The Daily Worker Newspaper, January 31, 1935, Page 5

By MICHAEL GOLD F YOU don’t like this country} why don’t you go back to the one you came from?| Sooner or later, every American radical is accosted by these fool questions. It doesn’t matter if you are arguing for unemployment insurance, or honest labor leadership, or abolition of child labor, or any obvious reform. The conservatives and fascists hate any change that threatens capitalist profit, and are sure to say, with the song writer Irving Berlin (born in Russia, by the way): “If you don’t like your old Uncle Sammy Go back to your home across the sea... If you don’t like the way we run our country | | CRIME AND PUNISHMENT, And won't cheer for the red, white and blue Don’t be like the cur in the story Don’t bite the hand that is feeding you.” It is not only the naive and ignorant who use this stupid cliche as a political argument. College profes- sors and congressmen employ it, and the whole drive for fingerprinting and deportation of the foreign- born is based on this vicious idea. It is one of Dirty Hearst’s favorite slogans in his fascist campaign. All the intellectual rabble of capitalism will tell you, in the Saturday Evening Post and the Chicago Tribune, that everything is swell in America, except for a little group of foreign agitators with whiskers and bombs who stir up trouble. If they could deport the foreigners,, wages would automatically go up, there would be no unemployment, strikes would dis- ‘appear, and every man would be a king. It is stupid on the face of it. You could deport every foreigner and every Communist, and erect a high electric fence around America to keep out every European or Russian idea. You could seal the American people in an air-tight casket, where noth- ing foreign could attack them. The Steel Trust would still insist on low wages and high profits, and the steel workers would still mutter their discon- tent and painfully and secretly organize in trade unions. You cannot deport the economic laws of capital- ism, They must continue grinding out poverty, war, unemployment until the workers finally can stand it no longer and demand the great change. Patriotism and Profits 'F a worker has been born in Europe, does this mean that he is a slave? Must he keep his mouth shut, take gratefully whatever scabby wages the bosses pay him? America is supposed to be a free country. Almost half of the population here is foreign-born, or the children of foreign-born parents. Yet a minority of greedy capitalists have the audacity to tell us that this great portion of America is not entitled to any voice. It must not take part in politics, or vote or strike to protect its own interests. It must be content to be cannon-fodder and factory-fodder, a nation of robots. This is the capitalist idea of a free America. We can well answer them, it is not the idea of Thomas Jefferson or Abraham Lincoln, or any of the mil- lions of rank and file patriots who shed their blood for American freedom. ‘The capitalists have tried to stake out a claim on all the patriotism in America. But let us hurl in their teeth the answer to their lie. They are not patriots, but TRAITORS. They have betrayed, and continue to betray every day of their greedy lives, all that is good and creative in America. They care nothing for the fate of the American people. They would see all of us dead in coal mine explosions if it would pay them profit. They would cheerfully watch millions of children die of hunger if it helped their bank accounts. They plunged us into one world war, and are leading us into another slaughter because it means dividends. So these are the patriots! These are the people who tell the foreign-born worker he must love America and be satisfied with low wages. What do they know of love, these pigs, these vultures, what do they know of America, outside of their stocks and bonds? * * First Pay Your Debts! HEN a foreign-born worker meets this question, be it from a deluded fellow-worker, or a fascist capitalist, let him draw himself up proudly, and answer: “Look at my hands, They are hard with the years of work I have done. I have given America the best that is in me. I have given it my life and my faith- ful work. “Who can say that I have not given this land of my adoption more than I have received? For every dollar I have been paid, I have given five dollars worth of labor in return. If the accounts were to be reckoned, this country owes me a great debt. I have built its skyscrapers, dug its coal, rolled its steel, and farmed its land, Now I am on the bread- line, or damn near it. If you wish to deport me, first pay your debts, “I helped create all this wealth that your mil- lionaires have monopolized. Now that you have broken me in body and soul, you would like to get Tid of me. It is your way of getting rid of your debtors. But I will not allow you to cheat me in this manner. I will fight your deportation laws, I will fight your wealthy fascists, I will speak out, for a am a man, and I am a true American. “The real patriot is the man who gives something to a country, not the one who exploits it. I am loyal to the patriotism of Jefferson and Lincoln, but I reject and abhor the patriotism of J. Pierpont Morgan and William Randolph Hearst. “I have a better right to be here than all of you parasites, for I am a worker. I came here because I starved in Europe, and thought I would find bread and freedom here. Now you tell me I have no right to expect bread and freedom in America. But I see millions of native-born Americans who are fighting your tyranny. You treat them as badly as you have treated me—we are no different in your eyes, de- spite your hypocritical Americanism. “They recognize me as a fellow-worker and citi- zen. I shall join with them in the fight for a work- ers’ America, for a land where traitors like you will receive the fate you deserve. You cannot insult me by calling me a foreigner, I despise you too much for that. So long as the American workers have granted me my citizenship, that is enough for me. America is my country, because I have worked here 60 Jong. Shoulder to shoulder with the other work- | LITTLE LEFTY DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, THURSDAY, JANUARY 31, 1935 Page 5 The Plot Thickens! WAY DO Nov “THINK SHE 010 WHEN Parsy '%, PEANUTS? Saw LErTY SELLING PAPERS Sue “TURNED vP HER NOSE AND WALKED AWAY if { LEFTY ORNS MOHIS PAL TO FURNISH AN ANSWER 6 tHE MYSTERY. THEATRE Watered-down Dostoievsky by Fyodor Dostoievsky, a play in three acts adapted from the dramatiza- tion by Victor Trivas and Georg Schdanoff, staged by Victor Wolf- son, featuring Morgan Farlay, at the Biltmore Theatre, Reviewed by ALLEN CHUMLEY AS A detective thriller Dostoievsky’s great novel, Crime and Punish- | ment, is naive today; as a parable of sin and retribution it appears maudlin. But as the psychological tragedy of a misguided “idealist,” amid 19th century Neitzcheans who divided the world into “ordinary” and “extraordinary” people, and who held that these “extraordinary” people could—and should—fulfill their destiny through individual murder if necessary, Crime and Punishment still has significance. It is therefore, regrettable that the present adapters included all three of these themes instead of building a play on the one theme that mattered. For in the resultant shuffle the real tragedy is forgotten; what comes out is bare, pointless synopsis. The production itself does not buttress this weakness. Here, too, the gigantic and fearful story has been watered down to the consist- ency of Little Theatre. The settings by Irene Scharaff are impression- istic, and as such are tasteful and striking. But it is the taste of the “smart” decorator; they render Squalor a bit too aesthetic. Morgan Farlay essays the difficult role of the tormented youth. He is sincere and fervent. But the precious tricks of the Portmanteau Players are still clinging to him and to make | matters worse, he over-acts grossly. Compared with his frenzied grimac- ing, the quiet poise of the wily In- spector (as effectively played by Thomas Cofflin Cooke) becomes al- most glaring. As for the remaining roles they are either cut down to virtual “walk ons’ (as in the case of Juliana Taberna playing the mystic prosti- tute) which is the adapters’ fault, or are clearly immature. One cannot deny that the produc- ers have undertaken a formidable— and mildly important—task, and one must admire their courage. It is to be deplored, however, that they have been lacking in vision. Soviet Film Workers Greeted by Stalin On 15th Anniversary “(REETINGS and best wishes to the workers of the Soviet cinema industry on the day of its glorious 15th anniversary. “The cinema in the hands of the Soviet power represents a great, priceless force. “Having exceptional opportunities to influence the spirit of the masses, the cinema helps the working class and its Party to educate the toilers in the spirit of Socialism, organiz- ing the masses for the struggle of Socialism, raising their cultural and political fighting abilities, “Soviet power expects from you new successes, new films glorifying as did the ‘Chapayev’ film, the great- ness of the historical struggles for power by the workers and peasants of the Soviet Union, mobilizing for ,|the carrying out of new tasks, and calling to mind the achievements as well as the difficulties of Socialist construction, “The Soviet power expects from you keen penetration by your mas- ters into new spheres of the ‘most important’ (Lenin) and the most widely spread, of the arts among the masses—the cinema.” J. STALIN. Oi) Hee Sculptor Manizer of Leningrad has just finished work on a project for a statue of Chapayev, to be erected in Chapayevsk, in honor of the hero of the film now on view at the Cameo, where it is thrilling en- thusiastic audiences in its third capacity week. New Pamphlets ABOLITION OF THE BREAD CARD SYSTEM, By V. M. Molotov, 10 cents. LIFE IN REVIEW and other Soviet Sketches, by Semyon Narinyani, 10 cents. THE TWO WORLDS—No. 1 of the series “Political Education,” 15 cents. THE ULTIMATE AIM—No. 2 of the series “Political Educa- tion,” 15 cents. THE COMMUNIST PARTY— No. 3 of the series “Political Edu- cation,” 15 cents. oe ees All of the above pamphlets are published by International Pub- lishers. They may be purchased at all Workers Bookshops, or from Workers Library Publish- ers, P. O. Box 148, Sta. D, New York City. ( 'M BUSY. STRAM AND “AKE Your, LOVE AFFRIRS wrrk nt Sl Rakosi in % Poisoned Food Sent; by Fake ‘Workers Delegation’ This startling account of an at- tempt to poison Mathias Rakosi, Bela Kun and other leaders of the Hungarian revolution during 1920, was sent to the Daily Worker by one of the intended victims, now living in Budapest. For obvious | reasons his name is not attached | to the article. Bisbee Ts Austrian Bectal-Democratic| Minister for the Interior, Ma-| thias Eldersch, ordered us —the People’s Commissars Committee and | the Soviet employes of the Hun-| garian Soviet Republic, headed by| Comrade Bela Kun—and also our| families, to be imprisoned in the old| fortress of Karlstein, in which for-| merly the Serbian war prisoners/| were held. | This fortress was infested with| bugs and vermin. Only by means | of a seven-day hunger strike was it possible to force this “brave” minis- ter to promise, at least, an improve- ment in the intolerable prison re- gime. Soon after, some of our relatives were set free. Many of the prison- ers, including Bela Kun, were trans- ferred at Vienna at the beginning of 1920. We were then brought to the madhouse of Steinhof (a little town surrounded by a wall), and isolated in a strongly barred build- ing standing in the middle of the yard. Here, the following incident took place: we were informed by the) Criminal Police on guard that a “Hungarian Workers Delegation” had brought us a parcel of food- products. Of course we were not allowed to see this delegation, and the letter brought by it was handed over for censorship to police head- quarters. Among the food there were fruit, biscuits, cakes, cigarettes, etc. The biscuits and fruit we handed over for our relatives, but we kept a cake for our supper. Every one of us ate a piece of this cake with relish. I, however, took only a small piece, for my stomach was not in order. “Why don’t you eat?” asked Bela Kun. “Because it is poisoned,” I an- BY GoLty I'M GONNR DEMAND AN ESPLANATION / MATHIAS RAKOSI Swered jokingly. Nobody for a mo- ment had entertained the idea that the cake could have been poisoned. “Well, then, I'll take another piece of it,” asked Rakosi, and cut another Slice off for himself. * +. & FTER supper, which we had eaten in the small common cell, I sud- denly noticed how terribly pale Bela Kun, Mathias Rakosi and Ernoe Por had become—the pupils in their and they had become so weak that they could hardly move. At that moment one of the detec- tives rushed in and asked whether anything had happened to us after eating the cake, for the remains which were taken out of the cell smelt very badly of a putrefying poison. The “workers’ delegation” was obviously a delegation of mur- derers sent by Horthy, The doctors, urgently summoned, immediately gave us an emetic, and carefully watched the symptoms of the poison working in us. The cake had been poisoned with Belladonna —a strong poison affecting the goes mad, and then dies. We were to us. Bela Kun’s healthy organ- ism strongly resisted the poison, but Mathias Rakosi showed more and widely staring eyes, were dilated,) brain, so that the victim of it first | saved by the emetic so quickly given | (HOLY JUMPIN’ PoLECATS ! SHE'S Gone CRAZY II AFYER —THe LONGEST Time. PaTSY FINALLY 00S STICK OVY HER ARM “TO PIN & NOTE Oo The |Rakosi’s Quality as | Fighter Revealed | in Delirium | more signs that the poison was af- fecting him. | He lay on the ground, muttering | unintelligibly, and there were tears jin the eyes of every one of us wit- | nessing his painful condition. The doctors and the other medical at- tendants did not know how to help | him, for “Mathi,” under the effect | of the poison, threw himself like a |madman upon everybody who ap- | proached him. Finally, six strong |murses succeeded in throwing him onto the bed, and in holding him while his stomach was pumped. This was continued until every sign of the poison had disappeared. HE danger had passed, but he lay on his bed in a state of semi- | consciousness. I sat by his bed all |night. He was still suffering from the effects of the poison. He lay there muttering continuously. He in the evening until 5 in the morn- |ing, and then he fell asleep. The memory of that night at the |bedside of the sick Rakosi has spurred me into the writing of these lines. During that night Mathias Rakosi unburdened himself of all his thoughts. Everything, even his very innermost thoughts, were re- vealed to me. Everything said by him about our life in general and about his private life, our plans and discussions, etc., corresponded ex- actly to the facts. During that night, Mathias Rakosi showed us that all his thoughts and hopes belonged to the revolution. All his recollections, all his feelings were connected with the Party, the Soviet Republic, and the revolution. At the bedside of Ma- thias Rakosi we were shown the model of a true revolutionary, a erystally clear character, a splendid Communist and a. trusted friend, And all his later work in the ranks of the Party, and during his eight and a half years of imprisonment, proved these qualities. | Now the Horthy government is | again attempting to do away with Mathias Rakosi. All forces must be rallied to his defense! Every | jeffort must be made to save Mathias | | Rakosi! Life and Teachings of Lenin CHAPTER Il. Teachings of Lenin VH. ENIN first brought out the revolu- tionary significance of this question in the era of imperialism. | Already before the war he gave close | attention to the rising forces of | struggle in Asia; in 1913 he wrote on “Backward Europe and Progressive Asia.” During the War he worked out completely the analysis of every aspect of this question and showed | the revolutionary significance of the slogan of “national self-deter- mination.” Against those who spoke of the Irish rebellion of 1916 as a “pusch,” he wrote: To believe that a social revolu- tion is possible without the re- volt of the small nationalities and colonies in Europe, without the revolutionary outburst of the petty-bourgeoisie with all its prej- udices, without a movement of the non-class conscious proletarian and semi - proletarian masses against landlord, clerical mon- archist, national, etc., oppression —to believe this is tantamount to denying the social revolution al- together. ... Those who wait for a “pure” social revolution will never live to see it. Such a one is merely a revolutionary in words, without understanding the reality of rev- olution. (“The Results of the Discussion on Self - Determina- tion,” 1916.) After the victory of the Soviet Revolution this question took on a still sharper significance. Lenin wrote: While formerly prior to the epoch of world revolution move-- ments for national liberation were a part of the general democratic movements, now, however. after the victory of the Soviet Revolu- tion in Russia and the opening of the period of world revolution, the movement for national liberation is part of the world proletarian revolution, caer T the Second Congress of the Communist International in 1920 he brought to the forefront the issue of the naional and colonial struggle for liberation, and the necessity for the proletariat in the imperialist countries to give active support to it. The theses drafted by him de- clare: The policy of the Communist International on national and colonial questions must be chiefly to bring about a union of the pro- Jeterian and working masses of all nations and countries for a joint By R. PALME DUTT The Daily Worker is printing | serially the extremely valuable and popular booklet by R. Palme | Dutt, “Life and Teachings of Y. I. Lenin,” published by Inter- national Publishers. * January 21 was the eleventh | anniversary of the death of Lenin. During these ten years the teach- ings of Lenin have spread to ever wider sections of the globe, inspir- ing the workers and oppressed to greater wsaults on capitalism. revolutionary struggle leading to | the overthrow of capitalism, with- | out which national inequality and | oppression cannot be abolished. | But the fight for the full right |of separation of subject nations is \no fight for separation as such, for fragmentation and petty-bourgeois |Nationalist conceptions of isolation. On the contrary, the right of full | separation is only necessary in order |to end all national oppression, and | thus clear the way to the free union |of all peoples. The goal remains | world union, the ultimate “fusion of | nations.” This demand is not at all equiv- | alent to the demand for separa- tion, fragmentation and estab- lishment of petty states. It sig- nifies only a logical expression of the struggle against every kind of national oppression. . . . | The goal of socialism is not only the destruction of the division of | humanity into petty states and all kinds of individual nations, not merely the coming together of nations, but also their actual fusion. ... Just as humanity can only ar- rive at the destruction of classes through a transitional period of the dictatorship of the oppressed class, so also humanity can only arrive at the inevitable fusion of nations through a_ transitional period of the complete freedom of | Wanted: Items from The Hearst Press Readers are urged to send us clippings, cartoons and editorials from all Hearst newspapers— particularly items about the So- viet Union and the Communist Party. Indicate name of news- paper and date of publication in sending in this material. Address: || Feature Editor, Daily Worker, 35 || East 12th St. New York. | | all oppressed nationalities, that is, their freedom of separation. (“The Socialist Revolution and the Right | [ace to Self-Determination,” | 6.) | | | Tactics and Organization of the | Revolution | no sphere of Marxism did Lenin make a more distinctive or far- |reaching contribution than in the very wide field of revolutionary | strategy, tactics and organization, All these questions could still only receive incomplete treatment in the time of Marx, owing to the still early stage of development of the working class movement. On the basis of the nineteenth century revolutions and of the first stages of development of the work- ing class movement to a mass basis, | Marx was able to present in bold outline the essentials of revolution- ary proletarian strategy and tactics; and the writings and corresgondence of Marx and Engels in addition | reveal a host of pregnant indications on a very great variety of specific | |questions. These indications, ues lever, were in great part neglected, | lignored or even opposed by their | immediate successors, who took | parts that suited them and often | even suppressed the rest. | | Lenin, on the contrary, worked | |over anew these indications with | |the closest attention in the light of further experience, and at the same | | time faced with complete fresh- | |ness the new problems of the more | jadvanced stage of capitalism and the working-class movement. It was Lenin who first elaborated Marxist strategy and tactics into a fully worked out science, | This practical revolutionary | science elaborated by Lenin, in| \close association with revolutionary | theory, covers the whole range) from the most elementary questions | |of agitation and organization to the | | ultimate questions of the conquest of | power and of post-revolutionary | | construction, | The mastery of dialectical method | is here most powerfully exibited, | with the greatest elasticity in re-| | sponding to each concrete situation, | while maintaining the revolutionary | line and aims unbroken. In con- sequence just this essence of Lenin’s | leadership least admits of any for- | ;mal summarizing, and requires to (be studied in the life. (To be continued) Do your bit to increase Daily Worker cireulation, Get swbs, talked on and on from 11 o'clock | # WORLD of the How They Tried to Poison 4s Smedley Vienna in 1920 Life Threatened By Kuomintang GNES SMEDLEY has been warn- ed that her life is in danger if she remains in China. She is now in| | Shanghai. Agnes Smedley has writ-; ten two books on China—Chinese Destimies and China’s Red Army Marches. The latter, according to the Vanguard Press, has been pro- AG S SMEDLEY hibited entry to China by the Sup- | erintendent of Customs at Shanghai. | |In this book Agnes Smedley tells of | the struggles and heroism of the Chinese Red Army and the forma- | tion of the Chinese Soviet Republic | | Smedley attributes her present | jeopardy to the frank manner in which she has recounted what actu- \ally is taking place in China, and |says that in a way it is a compli- |ment that the Kuomintang fascists consider her a danger to them. “They are particularly furious,” she writes, “because my books ap- peared abroad, chiefly in America, where the Kuomintang leaders try | to pose as a modern national gov- ernment instead of what they are— the dirty running dogs of the for- eign imperialist powers, and the butchers of the Chinese people.” School for Theatre Workers to Open in Los Angeles LOS ANGELES, Cal.—A labora- | tory school for the teaching and de- velopment of left-wing motifs in the theatre has been formed here, to be known as the Theatre Workers | School. The curriculum will include four general courses: (1) the drama; (2) the dance; (3) Puppets and Marionettes; (4) the cinema. With- in each of these categories will be classes in histrionics, costume de- | signing, voice culture, scenic de-| signing, make-up and stage craft as applied in each theatrical medium. The schedule of tuition fees calls for a payment of five dollars per four months semester for any one course. For any choice of classes taken for one month only the charge will be $1.50. Also scholarships will be offered to deserving students and in all special cases adjustments of laboratory responsibilities will be | made to fit individual and group needs. Tuning In 7:00 P. M.-WEAF—Kemp Orchestra WOR-—Sports Resume—Stan Lomax WJZ—Amos 'n’ Andy—Sketch WABC—Myrt and Marge—Sketch 1:15-WEAF—Jack Si Songs WOR—Lum and Abner—Sketch WJZ—Concert ‘chestra WABC—Just Plain Bill—Sketeh 7:30-WEAF-—Minstrel Show WOR—The Street Singer WABC—Nick Lucas, Songs 1:45-WOR—Comedy; Music ‘WJZ—Nichols Orchestra; ting, Songs WABC—Boake Carter, Commentator 8:00-WEAF—Vallee's Varieties WOR—Little Symphony Philip James, Conductor; String Trio WABC—AIl-Girl Orchestra and Chorus, Direction Phil Spitainy 15-WJZ—Jesters Male Trio 30-WOR—Progzess of the Republican | Party—Henry P. Fletcher, Chair-| man, Republican National Commit- | tee, at Meeting at Cooper Union | | Ruth Et- Orchestra; | Milban WJZ-—Chicago a Cappella Choir WABC—Johnson Orchestra; Ed Nell, Baritone; Edwin C. Hill, rator, Speaker: Lewis H. Bro’ President, Johns-Manville, Inc, 9:00-WEAP—Captain Henry's Show Boat | WOR—Hillbilly Music WJZ—Death Valley Days—Sketch WABC—Gray’s Orchestra; Annette Hanshaw, Songs; Walter O'Keefe 9:30-WOR—Little Theatre Tournament WJZ—Charles Sears, Tenor; Ruth Lyon, Soprano WABC—Waring Orchestra 10:00-WEAF—Whiteman's Music Hall: Helen Jepson, Soprano, and Others WOR—Channing Choir WJZ—Strnig Ensemble 10:18-WOR—Current Events—H. E. Read | 10:30-WOR—Eddy Brown, Violin WJ2—Self-Government in Business— | Leverett 8. Lyon, Vice President, | Brookings Institution; Professor Paul T. Homan, Cornell University WABC—Stevens Orchestra 10:45-WABC—Voice of the Crusaders 11:00-WEAF—Talk—J, B. Kennedy | Struggle for its immediate needs and demands. state. WOR—News WsZ—Biry Orchestra ‘ Ouestions and Answers This department appears daily on the feature page. All questions should be addressed to “Ques- tions and Answers,” c/o Daily Worker, 50 East 13th Street, New York City. NOTE: It is gratifying to note that more and more readers are making use of this de- partment, We regret that because of limita- tions of space we cannot answer all questions that are asked by readers. We do our best to answer those questions that have the most general interest for the readers of the Daily Worker. However, all questions are carefully read and considered, and readers can receive personal answers by enclosing a self-addressed and stamped envelope. Fighting for Immediate Needs Question: Why do Communists fight for better working conditions and other immediate demands? If they allowed things to become w then the workers would rise up and destroy the capitalist system.—O. J. Answer: Communists fight for every demand and need of the v because as the vanguard of the w have no other interests apart from the interests of the workers. In fighting for immediate demands the workers learn the value and need of organization. They become aware of the enemy forces which stand between them and economic security. They prepare themselves for the final task of destroying capitalism and all its in- stitutions of exploitation and oppression. If Communists were merely to tell the toilers to wait for conditions to get worse, they would be be- traying the interests of the workers. It is now when the capitalist class is attacking the living standards of the working class that the workers must be ral- lied to a counter-attack. To do nothing would mean crippling the forces of the workers; it would hand them over helpless to the enemy class. It is impor- tant to emphasize that one of the most important lessons that Lenin taught us is that we cannot just wait for conditions to grow from bad to worse, for capitalism to crumble away automatically. The capitalist class which owns the economic in- stitutions of the country will never give them up, unless the workers take them. To do this success- fully and to destroy the power of the capitalist class, the working class must be organized around the In the workers learn the the power of the capitalist They prepare for its eventual revolutionary these every-day struggles necessity of fighting destruction and the setting up of a workers’ state— the dictatorship of the proletariat. Prelude By ALFRED HAYES Look west. Cities and depots greet the eyes. The big Lakes lift a mist of steam. The river Pours past wharf and mill. At night the heron cries, Stemmed one-legged in the swamp, at the water winch. The cougar snarls at the steam drill in the Sierras, Green fire-eyes among the pines, West, west Abandoning history, asphalt paves the ruts Of covered wagons. Swift tires, stock exchange. Chain store, permit no memories. Harvester and plough Are driven in a fallow field by banker's hands. Where you are buried some stone frontiersman stands Flintlock rain-rusted: and we need rifles now, For stevedore and steel hand both hold the river's mouth, More than De Soto's, their bones are buried in its flow. Sharecropper writes the legends of a newer South Cracker and cavalry captain shall never know, Deckhands who ride the river’s spreading tide, Slow freights that roll the hungry pickers in, Lean "bos who seek the Delta’s wharfed and wares housed side, These still have their own continent to win, Not to strip the buffalo from the plains And starve a race for fun, they shall wield Those weapons that shall bring this land to yield; Shall open old abandoned mines, old water holes, Reclaim the barren desert; and they shall know This land of theirs again by full freight flowing, By fired engines, by crops, and by the rain and snow, A Great Marxist on Marxism MARX-ENGELS MARXISM by V. I. LENIN @ The most instructive presentation of the theory of revoluionary Marxism that can be compressed into one volume. @ A clear, concise expo- sition of “the living soul of Marxism”—dealing not only with basic theory, but with its application to pressing problems of today. ioe $$$ et | International Publishers | 381 Fourth Ave., New York Gentlemen I am interested in your Publications. Please send me your | book ‘news. catalogue and |Name ... Address _. CLOTHBOUND, 226 pages—$1.25 INTERNATIONAL PUBLISHERS New York, N. Y, 381 Fourth Avenue YOUR OPPORTUNITY! Special Trial Subscription Offer TWO MONTHS -- 81.00 DAILY WORKER, 35 East 12th Street, New York, N. Y. COMRADES :— I am anxious to subscribe to the “Daily” for the next two months, for the low rate you allow. Enclosed is my dollar. City cecees State viccccctseescene (Does not apply to renewals or in Manhattan and Bronx.)