The Daily Worker Newspaper, January 19, 1935, Page 6

Page 6 Answer Kirov Assassins | By Defense of the U.S.S.R.! Murderous Deed Shows Frenzy of USSR Enemies By JOHN WILLIAMSON n of Sergei Kiroy leader of the Com- Soviet regime renega HE assassina outstanding Part the ie with cir- encircle- herland. more the ¢ ment of the workers’ the Soviet Union While co uainted with fes of this Bol- thousands of the great ne frantic e! ag system of capitalism, to a new attack upon the ion. Once more, factories work overtime, led in this country the press prostitute Hearst ist allies. We must a: sassination of Kirov and th ~Soviet cam- paign by strengthening every ac- in defense of the Soviet The defense of the Soviet Union rests on two pillars. There is the Soviet Union itself, with its So- cialist eatry, backed enthusias- tically by a united working class, defended by its unparalleled Red Army—all of which is possible be- cause of the guidance and leader- ship of the Bolshevik Party. The other pillar is that of the toilers of the capitalist and colonial countries, who, suffering under the economic lash of the sixth year of the crisis and the fury of the Fascist butchers, see in the Soviet Union a fortress of victorious Socialism, a bulwark of peace, the protector of the prole- tarian world revolution and a bea- con which inspires them to sharper and more effective struggle against capitalism. A Many Sided Task To strengthen the defense of the Soviet Union among the American toilers is a many sided task. It consists not only in popularizing the achievements of the Soviet Union in contrast with the decaying capitalist DAILY FALLEN ag By GIL GREEN IN 1906, when Larin (at that time & Menshevik) attacked the Bol- sheviks for bringing into the revo- lutionary movement wide masses of | youth and receiving suppert from these youth, he received the fol- lowing reply from Lenin: “Larin complains, ‘for example, | that there is a prevalence of | working youth in the Party, that | there are few married workers in | our ranks, that they leave the | Party. This complaint of a Rus- sian opportunist reminded me of one place in Engels (I think it was in the ‘Housing Question’). In re- futing some disgusting bourgeois professor Engels wrote: “Is it not natural that youth form the majority of our ranks, in the Party of the revolution? We are the Party of the future, and the future belongs to the youth. We are a Party of inno- vators most willin; We are a | Party of self-sacrificing struggle | against the old rotten system, and | it is the youth above all who enter into self-sacrificing strug- | gles.’” | Lenin never tired to emphasize | and their reformist apologists who | arbitration and no-strike legislation | the importance of the youth, realiz- | have acquired @ mushroom growth, | is the order of the day. Behind it| ing that from the ranks of the the defense of the Soviet Union| all stand the grim outlines of Fas- | Youth, especially the working youth, | also demands a strengthening of the | cism, nurtured by Wall Street. | the Party could get its greatest sup- revolutionary ideology of Leninism Economic Rise of U. S. S. R. ane Sather Toe noe igh and daily concrete exposure of the} I contrast with these conditions| sey The seat rt is} me | nationalist Fascist theories, of the | in the richest country in the world, | evolutionaey “ bemueie eit Social Democratic theories of “grad-| the Soviet Union under the dicta- i Aliens dealthics amt ‘ “ ” - emphasized thi ualism” and “lesser evils,” as weil | torship of the proletariat and guided | Se song ests gether brs Death mask of Kirov, slain by class enemies of U. S, S. R. workers and peasants, as of all the anti proletarian coun- | py the policies of Leninism as em- | as ‘ hs 7, ‘ es | ealed to the ter-revolutionary ideology of Kirov's | bodied in the Communist Party, | peoels of the mary sos bacuad | assassins, transplanted to the | has founded the basis for the steady | ing words: United States of America in the increase of the economic well-being perverted Trotskyist Musteite Work-! and culture of the toiling masses. ers Party. | Unemployment does not exist, The American workers are ready | Wages have been increased in the | to defend the Soviet Union in ever | last five years by 40 per cent, new | larger numbers as the achievements | factories are opened, the seven-hour of the Soviet Union are popularized , day exists for all, with the six-hour and stand out in contrast with the | day for youth and dangerous work. conditions in capitalist America. In | An all embracing system of social the sixth year of the crisis, Ameri- | insurance is administered by 50,000 / can toilers are in a position never Seen me * fund oH over Ave} re illion roubles ai er isposal. Pee a cae , | Illiteracy has been abolished Fifteen million are unemployed,| ang new schools open yearly. The | wages have been cut forty per cent, | Socialist reorganization of agricul- | cost of living has increased twenty- | ture has rooted out the last breeding | nine per cent, new systems of speed- | place of capitalism and has guaran- “I assure you that among us | there is some kind of idiotic, Philistine, boorish fear of the youth. I beg of you to fight | against this fear with all your strength.” And further: “Wider and more boldly, more boldly and wider, still wider and still more boldly recruit the youth, not fearing them. These are | war times. The youth decide the outcome of the struggle, both the | student youth and still more the working youth.” Some thirty years have passed | up have been introduced into the | teeq’ the collective farmers an in- since Lenin gave these words of | ORKER, NEW YORK, SATURDAY, JANUARY 19, 19 WE ARE A PARTY (World Part OF YOUTH’— LENIN tendency? In an article written in | December, 1916, Lenin answers this very question, Lenin said: “Frequenty representatives of the generation of the middle aged and old do not know properly how to approach the youth, who of necessity are compelled to ap- Proach socialism by a different path and not in the same form and the same conditions as their fathers.” How important is a full under- standing of these words of Lenin today! Do we not also have rep- resentatives of the middle aged and old who do not know how to ap- proach the youth because they come to Communism under other conditions? Especially i this true of the United States. Here, we not alone have the general problem as stated | by Lenin, but the additional faci that a lasge portion of the adult | working class population are for- | eign born workers. These foreign born workers, especially, find it dif- ficult to understand the youth of today. In most cases these adult workers went to work at nine and | ten years of age. They did not go/ through an intensive school sys- tem which feeds the youth the special American brand of patriot- ism and chauvinism. They were not influenced by the powerful American organizations built by the ruling class for winning the youth— the “Y,” Settlement Houses, etc. They, as youths, in the main did not go through a long period .of unemployment, etc., etc. In other words these workers cannot under- stand the American youth because they grew up under entirely differ- ent conditions. It is not surprising then that they brand youth as frivolous and irresponsible. They | cannot or will not see the growing radicalization among youth—their tremendous revolutionary poten- | tialities. Must React to Problems This, in the main, is the reason why often good revolutionary work- ers find it impossible or difficult to win their own sons and daugh- ters for the revolutionary move- ment. If we connect this correct obser- vation with the fact that our Party, despite its progress is still greatly a Party of foreign born workers, we y of New Forces M ust Be Developed As Vital Party Task By F. BROWN | The Eleventh Anniversary of the |death of Lenin, the greatest. leader of the working class, the builder of the World Communist Party, finds Lenin’s World Party stronger today | than ever before. Let the enemies, jthe counter-revolutionary Trotzky- ites, and the renegades of all stripes talk about the destruction of the |Leninist Party. The pupils of Lenin, |following in his path, steeled in} jclass battles all over the world, in the struggles against capitalism, jin the struggle for building So- | + | cialism on one-sixth of the world’s | surface, are marching forward, | guided by the theoretical and or- | ganizational principles laid down by their great teacher. aoe JOSEPH STALIN training schools, and other forms Cleansed of the renegade elements | Of schools, do not yet meet the |who for years fought against the |™eeds. The cry for leaders ri not only from the districts and sec- ring Ss —— a x Mrpaples of Lenin—either by try- | tions, but especially from the lower nizations: the units and frac- tions, It is precisely in the leade=- ship of the lower organizations of rgeoi: i |our Party that we find our major Mesias ge dara ek ne veri | weakness, ‘The Party is growing, challenging the waves of attacks|the basic units are multiplying jfrom the Fascists, from the cap-| every day—yet the leadership italists and combating within the | these basic organizations working class ranks the attacks of | developing with the same pace. jthe Second International, the rene- | Training Active Leaders | gade groups, and all other concilia-| Here we see immediately that we tors to capitalism. It is strong be-|9t@ Yet far from having fulfilled cause it is unified by the theoretical | the principle of Lenin: the develop- jing to revive inside the Communist International distortions of Marx- ism or by smuggling in (under the | cloak of Communism) their petty- and organizational principles of | ment of hundreds, thousands of the |Lenin, i us P . | best and loyal elements into a lead- “Lenin, while establishing the | ing, functioning. capacity. It is theory and tactics of the proletar- | thus clear that our task is to im ian revolution in general, and the | Prove all the schools already exi jing, especially the district schools, dictatorship of the proletariat in P particular” (Stalin) in the struggle | Section schools, and thereby to de- velop the forces needed locally. against the Mensheviks, against the % then a revisionists of the Second Interna-| At ae Feeieeeael frieze re tional, gavi 4 vorki las | more educati e es erty: ia te Saari oa | basic organizations, in the units and quickly to the demands of the cur- | fractions, inasmuch as it is through rent struggle, able to lead the work- | we re pie ot ete, cubs 1 i ing class to victory. | of the Party rs a= "tt was at the time the parties of | Velop Bolsheviks who will under- the Second International, following | sent the spore eee their revisionist program, were re-| 2nd who w eB conv! duced to an electoral campaign ap- | their fellow-workers of the correct- paratus, to an organization unfit for | Ness of our program. ‘ the revolutionary struggle of the We must have Communists who proletariat that Lenin en Bel be recognized by the workers the teachings of Marx end laid |as leaders. This means that our down the fundamental principles of | Party will be more and more rec- — | our the Party of the working class: | ognized as the only Party of the Lenin . ° _ Growing in Strength ““We Need Special Program for Youth,” National | : eS é nS Seeretary of Y.C.L. Declares Lenin’s Teachings Show | Way to Build Party stead of leading the workers this point, we have still to s 2 the problem of getting all the Party members inside the trade unions. In other words, we are confronted with the task of making every Party member understand the role of the individual Communist, the role of the Communist Party among the organized masses. A clearer under standing of the role of the frace tions will strengthen our position tremendously among the masses ore | ganized in the trade unions, | How do we stand in regard’to tha |Leninist principles of democratic |centralism and iron discipline uf Party? Let the Trotzkyite counter-revolution: and Love- | stoneite renegades shout about the lack of democracy, about the bu- reaucracy in our Party. We are following the Leninist ciples on the basis of which the solid unity of | the Party is established. | Of what kind of democracy do these gentlemen talk? Of the lib- erty asked for by Trotzky through- out his political career to convert At e of | Our Party into a discussion club, to js not|Smuggle under the cloak of inner |democracy distortions of Marxism- | Leninism, to smuggle into our Party | Trotzky’s theories of permanent revolution, condemned by Lenin, to deny the possibility of builling So- cialism in one country. Of the lib- erty to slur the dictatorship of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, to slur the dictatorship of the proletariat in the Soviet Union, and to advocate the necessity of a second revolution—thereby arming the hands of counter-revolutionary assassins, uniting with White Guards and Fascists to deprive the Soviet Union, the world proletariat, of their best leaders? No, gentle- men, from 1902,0n, Lenin fought | against the Martovs and Trotzkys | on these vital problem, in order to prevent the opportunists, reformists, the petty-bourgeois elements, from | smuggling their theories into the | Party, and in order to build the Party into a Party of iron discipline, In our Party there is discussion; | but discussion kept in the frame of | Leninist inner democracy and Party discipline. Discussion? Yes; more | worki 1 1 vanguard | discussion on how best to conduct Bees scentliorar lta ppt jour activities, on how more effi- | ciently to attack our enemies; but 1—The Communist Party as the vanguard of the working class. 2—The principle of the forma- world, but in teaching the American factories, millions of young work-| creased standard of living and cul- workers on the basis of their own vu advice to his Party, They were well ers have never seen the inside of | ture, Soviet Power has freed pre- | taken. For seventeen years now can better understand why it has been especially difficult to win the ‘ | Shop Nuclei : " daily experiences, the theory and factory, three million working class | viously oppressed national minori-|the Party of Lenin has been the | whole Party for a correct under- |4:5), % zi How do we stand with our shop | Rot discussion for the revision of Practices of Marxism - Leninism, | children of school age are Kept out | ties and united 150 nationalities in| Party of the victorious Russian |standing of youth work. But this |Hinc* cacres, OL ine Party, the so-| |i, dee Sone lel are more | Me program of the Lenin World which has made possible the birth, | Of school, sales taxes have been in- | ciose fraternal bonds. On the in-|Revolution. From stage to stage | makes it all the more necessary for = Party. It is in the democratic ccn- numerous than they were 6 months | 3—The principle of making of | ago. Yet the majority of the Party | trelism and iron discipline based on continuous existence and growth of each individual Party member an troduced on a city and State scale, | ternational arena, the Soviet Union the Soviet Union. Furthermore, it of the struggle for power and for | lynching of Negro workers con-| ig the most powerful force fighting our Party to learn how to approach the masses of youth on their own demands that the American workers tinues and terror against the em- | ¢o, peace in the world today, | membered and followed the teach- be made conscious of the plans for | Ployed, unemployed, Negroes, home-| 3;°i. the recognition that Soviet owners and poor farmers increases, | | socialism the Bolshevik Party re- | | | ings of Lenin. And today more than armed intervention of the imperial- ist. world and of their duties as American workers in defense of the Soviet Union in time of actual war. Above all, it calls for an intensi- fied struggle against the sharpened many-sided attacks of capitalism on the living standards of the masses with the shadows of fascism lurking in the background. This will lead to a growth of revolutionary con- Sciousness among decisive strata of the American working class, par- ticularly in the steel, mining, auto, rubber and railroad industries and a recognition that Soviet Power of capitalism over the great wealth and productive forces now separated from the masses of the people, al- though it is the product of their toil as a class. To withstand the maneuvers, plots and demagogy of the capitalist class in| America will unlock the stranglehold | SES: | Power—the state force of the dic-| ever before the Bolshevik Party of Behind a screen of beautiful) tatorship of the proletariat liberates | Lenin, under the leadership of | phrases and demagogy, the Roose-| the toiling masses from the oppres- | Stalin, receives the support of. the | velt government is carrying through | 45, exploitation, starvation, war|entire Soviet young generation—a what Hoover failed to do success- | 414 fascism, of capitalism that|Seneration which participates en- | fully enough — restoration of the | mobjitizes ever larger toiling masses | thusiastically in the fulfillment of | profits of the biggest corporations | in defense of their Workers’ Father- | the words of Engels, “We are the and aggressive -ishiagees cade land—the Soviet Union. | Party of the future, and the future America’s imperialist competitor: . | belongs to the youth.” { joviet Union Capitalist profits in 1934 increased | Ses aaa dine sea Applies in U. & | | by 70 per cent. Over 10 billion dol- | . u | lars was handed over to banks and |in their struggle to delay imperial-| In the United States, we must | i i | ist war against the Soviet Union,|also learn and apply the teach- els aang Ra kh Blea sineey ah the workers in the course of this | ings of Lenin on the youth, if we ihis ie done at the expense of the|Present-day struggle must acquire|are to follow the footsteps of the toiling masses. But still the Manu- | the full knowledge of what its tasks | Bolshevik Party. The words of facturers “Association and the | Will be in the event of such an im- | Lenin in 1905-06 have special bear- |Chamber of Commerce demand | Perialist attack upon the Savi | Oe zoeiguy Party ond as We no | ‘i + to | Union. | means have we as yet “a prevalence eae Se oe ines dinate: ‘i This is stated most explicitly in| of working youth in the Party.” pegs z “ the following quotations from the| While we have made considerable | Unemployment relief is to be cut. | Resolution of the Sixth Congress of | headway in the past year in build- Unemployment insurance remains | the Communist International: ing the Young Communist League an empty promise. Company unions “Imperialist war against the |@nd improving our mass work ‘get greater support; compulsory | Soviet Union fs open, bourgeois, | mong the youth, ths field of work | _| counter - revolutionary class war | Still remains extremely weak, SAME against the proletariat. Its prin- | We, too, have in our ranks some | cipal aim is to overthrow the pro- | Who have an “idiotic, philistine, “4. @ great REV Henri Barbusse Earl Browder William F. Dunne Michael Gold Clarence Hathaway Limited! 4 8! ase ders, Money POSTPAID late to secure Henri Barbusse Says: HUNGER and boorish fear of the youth.” Al- though we do not have any Larins |who openly speak against work among the youth, we have these same views and fears expressed in | a more cloaked fashion. This cloaked underestimation of thi youth question is reflected through- | out our Party in the tendency to believe that work among the youth | is no different than work among adult workers, it does not require | special activities, special demands and special organizational forms. This tendency, of course, finds its sharpest expression in an under- estimation of the importance and role of the Young Communist League, What is the root of this letarian dictatorship and to intro- duce a reign of white-guard terror against the working class and the toilers of all countries. The basis for the tactics of the proletariat in capitalist countries in the struggle against such a war is furnished by the Bolshevik pro- gram of struggle against the im- perialist war, i. ¢., transform the war into civil war. The methods and tasks of this struggle, prior to the outbreak of the war and during the war must, however, be adapted to the concrete conditions under which it was prepared for, and to its openly class character. The fact that, in this case, the ‘enemy’ is not an _ imperialist power, but the proletarian dicta- torship, introduces certain impor- and tumultuous spectacle!” OLT: ground. We must react to the spe- cial demands of the youth and must give them such organizational forms as will permit them to de- velop their initiative to the fullest extent. Lenin, in the same article writ- ten in 1916, says on this point: “For that reason (the reason that youth must travel to Com- munism under different condi- tions than their parents—G. G.), we must unconditionally support the organizational independence of the youth leagues, not merely active, direct participant in the is still organized on a neighborhood | the ideological unity of the program work of the organization. 4—The principle of laying the | scale. And, furthermore, many of the shop nuclei are not yet con- | of our Party that our strength lies. | This the bourgeoisie knows, and basis of the Party organization in | the factories, in the form of shop | nuclei. | 5—The principle of establishing | |Communist fractions in the non- |Party workers’ and. peasants’ or- ganizations (through which the organized masses of workers and peasants) and participating ac- tively as the driving force in all their struggles against their op- pressors. scious of their role, namely, that of being the Party in the particu- lar shop. They are not. yet clear on the activities through which they must establish themselves as the leader of the struggles of ti masses in the shops, mines, mills, and factories. The mere fact that the building of new shop nuclei takes so much pains, shows that In many instances we are still con- fronted with a lack of understand- ing. of the importance of this basic this is what the bourgeoisie fears, Let the renegades shout that the Communist Party is the tool of Stalin. Following the Communist | International and the leadership of Stalin means following Lenin, means serving the cause of the working class under the banner of the Third International established by Lenin, means following Lenin's best disciple, Comrade Stalin. Yes, this is a great task and a great honor, which the renegades from because the opportunists are afraid of this independence, but because it is necessary in itself; for without complete indepen- dence the youth will be unable fo train themselves into good socialists, or train themselves for 6—The principle of democratic jcentralism in the Party and the Communist International. | 1—The principle of iron discipline jof the Communist Party. ~ Self-Criticism organizational form of our Party; and that where we do understand this problem, not all the neces- sary measures are taken to guar- | Party is cosely connected with = | ing nuclei, the building of new ones. ; It is along these fundamental | Here again the importance of en- the purpose of carrying socialism | principles that our Pariy, like the |lightenment on this problem, the further.” Jother sections of the C. I, is or-| importance of veining of cadres This is why we need a Young /ganized. It is by following these | from the top down, is revealed to Communist League and a special | principles that our Party has gained | its full extent. program for the youth. This is|in strength, and in influence,| Have our fractions in the trade why we favor the building of youth |among the masses. Our Party is | unions and mass organizations be- sections in unions and mass or-|the organized detachment of the | come real instruments of the Party ganizations. We favor these, not | American working class, guiding the | through which we are closely linked because we want to divide the youth | proletariat in its daily struggles, | with the masses, and exercise lead- from the adult workers, as say some |and becoming more and more ership in involving these organiza- comrades, but because we want the |strongly connected with the toiling | tions in the daily struggles against youth who are coming to Commu- | masses. Yet, the moment that we | the exploiters and oppressors? Here nism “not in the same form and |analyze the conditions and activities | also we must state: Yes, we have the seme conditions as their|of our Party wth the yardstick | fractions. fathers,” to have the opportunity |of the fundamental principles of Yet our fractions are still func- to discuss their own problems, |Lenin, we can immediately see the | tioning very poorly, due primarily formulate their demands, organize many weaknesses still confronting their own activities and in this way | us. break down the artificial barriers! While {t is true that in the last between the old and new genera~| few years we have made a gigantic tions of the working class. |step forward in the development of | fractions, The organization of the The enemies of our Party try to | new cadres, these cadres are, how- fractions must go hand in hand utilize the special conditions and | ever, insufficient. The cry for ca- with the education of the fractions problems of youth to divide them | dres, for leaders, able to strengthen | as to their role and tasks. They from their class. We must utilize |the Party in the concentration dis- | must avoid, on the one hand, fol- these to tie them to their class. tricts, to build the Party in hun- | lowing at the tail end of the organ- dreds of new places, continues. Our | ized workers, and on the other, tak- | National Training schools, district! ing the attitude of commanding, in- understanding of their role. Again, |we cannot solve this problem by | mechanical organization of the | antee the development of the exist- | | to the fact that there is no clear | Cartoons by BURCK A REVOLUTIONARY HISTORY OF TE WORLD CRISIS De Luxe Edition ONLY 100 COPIES CHAPTERS BY: Marguérite Young Orders Are Now Being Taken - Ready February 1 Check or Money Order must accompany or- DAILY WORKER @ 50 E, 13th tant modifications in anti-war tactics.**** “The International — working class, and the toilers generally, look to the Soviet Union as their champion, and their attitude to- wards the Soviet Union Is one of | growing sympathy.**** “The possibilities of preventing war against the Soviet Union by intensifying class struggles to the point of revolutionary, mass ac- tion against the bourgeois govern- ments are much greater at the present time than the possibilities for such action were in 1914. An example of revolutionary action | was given by the British workers in 1920 when, by forming Councils of Action, they forced their gov- ernment to abandon their inten- tion of declaring war against the Soviet Union. “The conditions favorable for transforming a war against the Soviet Union into civil war against the bourgeoisie will be much more splendidly created for the prole- tariat than in an ordinary im- perialist war.**** “In the event of an attack upon the Soviet Union the Communists in oppressed nations, as well as those imperialist countries, must exert all their efforts to rouse rebellion or wars of national liberation among the national minorities in Europe and in the | colonial and semi-colonial coun- | tries against the imperialist ene- mies of the Soviet State. view of the fact that the in such a war is the | Langston Hughes Corliss Lamont Joseph North John Strachey Seymour Waldman Autographed! will be returned to those too a copy. | “In | ‘enemy’ | Soviet Union, 1. ¢., the fatherland | of the international proletariat, | the following changes must be | firm grasp of revolutionary theory, made in tactics as compared with the tactics employed in ‘purely’ imperialist war; “The proletariat in the im- | perialist countries must not only fight for the defeat of their own | governments in this war, but must actively strive to secure victory for the Soviet Union, “Therefore, the tactics and the choice of means of fighting will not only be dictated by the inter- ests of the class struggle at home in each country, but also by con- siderations for the outcome of the war at the front, which is a bour- geois class war against the prole- tarian State.” Leninist Theory, the Greatest Force As the crisis of international capitalism deepens and the Fascist rule of the bourgeoisie sharpens the war preparations, especially against the Soviet Union, there is developed a high-powered propaganda against the Soviet Union and its basic work- ing principles. This not only takes on the form of abuse and distortion as evidenced by Hearst and Com- pany, but of a more subtle nature, as in the ideologists of the bour- geoisie, who oppose the Soviet sys- tem in the name of democracy. To withstand all this propaganda, the revolutionary theory of the proletariat — Marxism-Leninism | must be popularized, Without a the working Ss or its ovganiza- | tions will be a ship without a/ rudder—the victim of every storm, | wave, or tide. To avoid this, the) oceasion of Lenin Memorial must be used to distribute and popularize the fundamental theoretical works |of Marx, Engels, Lenin and Stalin. | +S | and it alone, can give the move- No one can over-emphasize what ri é Stalin says on this subject: “Theory becomes the greatest force in the working class move- ment when it is inseparably linked with revolutionary practice; for it, | ment confidence, guidance, and | understanding of the inner links | between events; it alone can en- | able those engaged in the prac- | tical struggle to understand the | whence and whether of the work- | ing class movement.” For seventeen years, the Soviet Union has withstood every attack, internal and external, by world im- perialism and its agents, Today, the Soviet Union is more powerful than ever before. That explains the | desperateness of the class enemy as | expressed in the latest attacks in the form of cowardly assassination. | To those responsible, the Soviet | proletariat will give its unwavering answer, despite all the howls of the | hypocritical bourgeois Fascist and Socialist press. We revolutionary workers in the United States under- stand the defense and strengthen- ing of the Soviet Union not only as a fraternal duty of “friends of the Soviet Union” but as a class duty towards the Workers’ Fatherland— where Socialism, representing the ultimate interests of the world’s | working class, is being built, Get your fr cialist competition in the Daily Worker subscription contest. The first prize is a free trip to the Soviet Union; other attractive prizes are offered, Start in the contest today! the cause of the working class, can- not share. Let them’ be com- plimented and honored for their struggle against the Lenin and Stalin World Party by their mas- ters—the bourgeoisie. Strengthen the Party The sharpening of the attacks against our Party, against the work- |ing class, demands the tightening | up of the whole Party apparatus, means concretizing into action the line of the Open Letter to the Party and the decisions of the Eighth | Party Convention. The strengthening of our Party, | building it into a mass proletarian |Party, is the best guarantee io | withstand all attacks by the | enemies. The expeviences of many | sections of the Lenin World Party which today, in spite of having been suppri |, in spite of Fase ‘ism, are maintaining a strong con= nection with the masses—shows us that our Party cannot be destzoyed; |that the strength of our Party when the highest pressure is exer= cised against it by the enemy, lies in the extent to which the Party is | connected with the masses in the | factories and in the trade unions, The line of our Party as worked out at the last Party convention, and extended by the last plenum, is | the Leninist line of more decisively leading the workers in the daily suggles, in the building of the broadest united front movement, of |more strongly being connected with | the masses as a prerequisite to _march forward and prepare our= {selves for the future battles for power. The Eleventh Anniversary of Lenin's death comes in the period of a new round of wars and reyoe lutions, at a moment when the ate (tacks against the soviet Union, | against the working class in all cap- italist countries, are sharpening: at a moment, when in the United States, our Party is under the sharp attack by the government and | growing Fascist elements, by the |refozmist bureaucratic leaders of _ trade unions, by the renegades from | Communism, by the ~Social-Dem- | ocratic leaders; at a moment when the working class is under the sharpest attack by the New Deal, It therefore becomes necessary that one of our major tasks is to take more vigorously the leadership in the daily struggles of the workers, by building the broadest united front. It is through their own ex- ; periences on the correctness of the Communist policies that the mil- lions of toilers will go over to Com- |munism. This is the way to buiid (our Party to a real power. To do this, we must lea:n to master all the teachings of Lenin, and in line with his teachings, improve our Party or- ganizations, make of our Farty an iron Party able to withstand all at- |tacks and march forward at the 5 head of the masses. Make of it the American mass Bolsheyile Party! ' ' (