The Daily Worker Newspaper, January 19, 1935, Page 3

j I | i I AILY WORKER. EW YORK, S. TURDAY, JANUARY 19, 193 Page 3 BROWDER DISC Political Changes Determine Review Of C. © P. Attitude Labor Party Must Be| have to answer now is whether in Based On Mass Organizations By Earl Browder UR resolution points out that the political changes that have taken Place in 1934 among the masses de- mands that we review our whole attitude towards the question of the Labor Party. One feature of our approach to this question has re- mained constant throughout the whole period since 1928. The correct basic approach to the question which we have never changed as formulated by the Sixth World Congress in 1928. At that time we were faced with a situation in which practically there was no mass move- ment for a Labor Party. We had to determine how we should read- just ourselves towards this question | when there was no mass movement for it, The question was greatly dis- cussed inthe commissions of the Sixth World Congress, and finally the decision which was written into the thesis of the Congress was that proposed by Stalin. I will read it to you—it is brief, only a few lines —but i stands as an essentially correct approach for this whole period, when we opposed practical proposals for a Labor Party, as well as now when we decide again to revive the question. “On the question of the organ- izing of the Labor Party, the Con- gress resolves that the Party con- centrate its attention on the work im the trade unions, on organiz- ing the unorganized, etc., and in this way lay the basis for the practical realization of the slogan of a broad Labor Party organized from below.” In 1929, a year after the Sixth World Congress, in discussing what this means practically in our con- crete work in the United States, we came to the conclusion that this correct orientation required that we should come out against all of the current proposals then being made for the organization of a Labor Party. We declared that any prac- tical . steps towards organizing a Labor Party in those conditions could only result in the building of @ new appendage of the old parties. ‘The only ones who were practically for a Labor Party would have been the Communists, the narrow moye- ment of the Socialist Party and a few scattered burocrats. True, the process of radicalization of the masses under the impact of the crisis was already beginning then, but this radicalization of the masses was not taking such forms as to give promise of any immediate mass Labor Party emerging. The best proof that our judgment was cor- rect at that time is the fact that in the five years that have inter- vened, nobody has been able to do anything practical with the idea of a Labor Party. Situation is Changing It is clear now when we look back over these years that if we had been playing around with the slogan of a Labor Party in the absence of @ mass movement it would not have advanced us one step. We would not have developed a Labor Party and we would have taken attention away from the basic tasks of the movement directly connected with what was going on among the masses. The question which we 1934 this situation is changing in such a way as to require us to revise our practical attitude to- wards this question. We say, when we look over the situation of the past year, definitely: Yes, the situ- ation is changing. There has be- gun in this year the clearly discern- able beginnings of a mass disin- tegration of the old Party system the beginnings of the break-up of the old parties, the distinct possib- lity appears now that a new mass party may come forth out of this disintegration of the old parties, the Democratic and the Republican parties. This is something new in the political life of our Party which jwe have not seen Since 1923-24 when in the period following the post-war crisis, a similar break- away movement developed which was finally corralled into the La- Follette movement. Under present conditions in 1934 what can we say about the possible character and form which such a mass break away from the old par- ties will take? What are the pos- sible variations which such a new mass party will take? It is clear that there is a large number of pos- sible forms in which this movement might emerge. In our resolution we point out four possible variations, four possible types which this move- ment could take. What Kind of Labor Party? First of all it may become a popular, populist or progressive party of the type of the LaFollette party in Wisconsin, of the Sinclair movement, of the Olsen, Long move- ments, crystallized as a new mass party on a national scale. Or secondly, it might be a party similar in composition and character to that, but which would put forward @ name of Farmer Labor Party, or Labor Party even, differing only in its name and in the degree it devel- oped the demagogy which would come with such a name, The third possible variation, might be more concretely a Labor Party with a predominant trade union base, with @ program concerning immediate demands, possibly with a vague demagogy about the cooperative commonwealth such as even Olson carries on in Minnesota, but domi- nated by a section of the trade union bureaucracy organized from above, with the assistance of the Socialist party and excluding the Communist and the militant elements. The fourth possibility is that this mass break away might crystallize in the form of a labor party built from below, as pointed out by the Sixth World Congress resolution, on pre- dominantly a trade union base in- cluding also all mass organizations of the workers, but in conflict with the bureaucracy or with the larger part of it, putting forward a pro- gram of demands closely connected with the mass struggles, strikes, unemployment, and so on, with the leading role being played by the militant elements including the Communists. Of course you must not under- stand these four types we list as rigid, fixed things. They can de- velop in all possible varieties with even parallel developments of different types and at various stages the movement might reflect one type and then another. But these four types that we give as possible variations serve to illus-| trate the various relation of forces of the struggle between the revo- lutionary trends and the reformist trends and how they would result in given circumstances in the different | types of parties, with a differen type of leadership and program | and towards which our attitude | would have to be different. We/| cannot take one and the same atti- tude towards all the various forms | and crystallizations which the break | away from the old capitalist parties | may take on. Our attitude must be varied according to the form | which it does take. Especially now | in this early stage of the develop- ment our attitude has to be directed | towards helping to determine in| advance what kind of form this movement will take so that we become an active factor in deter-| mining what will be the result. | It is clear that we cannot be pas- | sive towards this mass break away from the old parties. We must have | & positive attitude towards it. We| must change our negative Position | towards the Labor Party question | which was determined by the ab- sence of a practical mass movement which made it a practical problem. Now there is a mass movement and it is a question of our Party’s parti- cipation among these masses and influencing their course. In our resolution we say that the Party must declare its support for | 3 party and | 7 the movement for a labor fight within this general mass break away from the old parties to deter- mine that the party form and char- | acter which is taken by the move-| 4 ment shall correspond to this fourth | Possible variation we have listed and | not to any of the others, that it | shall be a labor party organized | from below, reflecting in the closest Possible way the mass struggles and bringing forward the militant ele- ments as an integral part of the leadership of such a party. Our resolution points out very sharply that within this general movement we must carry on a systematic struggle against all at- tempts to direct it into the chan- nels of the progressive party or a similar party which only masks itself as Farmer Labor or Labor Party, and so on. In order to ac- complish this, of course, in order to influence this movement at all, we have to be in it and have positive proposals to make. We cannot par- REPORTS ON LABOR PARTY Earl Browder, General Secretary, C. P., U. S. A. ticipate in it effectively if we stand | merely as inactive critics of it. Neither can we expect that with | from old political allegiances over- night, that these millions will come! C.P. Summons Relief Meeting On Iron Range VIRGINIA, Minn., Jan. 18—The Communist Party of the Mesaba Range region has issued a call to all members of the Mine Mill and Smelter Workers Union, unemployed organizations and members of the United Units to organize local strug- gles for increased relief and against discrimination which wiH lead up o @ Range-wide Demonstration for relief in this city on February 16. In calling for a fight against the steel trust, the Communist Party points out that the United Units, an organizaion which has recently come into existence as a labor or- ganizations, is only a means in the hands of steel trust to confuse the workers and prevent a struggle for better conditions. Its organization is very much shaped as a fascist form, with units of 32 each headed by & captain which could be used by the trust to break strikes and against the militants in the labor movement. Its program is based on the idea that ‘the interests of the bosses and workers are identi- cal.” fen RT Tre ee 11 YEARS... January 18, 1924, the first issue of the Daily Worker appeared on the streets of Chicago and sped through the mails to workers in several hundred cities and towns throughout the United States. 1X was a small paper, with a small staff. It had been launched with the pennies, nickels and dimes of a few thousand workers. For days and weeks and months it was to struggle for its very existence—for its right to speak for workers to other ‘ workers, This fight to live—to expand the voice of the working class—has been intensified with each succeeding issue. The eleven years just past have all been reflected in the pages of this paper— the one American daily newspaper that presented the workers’ side of the story— predicted aeourately and reported honestly the events that fell with hammer-like blows upon the backs of workers in every trade and profession. Regardless of your category as a worker—if you desire a higher standard of living and greater educational and vocational opportunities—if you are opposed to prosperity for the few and privation for the many, to fascism and war—then sub- scribe to America’s only daily newspaper that is published by and for workers. +e Tear Out This Coupon — MAIL TODAY! Subseription Rates > DAILY WORKER 50 East 13th Street New York, N. ¥. Comrades: Please enter my subscription for... vey to start with the 18806 Of... cneurnsmsununinsinny £OT TOM C1O80 Soccressensneramne 1 Year's Subscription ... seg : 6 Months’ Subscription .., 3 Months’ Subscription 1 Year (Saturday only) . Bring Charges Against Youth NEWARK, Jan. 18—Newark au- thorities have threatened to make an example of Frank Carlson, ar- rested together with 11 other youths last Saturday for picketing the Newark C.C.C. headquarters in protest against military discipline invoked against the West Orange C.C.C. strikers. Carlson, who is District Organizer of the Young Communist League, has been singled out for special persecution. Captain Michael] Quinn, in charge of the Second Precinct police station, evpressed his determination to railroad Carlson to jail in a talk with Sol Golat, | attorney, and Sam Stein, district | organizer of the International La- bor Defense. Quinn complained that Carlson was the most militant on the picket line, and that when asked at the station to stop his ac- tivities against the registration of | young workers in the C.C.C., he firmly refused to betray the inter- | ests of the working class youths. Carlson's trial had been set for Tuesday morning, Jan. 22, at the | Second Precinct court, Seventh and | Summer Ave. The I L. D. has or- | ganized a telephone and post-card | barrage of protests against the ar- | rest of the 12 anti-militarist youths, | and is urging workers to pack the | court on Tuesday in solidarity with the youths. Telegrams, post-cards and resolu- tions should be addressed to Judge | Seymour Klein, 24 Commerce St, | Newark N. J. Telephone, Market | 2-2660, Full Time Employes Decrease 33.8% Since) 1929, Report Shows) WASHINGTON, D. C., Jan. 18.— According to a report from the De- partment of Commerce Bureau of the census issued here on Jan. 14, the number of full-time employes decreased 33.8 per cent since 1929 in independent stores or from 2,833,- 915 to 1,908,401. The number of full-time employes in chain stores decreased 17.3 per cent between 1929 and 1933 or from 829,291 to 685,207. Both independent and chain stores increased their part-time payroll, the independents by 44.5 per cent and the chains 69.9 per cent. The total payroll decreased 48.9 per cent in the independent stores and 30.8 per cent in the chains. Lubin Admits 10.9% Rise In Food Prices Over Last Year WASHINGTON, D. C,, Jan. 18.— Retail prices of food went up 15 per cent during the two weeks ended Jan. 2, it was admitted by Com- missioner Lubin of the U. S. Bureau of Labor Statistics. The price of food, according to this under-esti- mation of the government, was 10.9 per cent higher than the corres- ponding period a year ago. In two weeks time fruits and veg- etables went up 3.5 per cent and Potatoes went up 5.9 per cent. Egg ig Priees, during this two weeks period, went up 1.9 per cent, directly to the Communist Party. We have nothing in our political| experiences which would lead us to such a mass break away of millions, | expect that Anst ers and farmers, Soviet Union. 10 cents a copy. to us they @ process shoulder t “ king t developmen’ of their m pred e support 1 in a Labor P type which ticipatioy fourth scribed. In our partic mass movemer tral task is to bring entiation into two j those who want on or his mass moveme liberal, soc and on the other those who to mediate interests with or in direct opposition t terests of private propert profits. In the struggle for this differen- on our part. On will have the danger of sec narrowness on our part whi Play into the hands of the This means, first of all, basis for gathering to- would he gether of the workers into such a| Labor Party must be the nediate demands with the broa mass appeal. We must not allow the re- formist leaders to split the masses with speculations on these differ- ences among the masses between those who accept the class struggle clear up to and including the dic- tatorship of the proletariat, the rev- olutionary section, those that follow the Communist Party, and on the other hand that larger section of the masses which accepts the class struggle for the immediate issues, but is not yet prepared to go the whole way up to the dictatorship of the proletariat. Must Avoid Sectarian Danger ‘The sectarian danger, the danger jonly the revolutionists and their sympathizers must be at all costs avoided. At the same time the open right danger will be the great- er danger if we reach the stage of we, still a small party, | crystallization on a national scale in which millions will be shifting} can overnight bring these masses |of a mass Labor Party, to Communism. We know the danger of opportunistic capitulation, sur- of limiting down this movement to | USSES PROBLEMS OF LABOR PARTY IN U.S. s which wi! wit poii r a Labor we operated ty. We y of the nature the fourth possible type. We ar | against this movement being or- under the leadership of the with the program of sive Par We are all of these various com- between the idea of a mass r Party and such a progress bourgeois party. 'e Communists er the movement for the Labor arty only with the purpose of helping the masses to break away from the bourgeois camp, break away from social reformists and find the path to the revolutionary class struggle. against This means also that all prema- ture organizational moves must be very carefully avoided. In this early stage of the movement it is especially our enemies within this |movement that will press most en- ergetically for quick reorganiza- tional crystallization of the new party, before the masses find out What it is all about and while they will still by habit put their old leaders in the positions of respon- | sibility and power. | Our Tasks On the other hand we must be speeding up the political differen- tiation within this movement. so | that when we come to the stage of | organization the masses will already have a basis for political choice be- jtween the class collaboration and |Class struggle. We must already |have a broad section of this move- | that before they come | render to the rerormist trends, prac- | ment crystallized on issues of the What Will Be Role Of the Communists In the Labor Party? Browder Outlines The Tasks of the Communists ent of the movement. If Il be necessary to study the’ site ation in each place, study the relae tion of forces, the tempo of develop~ ment and give a concrete answep in each state and even in each city y often we will find in certaix S it will be much farther. dee veloped than the state as a whole In those states and cities where the conditions have matured for: the formation of a mass Labor Party we must be prepared to ourselves ine itiate the organizational steps eithep directly or through people and ore ganizations close to us. While we have warned against premature organizational moves, at the same time we must emphasize this does not mean slowness of ine itiative on our part or lack of ine itiative. The development in this | Movement does not necessarily take its first steps with organizational measures. We have immediately taken political initiative on this question directly from the Politica} Buro with the speech which I made, on the decision of the Political Buroa, in Washington at the Unemploy« ment Congress. In this sense we Want the greatest initiative dise displayed. Only when the masses see the Communists as the political initiators of those steps which they themselves will conclude are necess sary for their own life’s interests, only then will we begin to win them for our whole program. Extract from Report of Eart Browder to Central Committee Meeting January, 1935. er HMearst’s Vicious Lies? SPREAD THE MAGAZINE SOVIET RUSSIA TODAY Now, more than ever, you need to read SOVIET RUSSIA TODAY, the only maga- zine in America devoted entirely to the truth about the Soviet Union. 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