherish a cordial, habitual sod im tachment to it; accustomin you think and speak of it as of the of your political safety and prosperity; watching for its preservation with jealous anxiety; discountenancing whatever may suggest even a_ suspicion that it can in any event be abandoned, and indignantly frowning upon the first dawn- ing of every attempt to alienate any por- tion of our country from the rest or to en- feeble the sacred ties which now link to- gether the various parts. For this you have every inducement of sympathy and interest. Citizens by birth or choice of a common country, that coun- try has a right to concentrate your affec- tions. The name of American, which be- longs to you in your national capacity, must always exalt the just pride of pa- triotism more than any appellation derived from local discriminations. With slight shades of difference, you have the same re- ligion, manners, habits and political prin- ciples. You have in a common cause fought and triumphed together. The inde- pendence and Hberty you possess are the work of joint councils and joint efforts, of common dangers, sufferings and successes. But these consideratiors, however pow- erfully they address themselves to your sensibility, are greatly outweighed by those which apply more immediately to your in- terest. Here every portion of our country finds the most commanding motives for carefully guarding and preserving the union of the whole. The north, in an unrestrained intercourse with the sogth, protected by the equal laws of a common government, finds in the productions of the latter great additional resources of maritime and commercial en- terprise and precious materials of manu- facturing industry. The south, in the same intercourse, benefiting by the same agency | which not ntial prop of the of the plans by Profoundly pen- hall carry it with | of the north, sees its agriculture grow and its commerce expand. Turning partly into its own channels the seamen of the north, it finds its particular navigation invig- orated; and while it contributes in differ- ent ways to nourish and increase the gen- eral mass of the national navigation, it looks forward to the protection of a mari- time strength to which itself is unequally adapted. The east, in a like intercourse with the west, already finds, and in the progressive improvement of interior com- munications by land and water will more and more find, a valuable vent for the commodities which it brings from abroad or manufactures at home. The west de- rives from the east supplies requisite to its growth and comfort, and what is perhaps of still greater consequence, it must of ne- cessity owe the secure enjoyment of indis- pensable outlets for its own productions to the weight, influence and the future mari- time strength of the Atlantic side of the Union, directed by ‘kn indissoluble commu- nity of interest as one nation. Any ether tenure by which the west can hold this es- sential advantage, whether derived from its own separate strength or from an apostate and unnatural connection with any foreign | power, must be intrins'cally precarious. While, then, every part of our country thus feels an immediate and particular interest in union, all the parts combined cannot fail to find in the united mass of means and ef- forts greater strength, greater resource, proportionably greater security from exter- nal danger, a less frequent interruption of their peace by foreign nations, and, what is of inestimable value, they must derive from union an exemption from those broils and wars between themselves which so frequently afflict neighboring countries not tied together by the same governments, which their own rivalships alone would be sufficient to produce, but which opposite foreign alliances, attachments and in- trigues would stimulate and embitter. Hence, likewise, they will avoid the neces- sity of those overgrown military establish- ments which, under any form of govern- ment, are inauspicious to liberty, and which are to be regarded as particularly hostile to republican liberty. In this sense it is that your union ought to be considered as a main prop of your liberty, and that the structive of this fundamental principle and of fatal tendency. They serve to organize faction; to give it an artificial and extra- ordinary force; to put in the place of the delegated will of the nation the will ofa party, often a small but artful and enter- prising minority of the community, and, according to the alternate triumphs of di: erent parties, to make the public adminis- tration the mirror of the ill-concerted and incongruous projects of faction rather than the organ of consistent and wholesome plans, digested by common counsels and modified by muttal interests. However combinations or associations of the above description may now and them answer popular ends, they are likely in the course of time and things to become potent engines by which cunning, ambitious and unprincipled men will be enabled to sub- vert the power of the people, and to usurp for themselves the reins of government, destroying afterward the very engines which have lifted them to unjust dominion. Toward the preservation of your govern- ment and the permanency of your present happy state, it is requisite not only that you steadily discountenance irregular op- bositions to its acknowledged authority, but also that you resist with care the spirit of innovation upon its principles, however specious the pretexts. One method of as- sault may be to effect in the forms of the Constitution alterations which will impair the energy of the system, and thus to un- dermine what cannot be directly over- thrown. In all the changes to which you may be invited, remember that time and habit are at least as necessary to fix the true character of governments as of other human institutions; that experience is the surest standard by which to test the real tendency of the existing constitution of a country; that facility in changes upon the credit of mere hypothesis and opinion ex- poses to perpetual change, from the end- less variety of hypothesis and opinion; and Temember especially that for the efficient management of your common interests in a country so extensive as ours a government of as much vigor as is consistent with the perfect security of liberty is indispensable. Liberty itself will find in such a govern- ment, with powers properly distributed and adjusted, its surest guardian. It 1s, indeed, little else than a name where the govern- ment fs too feeble to withstand the enter- prises of faction, to confine each member of the society within the limits prescribed by the laws, and to maintain all in the se- cure and tranquil enjoyment of the rights of person and of property. I have already intimated to you the dan- ser of parties in the state, with particular reference to the founding of them on geo- graphical discriminations. Let me now take a more comprehensive view, and warn you in the most solemn manner against the baneful effects of the spirit of party gen- erally, ..This spirit, unfortunately, is inseparable fvom our nature, having its root in the strongest passions of the human mind. It exists under different shapes in. all gov- ernments, more or less stifled, controlled or repressed; but in those of the popular form it is seen in its greatest rankness and is truly their worst enemy. love of the one ought to endear to you the | preservation of the other. These considerations speak a persuasive language to every reflecting and virtuous | mind, and exhibit the continuance of the union as a primary object of patriotic de- sire. Is there a doubt whether a common government can embrace so large a sphere? Let experience solve it. To listen to mere speculation in such a case were criminal. We are authorized to- hope that a proper organization of the whole, with the auxil- iary agency of governments for the re- | spective subdivisions, will afford a happy issue to the experiment. It is well worth a fair and full experiment. With such | powerful and obvious motives to union af- cting all parts of our country, while ex- pata Shall not have demonstrated its impracticability, there will always be rea- son to distrust the patriotism of those who in any quarter may endeavor to weaken its bands. In contemplating the causes which may disturb our union, it occurs as a matter of serious concern that any ground should have been furnished for characterizing parties by geographical discriminations— northern and southern, Atlantic and west- ern—whence designing men may endeavor to excite a belief that there is a real dif- ference of local interest and views. One of the expedients of party to acquire in- fluence within particular districts Is to mis- represent the opinions and aims of other districts. You cannot shield yourselves too much against the jealousies and heart- burnings which spring from these misrep- resentations; they tend to render alien to each other those who ought to be bound together by fraternal affection. The in- habitants of our western country have lately had a useful lesson on this head. They have seen in the negotiation by the executive and in the unanimous ratification by the Senate of the treaty with Spain, and in the universal satisfaction at that event throughout the United States, a decisive proof how unfounded were the suspicions propagated among them of a policy in the eneral government and in the United States unfriendly to their-interests in re- gard to the Mississippi. They have been witnesses to the formation of two treaties —that with Great Britain and that with Spain—which secure to them everything they could desire in respect to our foreign relations toward confirming their prosper- ity. Will it not be their wisdom to rely for the preservation of these advantages on the union by which they were procured? Will they not henceforth be deaf to those ad- visers, if such there are, who would sever them from their brethren and connect them with aliens? To the efficacy and permanency of your union a government for the whole is in- dispensable. No. alliances, however strict, between the parts can be an adequate sub- stitute. They must inevitably experience the infractions and interruptions which all alliances in all times have . expe- rieficed. Sensible of this momentous truth, you have improved upon your first essay by the adoption of a Constitution of gov- ernment better. calculated than your former for an intimate union and for the effica- clous management of your common con- cerns. This government, the offspring of our own choice, uninfluenced and unawed, adopted upon full investigation and mature deliberation, completely free in its princi- ples, in the distribution of its powers, uniting security with energy, and contain- ing within itself a provision for its own amendment, has a just claim to your confi- deuce and your support. Respect for its authority, compliance with its laws, ac- quiescence in its measures, are duties en- joined by the fundamental maxims of true liberty. The basis of our political systems is the right of the people to make- and to alter -their constitutions of government. But the constitution which at any time ex- ists till changed by an explicit and authen- tic act of the whole people is sacredly ob- ligatory upon all. The very idea of the power and the right of the people to estab- lish government presupposes the @uty of every individual to obey the- established government. F All obstructions to the execution of the laws, all combinations and associations, under whatever plausible character. with the real design to direct, control, counter- act or awe the regular deliberation and ac- tion of the constituted authorities, are de- The alternate domination of one faction over another, sharpened by the spirit of re- venge natural to party dissension, which. in different ages and countries has perpe- trated the most horrid enormities, is itself a frightful despotism. But this leads at length to a more formal and per- manent despotism. The disorders ard miseries which result gradually incline the minds of men to-seek security and repose in the absolute power of an individual, and ‘sooner or later the chief of some prevail- ing faction, more able or more fortunate than his competitors, turns this disposition to the purposes of his own elevation on the ruins of public liberty. Without looking forward to an extremity of this kind (which, nevertheless, ought not to be entirely out of sight), the com- mon and continual mischtefs of the spirit of party are sufficient to make it the inter- est and duty of a wise-people to discourage and restrain it. It serves always to distract the public councils and enfeebles the public adminis- tration. It agitates the community with ill-founded jealousies and false alarms; kindles the animosity of one part against another; foments occasionally riot and in- surrection. It opens the door to foreign in- fluence and corruption, which find a facil- tated access to the government xitself through the channels of party passion. Thus, the policy and the will of one coun- try are subjected to the policy and will of another. = There 1s ag opinion that parties in free countries are useful checks upon the ad- ministration of the government, and serve to keep alive the spirit of liberty. This within certain limits is probably true; and in governments of a monarchical cast pa- triotism may look with indulgence, if not with favor, upon the spirit of party. But in those of the popular character, in gov- ernments purely elective, it is a spirit not to be encouraged. From their natural ten- dency it is certain there will always be enough of that spirit for every salutary purpose; and there being constant danger of excess, the effort ought to be by ferce of public opinion to mitigate and assuage it. A fire not to be quenched, it demands a uniform vigilance to prevent its bursting into a flame, lest, instead of warming, it should consume. , It is important, Mkewise, that the habiis of thinking in a free country should tn- spire caution in those intrusted with its aa- ministration to confine themselves within their respective constitutional. spheres, avoiding in the exercise of the powers of one department to encroach upon another. The spirit of encroachment tends to con- solidate the powers of all the departments in one, and thus to create, whatever the form of government, a real despotism. A just estimate of t! love of power and Proneness to abuse it which predominates in the human heart is sufficient to satisfy, us of the truth of this position. The neces- sity of reciprocal checks in the exercise of political power, by dividing and distrit- uting it into different depositories, aad con- stituting each the guardian of the public weal against invasions by the others, has been evinced by experiments ancient and modern, some of them in our country and under our own eyes. To preserve them must be as necessary as to institute them. If in the opinion of the people the distribu- tion or modification of the constitutional powers be jn any particular wrong, let it Le corrected by an amendment in the wey which the Constitution designates. But let there be no change by usurpation; for though this in one instance may be the in- strument of good, it is the customary weapon by which free goveraments are de. stroyed. The precedent must always sreai: ly overbalance in permanent evil any par- tial or transient benefit. which the use can at any time yield. Of all the dispositions and habits which lead to political prosperity, religion and morality are indispensable -supports. In vain would that.man claim the tripute of patriotism who should labor to subvert these great pillars of human happin: | gs— | these. firmest props of the duties of 4 yand citizens. The mere politician, equally with the pfous man, ought to respect and to cherish them. A volume could not trace all their connections with private and pub- ae Sy os it simply oe asked, Where security for property, for reputation, for Hfe, if the sense of religious obligation desert the oaths which ard‘the Instruments of investigation in courts°of justice? And let us with caution indulge the:supposition that morality can be maintainkd without religion. Whatever may be conceded to the influence of refined education an minds of peculiar structure, feasonc an@sexperience both forbid us to expect ¢hat ndtional mo- rality can prevail in exchision:ef religious principle. rz 2 It is substantially true that virtue or mo- rality is a necessary spring: of popular gov- ernment. The rule, indesd, ‘extends with more or less force to every species of free government. Who that isia simeere fricnd to it can look with indifferencé upon at- tempts to shake the foundationnof the fab- ric? Promote, then, a8 ®t: obgect of pri- mary importance, ‘institutions for the gen- eral diffusion of knowledge. Int proportion as the structure of a government gives force to public opinion, it is essential that public opinion should be enlightened. As a very important source of strength and security, cherish public credit. One method of preserving it Is to use It as sparingly as possible, avoiding occasions of expense by cultivating peace, but re: membering also that timely disbursements to prepare for danger frequently prevent much greater disbursements to repel it; avoiding likewise the accumulation of debt, not only by shunning occasions of expense, but by vigorous exertions in time of peace to discharge the debts which. unavoidable wars have occasioned, not ungenerously throwing upon posterity the burthen which we ourselves ought to bear. The execution of these maxims belongs to your represen- tatives; but it is necessary that public opinion should co-operate. To faCcililate to them the performance of their duty it is essential that you should practically hear in mind that toward the payment of debts there must be revenue; that to have rev- enue there must be taxes; that no taxes can be devised which are not more or less inconvenient and unpleasant; that the in- intrinsic embarrassments inseparable from the selection of the proper objects (which is always a choice of difficulties), ought to be a decisive motive for a candid construc- tion of the conduct of government in mak- ing it, and for a spirit of acquiescence in the measures for obtaining revenue which the public exigencies may at any time dic- tate. Observe good faith and justice toward all nations. Cultivate peace and harmony with all. Religion and morality enjoin this conduct. And can it be that good policy does not equally enjoin. it? It will be worthy of a free, enlightened and at no distant period a great nation to give to mankind the magnanimous and too novel example of a people always guided by an exalted justice and benevolence. Who can doubt that in the course of time and things the fruits of such a plan Would richy re- pay any temporary advantages which might be lost by a steady adherence to !t? Can it be that Providence has not con- nected the permanent felicity of a nation with its virtue? The experiment, at least, is recommended by every sentiment which ennobles human nature. Alas! is it ren- dered impossible by its vic In the execution of such a plan nothing is more essential than that permanent, in- veterate antipathies against particular nations and passionate attachments for others should be excluded, and that in place of them just and amicable feelings toward all should be cultivated. The na- tion which indulges toward another an habitual hatred or an habitual fondness ts in some degree a slave. It is a slave to its animosity or to its affection, either of which is sufficient to lead It astcay from its duty and its interest. Antipathy in one nation against another disposes readily to offer insult and injury, hold of slight causes of umbr: be haughty and intractable nen dental or trifling occasions of disyu cur. or wee ake Hence, frequent collisions, obsting venomed..and hloody contests. prompted by ill- times impels to war the governiuent con- trary to the best calculations '‘of policy. The governm mes partivipates in the national nsity, and adopts mn would Fr nbnosity of *s of hos- ide, ampition and ions motives: Phe ometimes perhaps che Hberty, of nations, has been the. victim, So, likewise, a passionate attachment of one nation for another produces a Sympathy for the favort ng the illusion df* an tm inte in cases wher to lay and to acei- prop through passion what r: At other times it makes the the nation subservient to pre tility, instigated by other sinister and pe peace often, common common interest ex and infasing int one the enmities of other, uatrays th former into a partic the quarre and wars of the la thout adequat inducement or justi It leads also to concesston to the favorite privileges denied to others, wh dow injure the concessions by unnec what ought to hay en retained, and by exciting jealousy, ill-will, and a disposition to retaliate in the parties from whom-equal nation ma. sarily par privileges are withheld; and it gives to ambitious, corrupted or deluded ‘citizens (who devote themselv to the favorite na- tion) facility to betray or sacrifice the in- terests of their own country wit odium, sometimes even with populari gilding with the appearances of a virtuous sense of obligation, a commend: defer- ence for public opinion, or a laudable zeal for public good the base or foolish com- pliances of ambition, corruption or infat- uation. ss ne any As avenues to foreign influetice in innu- merable ways, such attachments are pa ticularly alarming to the truly enlightened and independent patriot. How many op- portunities do they afford to jamper with domestic factions, to practice the arts of seduction, to mislead public opinion, to in- fluence or awe the public councils! Such an attachment of a small or weak toward a great and powerful nation doomis the former to be the satellite of the latter. Against the ins'dious wiles of foreign in- fluence (I conjure you to believe me, fel- low-citizens) the jealousy of a free people ought to be constantly awake, since hi tory and experience prove that foreign in- fluence is one of the most baneftl foes of republican government. But that jealousy, to be useful, must be impartial, else it he- comes the instrument of the very influence to be avoided, instead of a defense against ft. Excessive partiality for one foreign na- tion and excessive dislike of. another cause those whom they actuate to see danger only on one side, and serve to veil and even second the arts of influence on the other. Real patriots who may resist the intcigues of the favorite are Mable to become su: pected and odious, while its tools and dupes usurp the applause and confidence of the people to surrender their mterests. The great rule of conduct for us in re- gard to foreign nations is, in extending our commercial relations, to have with them as little political connection as possible. So far as we have already formed engage- ments, let them be fulfilled with perfect good faith. Here let us stop. Europe has a set of primary interests which to us have none or a very remote re- lation. Hence, she must be engaged in fre- quent controversies, the causes of which are essentially foreign to our concerns. Hence, therefore, it must be unwise in us to implicate ourselves by artificial ties in the ordinary vicissitudes of her polities or the ordinary combinations and collisions of her friendships or enmities. = Our detached and distant situation in- vites and enables us to pursue a different course. If we remain one people,,under an efficient government, the period is not far off when we may defy mategial injury from external annoyance; when. we tnay take such an attitude as will catise tH neutral- ity we may at any time regglve yon to be scrupulously respected; when belligerent nations, under the impossibility of making acquisitions upon us, will not lightly haz- ard the giving us provocgsion; iwhen we may choose peace or war, ouy, interest, guided by justice, shall cotfnsel. Why forego the advanta#ts- of"so pecu- fiar a situation? Why quit our! own to stand upon foreign groun@? Why, by in- terweaving our destiny with that of any part of Europe, entangletiour peace and prosperity in the toils of uropean ambi- tion, rivalsHip, interest, humor orqcaprice? It is our true policy to steer clear of per- manent alliances with any yortien of the foreign world, so far, I mean, ap we are now at liberty to do it; fognlet me not be understood as capable of patronjsing infi- delity to-existing engagements. 1: hold the maxim no less applicable to public than to private affairs that honesty is always the best policy. I repeat, therefore. .let those engagements be observed in their genuine sense. But in my opinion, it is unnecessary and would be unwise to extend them. Taking care always to keep ourselves by suitable establishments on a_ respectable defensive posture, we may ,safely trust to temporary alliances for .extraordinary emergencies. E Harmony, liberal intercourse with all na- tions aresrecommended by policy, humanity and interest. But even our commercial pol- icy should hold an equal and impartial hand, neither seeking nor granting exclusive fa- vors or preferences; consulting. the natural course of things; diffusing and. diversifying. by gentle means the streams. of commerce, but forcing nothing; establishing with pow- ers so disposed,*in order to ‘giye trade a stable course, to define the rights.of our merchants, and to enable the government to support them, cor-ventional rules of in- tercourse, the best that present circum- Boy Bo NO FAITH CURE About Stuart’s Dyspepsia Tablets. HOTEL POCKET GUIDE For Information, Circulars, etc.,of any Hotel below, Call at or address (send stamp) the HOTEL TARIFF BUREAU, (68 Fifth Ave., New York. | 96 Regent St., London. (248 Rue de Rivoli, Paris. (A. P. means American Pian; E. P., European.) ALBANY, N. Y.... ‘The Kenmore, A.P., $4 ALEXANDRIA BAY, N.Y..The Edgewoot, A.P., $4 ATLANTIC CITY,N.J..The Garden Hotel,E.P.,$2 up (Most magnificent Hotel on Atlantic coast.) 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Stuart's Dyspepsia Tablets are sold by nearly all druggists at 50.cents for full sized package, or by mail from the Stuart Co., Marshall, Mich. do. (3. W. Blake) Clai PUFFALO, N.Y.The Iriquols, E.P.,$1.50 up; A. CINCINNATI, Ohio. Grand Hotel, E.P., $15 JERSEY CITY, N, J..Hotel Washington, EP Lake House, A. ‘The Langham, E. jotel Majestic, A.P., Fifth Avenue Hote ‘The Majestic, do..The Marlbcrough, do... (L. L. Todd) The Vendome, @o. .CX. B, Barry) St. Cloud Hotel, do.(B' way & 11th st. do. (Wm. G. Leland) do -Hotel Westminster, A.D. @o.(W.Jobeson Quinn) The Empire, E. do. (Davis & Foster) Hotel St. Andrew, E.P $1.50 do. (E.11th st.) Albert—St. Stephen, E.?’ ec. & 10th st.) The Grosvenor, 4 $2; ADP. 8. hb) ‘The Metropolitan, E. . je) Flotel Grenoble, $1 do.(59th st.& Bway) Hotel Pomeroy, E do.5th av.&15 st.)Hotel Keusington,E.l’.,$1.50 vor. Sth av.dl5 st.) Hotell Lanoy American Plan. Houne D Pf. COMFORT, PHILADELPHIA ‘olonnade, E. culsiue in Philadelphia -Hotel Andersen, A.P., $3 up +The Preble Bouse, &.P., $3 he Rockingham, A.P., $4 The Jefferson, A.D. w Osburn House, A.T e Livingston, A.V do... Whitcomb House, A ST. LOUIS,MO.(frep'f) Southern Hotel, A do. .Lindeli Hotel, E.P..$1.50 up; AP $1.50. BY DBD. DBD BS. pXTURE For Pipe and Cigarette @ 202. Sack 10 Cents. Cigarette paper with § & Arlington Hot KP., §: ~each 2 0Z. Sack. Desire to inform their patrons «hat HADDON HALL, ATLANTIC C1 WIM be kept « ception of n the entire winter for the re sel0-<f yest. SS HOTEL, ATLANTIC table; will tak t regular rates, $12 to Tanthe Gity S001 SAN END OF MICHIC » heat. Send for il- fall and winter rates. JAMES HOOD, stances and mutual opinion wi but temporary, and liable to be to time abandoned or and circumstances shall dictate; cc keeping in view that it is folly in one tion to look for disintere ‘ors f her; chat it must pay a por for whate racter; th ¥ place itseif in + stion of having give nal favors, and with ingratitude f ho greater te upon re avors from na is an illusion which experience re, which a just pride ougat to dis- Mich Rates, booklet > BERKSHIRE card. In offering to you, my countrymen, these s of an old and affecti friend, = I dare not hope they will make the stron ELEY, and lasting impres i couid wish—that i will control the usual current of the snd a Bu2s- ions or prevent our nation m run the course which has hithe: the destiny of nations. But if I :nay ev ae self that they may be productiv Sere oat of modern th of some partial benefit, some oceasit street level. s for good—that they may now and then rec October, to,,.moderaie the fury of party sp warn against the mischiefs of fo: . trigue, to guard against the imposiures of pretended patriotism—this hope will be a ull récompense for the solicitude for your welfare by which they have been d How far in the discharge of my official duties I have been guided by the principles auZ5-26t ARES Sa, ~ ‘THE CHALFONTE. Dhectly on the ocean front. Send for illustrated book! E. Row ACH HAVEN, N. J. which have been delineated the public rec- i riesid ords and other evidences of my conduct The ngieside, = must witness to you and to the world. To Beach Hayen, NI. ENGLE, Prop. ri. myself, the assurance of my conscience is RE RELIEF FROM | that I have at least believed myself to be gufdéd by them. .In_relation to the still subsisting war in Europe, my proclamation of the 22d of April, 1793, Is the Index to my plan. Sane- tioned by your approving voice, and by that of your representatives in both houses of Congress, the spirit of that measure has coutinually governed me, uninfluenced by any attempts to deter or divert me from it. . After deliberate examination, with the aid of ‘the best lights I could obtain, I was well satisfied that our country, under all the circumstances of the case, had a right to take, and was bound in duty and in est to take, a neutral position. Having taken it, I-determined as far as should de- pend upon me to maintain it with modera- tion, perseverance and firmness. The considerations which respect the right to hold this conduct it is not neces: f MAY POINT, N. J. 300; ell modern conveniences open throngh Noveraiy 1. MADDOCK. se! IN THE MOUNTAL BOLIVAR HEIGHTS HOTEL—: DIRECTLY on bes rel . ive rate fall terms. 7a RRY, W. VA. lass’ table and most broezy HILL-TOP MOUSE, HARPER’ resort ix open; first ; telegraph in he E LOCKWOOD, 20th nty shade; 3. Tates, sary on this occasion to detail. I will only Mrs. S. KE. LOVETT, Proprivtress. observe that, according to my understand- ie ed E ing of the matter, that right, so far from GREEN'S MOUNTAIN HOUSE, LOCATED ON being denied by any of the belligerent pow- ers, has been virtually admitted by all. The duty of holding a neutral corduct may be inferred, without anything more, from the obligation which justivte and hu- manity impose on every nation, in cases in which it is free to act, to maintain invio- late the relations of peace and amity to- mountain and iews. Address B. ward other nations. DOWELL, Harper's Fi The inducements of interest for observing eS SS that conduct will best be referred to your! POTOMAC RIVER BOATS. The Weems Steamboat Co. own reflections and experience. With me a predominant motive has been to endeavor to gain time to our country ‘to sstile and mature its yet recent institutions, and to FALL SCHEDULE. progress without interruption to ihat de-| Steamer Potomwie leaves 7th st. wharf gree of strength and consistency which is | Sunday at 4 p.m. for river landings and Baltin neces: to give it, humanly speaking, the | Passenger a¢ ES rates given on Baltimore fre ENSON BROS., A; s. Fruit Hill Farm, Blue Ridge mountain; 20 _nun- utes’ drive from depot; rates, $5, $6 and §7 pe week; mediciral water; conveyances meet trains; two loveliest. months of the year—Sept. and Oct. Send for circular. = 5m. McDOWELL HOUSE—BEAUTIFUL F< tion; offers an attractive summer home; porches; excellent table; clean, airy rooms, command of its own fortunes. Though in reviewing the in administration I am unconscious of inte: tional error, I am nevertheless too sensible of my defects not to think it probable that I may have Committed many errors. What- sever they may be, I fervently beseech the Almighty to avert or mi to which they may tend. I shall also carry with me the hope that my country will never cease to view them with indulgen and that, after forty-five years of my vodieetee to its service with an up: zeal, dents of m; about 4 p.m. Wedorsdays, i: ndings to € . Row ams, retrning, arives at) Washington ght the faults of incompetent abiliuics will be consigned to oblivion, as myself must soon be to the mansions of rest. creek, vbout 11 p.m. “Thursdeys. STEAMER ‘T. V. AKROWSMITH, Mondays and Relying on its kindness in this as in other | Wednesduys. 3 pam. f° Colomal Beart things, and actuated by that fervent love | x" George's Island, Smith creek, Goan and Yeo: toward it which is so natural to a man wha views in it the native soil of himself and his progenitors for several generations, I anticipate with pleasing expectation that retreat in which I promise myself to real- ize without alloy the sweet enjoyment of partaking in the midst of my fellow-citi- zens the benign influence of good laws un+ der a free government—the ever-favorite object of my heart, and the happy reward, as I trust, of our mutual cares, labors and dangers. GO. WASHINGTON. | United States, 19th September, 1796. ——— Sure to Overtake Her. From Harper's Bazar. She (trying to squelch him)—“You are very young, Mr. Jones.” Jones—“Well, that isn’t my fault.”" She—“It is true, just the same.” Jones—‘Well, just because you were born in the fifties you needn't be too proud. Some day I'll be older than youvare, even if 1 wasn’t born until 1876.” ——+0+ Able to Flont It Alone. From the Chicago Tribune. “Can't you take a friend In on the ground floor in this enterprise, Noah?” asked one ,of the loungers, winking at the others who were standing about. “There isn’t going to be any ground floor,” replied Neah, applying some more pitch to the exterior of his ark and stand- ing off to note the effect. ERR : ae : ats comico rivers; returning, arrives at Washington curly Wednesday and Friday mornings. Saturdays, 6 p.m., for Riverside, Colonial Beach, Colion’s, Piney Point, St. George's Island, Smith's creek, can and Yeocomieo rivers; returning, ar tives at Washington Sundays about 10 pan. Sce schedule (in effect June 1896). AyTtt C. W. RIDLEY, General Manager. E. S. RANDALL POTOMAC RIVER LINE— Steamer Harry Randall ‘eaves River View Wharf, Zth etreet, Sanday, Tuesday and Thursday 7 at 7 a.m., lauding at all wharves as far down ax Mad- dox creek, Va., i luding Chapel Point and Colv Beach, returning on Monda: 5 ayy about 9 «ediyg and Fridays about 3:30 p.m. Commofctions first-class. Frelgiit rece hour of sailing. ‘Telephone 1765. Prop UNDERTAKERS, _ W. BARKER, = Funeral Director and Practical Embalmer, TResiderce on the premiscs. Telephone call 997. 612 11th st. nw. «23m W. R. Speare, © Undertaker & Embatmer, 940 F Street Northwest. . Everything strictly first-class and on the most rea- sonable terms. Telepbone call 340. jal-tr GOOD FOR WELL PEOPLE AND SICK ONES— Liebig Company Extract of Beef. 17 HOTELS. RAILROADS. _____ RAILROADS. ‘Thic List Appears Every Saturday. WASHINGTOX, See AND MT. VERNON From Station, 13% st. and Penna. ave. In ‘effect July 20. FOR ALEXANDRIA (Daily).—6:30, 7, 7:50, 29,20:20 ex, a 2am; 1, 2, 8, $315 © 80, , 7, 8 8, 10, 11 and’ 12 p.m. DAYS—8:05, 0: 10:05, 11:05 a.m.; 2305, 08, 205, 8:05, 8205, RIA Dally) —5:55, 10, 11, 12 10, 11 p.m, f 21, . G21, 7:21, 6:21, 9:23 FOR MOUNT VERNON (and Wally except Sundays . 8, 4:15 pm. FOR A CT BRIDGE. —10, 0, 6:15, 7, 10, if 12 205, pe. for IRseng ers: Biereles. 3 « GEO. R. PHILLIPS, Gen. Pass. Agent. 6205, T2 Baggage class tie G. 0, hecked free ets at station. . ABBOTT, jen, Manag rel holding first- PENNSYLVANIA RAILROAD. Station corner of Gth end B street In 1806 230 A.M. WEEK I ITTSEURG Harrisburg t A.M." PENNSYLVANIA LIMITED. — Pi eeping, Dining, Smoking and Otmervat Harrisburg to Chicago, Cincinnati, Indianapolis, St. Louis, Cleveland and “Toledo, ' Buffet Parlor ‘ar to Harrisburg, 0 AM. FAST LINE.—Pullman Buffet P r to Harrisburg. ‘Buffet Parlor Car Lari rz. CHICAGO AND ST. LOUIS Buffet Parlor Car to Harri-bu: ing and Dining re to Cincinuatl, Louisvil w Louis, o. a Pullman Steep- ing Car’ to Uarrisburg to Cleveland. Dicing Car to Chi 7.10 SsOUTHW XPRESS. —Pylliran Sleeping cars Wash! to Pitt burg to St. Louis, and Dining Car 10:40 PM.” PAC EXPE ing Car to Pittsburg, Canandaigua, Rochester and z and Pitts- Cueinnat Iman Sleep. - for Elmira and Bi For 1o-k Haven w ove daily, except Sunday. days and Wii- Mamxport Buffaio and , except with Washington to Suspension i 10:40 PM. fo folo anid Nis ington to F FOR PHILAD ‘ar from Wil 6:40, 10:00 ane Fast Ex 119) Tim. 10240 Atlante anily daily. daily and Atlanti ter, B15 and et Wharf), For the left m from r Agent, AND ONTO RAILROAD. t July 19 rer seaue aud ¢ hh light ton S200 (10:00 3 and the Din- ing Card, 1 m. (12:01 e'clock). Sundays Dining Can, a Dining Cari, ar), S300 (12:01 night; sengers, 10:00 p.m.) afer Parlor Cars on all day trains. pr Atlantic City, 30:0 12:00 noon and only, ds and os left nw., d opeh at "10:00 art, 49200 Am. > IMning ping Car open for pas SOUTHERN RAILWAY, PIEDMONT AIK LINE. edule in effect June 14, s arrive and leave at T 19M, oral for Danville asburg, daily, exeopt chburg with the Norfolk rd. with, the Chesape taral Bridge aad Clifton F 3 Daily. THE UNIT os Pullman Buffet Si on to Jacksonville, bury with Pallman Sleeper for Asheville ae, Knoxville and Chatiane: t Chark Slecper for J Iso Palla k to New Mon.tgc Sleeper for 1 P.M. a a) STAI ~ ting at Salis- nd a Ye Birmin, 1 for Front Reyal, Riverton and Charlotéesy ite TON AND rs, Dining Cars and Day York 4 New York to Pullman ¥ ches, allman SHINGTON AND OGIO DIVIS- on 9:01 a.m. dally nd 4:45 p.m. S ants for nd 7:00 p.m. daily. trom Round Hi, n. capt cept Si E cept Sunday, from, Lees! Through trains from t 3 CHESAPEAKE AND OHIO RAILWAY. THROUGH THE GRANDEST SCENERY IN AMERI * ALL TRAINS VESTIRULED, ELECTRIC LIGHTED, STEAM HEATED. ALL MEALS SERVED IN DINING CARS. 8TA- TION SIXTH AND EL STREETS. Schedule in + May 2:20 PM. DAILY —Cinciunati and St cial—Solld, train for Cimelunatt. 1 to Cincinnat!, Lexiagton, Loutsvill St. Louts without change. — € =i .» for Hot Springs. natt to Chicago. PM. 9 Chuciunati, man compartment without cl . Tuesdays, Thursd: Daily connection for tie Springs. Observation jeepers Cinclanati to Chirag and St. Louis, See ML EXCEPT, SUNDAY —Via Mictmond 1d Tcint ik. Only rail line, :2) P.M. DAILY—For Gordonsville, Charlottes. ville, Steunton and Yor Richmoml, daily, except Sunday. ‘Reservations and tickets at Chesapeake and Obie offices, 513 and 1421 Penusylvania avenue, 1110 B st. n.w., and at the station, TW. FULLER, wyi8 General Passenger Agent. Poul: