The Daily Worker Newspaper, March 31, 1934, Page 5

4 drawn between such rulers of Company’s Steel and General® Motors corporations and the vwakening masses. The ever present danger of the outbreak of another imperialist war for markets in the Far East or some other potential booty ground, the virtual perpetual mo- ‘ion of the Roosevelt war machine, the frantic efforts of industry and finance to extricate themselves from the crisis at the expense of the working class, the increasing tempo of reac- tion — all this and more pre- sent tHe Com- munist Party with the prob- fem of how to expose more ef- fectively both industrial reac- tion and gov- ernment dema- gogy. How to show the workers clearly that the steel and coal cor- porations possess tear-gas and ma- chine guns for but one purpose, to try to make slaves and beggars of them. How to Jead the workers to the realization that the Roosevelt administration apparatus has been and still is being used with fascist remorselessness to lower their standard of living under levels they fought against twenty and thirty years ago. How to disclose to the masses that the Swopes, Teagles, Harrimans, Walkers, Baruchs and Taylors actually crack the whip over the horses in the Roosevelt stable. How to reach the masses with the Communist Party's exposure of the exploiters and their governmentel and trades union (A. F. of L. lead- ership, et. al.) agents. These are some of the angles of the problem which still faces the Communist Party, despite fruitful work since the inauguration of the Roosevelt ‘New Deal.” Obviously, one of the most im- ‘ortant and valuable methods of exposure is the official forum. And when this forum is actually offered to opposition elements with a cocky challenge, however insincerely and demagogically, failure to use it ef- fectively reflects a serious under- estimation of the political implica- tions involved in the situation, It becomes even more serious when the government tactic is accepted without suspicion by millions of workers still imbued with illusions concerning the very interests which are starving and enslaving them. I refer svecifically to the recent important N.R.A. public criticism week, the demagogic screen behind which the most powerful capitalist forces were adapting the N. R. A. to the fascist Swope plan, and to the call broadcast throughout the United States by N. R. A. Adminis- trator General Hugh S. Johnson to the Communist Party as the only basic critic of the New Deal. The official N. R, A. releases pointedly announced to the press, the jour- nalistic nerve center of the country, that Johnson had invited even the Communist Party to come to Wash- ington and criticize the N. R. A. On the evening the Communist Party had the unprecedented op- portunity to expose the rotten Statistics and fascist economics of the New Deal, to reveal its anti- working class nature with factual Seymour Waldman mercilessness, it presented, in sub-! stance, a brilliant Propaganda at- tack. In short, it did not present a detailed indictment that would have forced Johnson to the wall rather than allow him to dodge un- der the irreconciliability of the Communist and the capitalist poli- tical positions. The attack of the militant trade WALL STREETS’ CAPITOL | By SEYMOUR WALDMAN. (PRE-CONVENTION DISCUSSION ARTICLE.) WASHINGTON, March 30.—The Communist Party of of the U. S. A. opens its eight convention next Monday in Cleveland, Ohio, at a time when the line is very clearly America as J. P. Morgan and {unions was woefully inadequate | | despite one or two well prepared | |and sustained indictments, The coal | and automobile industries were not} even represented, though fierce | struggles had centred around the| mines, and the auto workers were on the verge of striking against the | vicious automobile code which was | japproved by John L. Lewis, presi- | {dent of the United Mine Workers | of America, and William Green, | | president of the A. F. of L. In brief, most of the militant trade union | delegates who spoke at the public criticism fest were not supported by either leadership or adequate pre- paration. By no means do I wish to detract from such speeches as the fiery and inspiring address of Pat Cush, presi- dent of the Steel and Metal Work- ets Industrial Union. Unfortunate- ly, however, the short notice given Pat prevented a presentation by| him of a detailed analysis and in- dictment of the slave steel code. | Some four or five weeks later the country’s attention was focused on/ Washington where the Roosevelt | | Administration, the automobile bosses and the A. F. of L. top lead- ers were busily engaged in stalling- | off a strike throughout the industry | until they could work out some strikebreaking formula. All workers | looked to Washington which at that stage of the struggle, was the main front, not Detroit. The battle shifted overnight from the economic to the political front. The publicity machine of the Ad- | ministration worked overtime. Dem- |agogy dripped. The capitalist press | | dished up the old “good of the coun- | try.” The President held himself in readiness to see workers’ delegates or representatives of the manufac- turers, the White House announced. One of the leading Detroit papers set the fascist tune of industry by screaming the backfire, “Don't Wreck America,” and shouting that @ strike would be “treason.” It was into such a political at- mosphere that the A. F. of L. local leaders entered —to knuckle under | to Green and to tell the radio audi- | ence how nice and gracious Roose-! velt was to receive them. The situa- | tion simply yelled for a militant) |leader to inject some fresh air into |the filthy stables by exposing the strike-stalling tactics. But no Auto Workers Union delegate arrived un- til one day before the sell-out was signed, sealed and announced, sev- eral days after the A. F. of L. dele- gates had been openly given the run-around by Green and his buddy, Johnson. | This failure to realize that De- troit, during those few days, was not the main front, and the failure to consolidate the splendid fight put | up by the Auto Workers Union} Spokesman before the National La- bor Board but a few weeks earlier, now hamper the A.W.U. in its cam- paign to lead the auto workers and save them from falling into the through of despair. What is the purpose of all this? Simply to urge that the Commu- nist Party, the vanguard of the American working class, must be | More politically sensitized, must re- act more quickly to a_ tactical change from the economic to the Political front, must make more ef- | fective use of official forums when jthey are offered, and, particularly, ;must coordinate more effectively trade union and political work. The Communist Party has waged many glorious struggles in behalf of the workers. Part of its strength is due to a sincere desire to examine itself critically. This it will do at its Eighth Convention—and emerge @ greater party prepared for greater ‘Otte Bauer Distorts Engels to Justify His Betrayals Uses Notorious Forgery | to Justify Failure to Take Power (Continued from Page 4) that it cannot win in revolutionary | struggle against its oppressors, i] But it was Marx himself who gave | the most crushing answer to the| Social-Democratic philistines who | warned the working class against | preparing for armed struggle. Writ- | ing in the “Neue Rheinische Zeit- ung,” Marx declared: | “The cannibals of counter-revo- | lution will teach the people that there is only one means to shorten, to minimize, to concentrate the murderous death-agonies of the old society and the bloody birth- agonics of the new, only one means—revolutionary terrorism.” This goes to the heart of the mat- ter. It is precisely by armed, reso- lute, revolutionary assault against the fortresses of capitalism that the proletariat will be able to reduce} bloodshed and violence to a mini-| mum. To hesitate, to preach sub-| mission, to preach the “peaceful path to Socialism,” as the Socialist leaders all over the world do, is to avoid a temporary battle only in order to leave the masses in the| hands of the imperialist war makers who slaughter millions upon mil- lions in defense of their profits. A true Marxist party follows in the path of Marx and Engels. This is how Lenin led the Bolsheviks to victory in the Soviet Union. Such @ party organizes the workers to fight, day by day, against the bour- geoisie, always leading the struggles higher and higher to the final goal— what Marx himself called “the smashing of the bourgeois State power.” Lenin summed up the problem} simply by saying: “The bourgeois State can be replaced by the prole- tarian State only by a violent revo- lution.” This is the road to the proletarian dictatorship, to Soviet power. The Communist International, founded by Lenin and now led by Stalin, treads the road of Marxism. The Communist International in preparing the proletariat for the final armed struggle against the capitalist State mercilessly fights against all attempts at “Blanquism” | or putschism, that is, premature armed uprisings that have no mass basis. But at the same time the Communist International, carrying forward the revolutionary teachings of Marx and Engels, never loses sight of the final goal, the final in-J evitable battle. | In Austria, the elements were ripe for the seizure of power. They were ripe before in 1919, when the majority of the population and the army were ready to strike out for a Socialist Austria if the leader- ship of a Communist Party had been present. But the Socialist leaders of Austria, like the So- cialist leaders of Germany, Italy, | England, etc., betrayed the pro- letarian revolution. They betray it because they do not believe in the possibility of the proletariat | ever striking its chains off its back. | They believe in the all-powerful | strength of the bourgeoisie. They | talk about Socialism, but they do not believe in its possibility, and they take care that the working class shall be submissive as long as possible to the bourgeoisie. The Communist Parties alone pre- pare the masses for the revolution- ary way out of the crisis, for the seizure of power, for the establish- ment of Soviet Power of the prole- tariat. This is the only road that can lead to the smashing of the capitalist rule, All others are traps and delusions that play into the struggles. DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, FRIDAY, MARCH 30, 1934 DIMITROFF AND HIS TWO NEPHEWS 2 C. P; Cdtive Held in Heart of South in Textile, Iron, St Two district conventions of the Communist Party, held in the heart of the big Southern industrial and agricultural centers, in the midst of the terror which the Southern bosses have aimed against both Negro and white workers, were held last week in preparation for the Eighth Na- tional Convention of the Communist day, and for the purpose of defi- nitely turning the face of the Party and its forces toward several key, concentration industries in the South, The conyentions were those of Districts 16 (North and South Caro- lina and most of Virginia) and 17 (Alabama). The district 16 convention, held in a section of the country which contains the bulk of the big South- ern textile mills, was attended by a big group of delegates determined to consider thoroughly the prob- lems of organizing the textile mills and making such organizational work the basis of building a mass Communist Party in the district. The textile, as well as the shipping and railroad industries, were chosen for concentrated discussion at this convention, as well as concentrated work during the coming period. The marine industry, which is a concentration point in this district, is largely centered around the Hampton Roads (Va.) region. This is one of the biggest shipping cen- ters in the world, through which a tremendous amount of coal and raw materials is shipped every year. The | railroad industry also received much attention from the delegates at the convention, Much criticism was made in con- nection with the building of the Party in the textile mills, the rail- road shops, the docks, etc. In the |past three months, however, it was pointed out that some progress had been noted in shop work. This gave a decidedly optimistic tone and spirit to the convention, All forces in District 16, the con- vention revealed, are orientating themselves toward a colossal, quickly approaching struggle in the textile mills, In a number of cases, dele- gates declared that superintendents of mills have been called in to make speeches at meetings of the United Textile Workers (A. F. of L.) union. Fearing that the workers will go over to the militant National Textile Workers’ Union, which led the me- morable Gastonia strike in 1929, superintendents on two occasions have advised mill workers publicly to join the United Textile Workers, which has made the textile industry in this district a concentration point for the A. F. of L. in the textile field. hands of the exploiters. The textile workers, however, have ricts 16 and 17 to Concentrate on Struggles Party to open in Cleveland on Mon- | ntions Are | | eel, Coal, Railroads | already gone a long way in their disillusionment about, the U.T.w. But only solid action and a con- tinued application of the Commu- nist policy in the South, it was pointed out by delegates, will be able to weaken the influence of the | U.T.W. The delegates pointed out ; also the importance of destroying the Muste influence, which, by use of militant phrasemongering, is holding the workers back and doing | all in its power to keep them under | the influence of the A. F. of L. | Alabama Holds Convention | The District 17 (Alabama) con- | vention, writes one of its delegates, was “one of the most remarkable and significant events I have ever attended.” This large southern district is noteworthy for the fact that it has as its center the great iron, coal and steel industry of the Birming- | ham region, the heart of this basic | heavy industry in the South. The | | Tennessee Coal, Iron and Railway Company (more popularly known as the T. C. & I.) which is an affiliate | of the U. S. Steel Corporation, is the | dominating force in the government of North Alabama and the sur-| | rounding territory. There is, however, a great rest- | lessness among the workers in this | district, and very capable units of | |the Party are being built in these industries. This, as well as other facts, was revealed at the District) 17 convention. |. The activities of the A. F. of L. bureaucracy are directed in this | section in attempts to get control | of the shops and mills in collabora- ion with the T. C. & I. in order to prevent or defeat the efforts of the workers to advance their posi- | tion. The best working class mem- | bers of the Socialist Party, delegates | reported, are in a number of cases | coming to the Communist Party. | The District 17 convention did not | close before it had drawn up a/ serious plan of work, undertaking |to put through the program of | building a mass Communist Party in Birmingham at an early date, The organization of revolutionary unions was planned, and opposition work in the A. F. of L, unions. Much careful application in this field re- mains to be done—the policy of building a militant union, ete. The steel workers here have expressed their need and desire of a Trade Union Unity League office, to be es- tablished in this district very soon, and the Communist Party conven- tion, in discussing the problems of District 17, has turned its energies squarely toward these and other tasks which clamor for immediate and consistent solution. Seattle, Wash. Candidate. Gains 400 Percent Over Last Elections REJECT THE N. R. A. 600 Percent Increase} in Des Moines, Iowa SEATTLE, Wash.—Polling 2,394 votes in Seattle primary election, February 27, James Murphy, Com- munist candidate for city council- man and National Secretary of the National Lumber Workers Union, increased Communist votes by 400 per cent over the last city election. John Laurie, Communist candi- date for Mayor, polled 1,792 votes, compared with 700 when he ran in the last city election. Running with Murphy on the Communist ticket in the council- man race was Revels Cayton, Negro worker and District Secretary of the International Labor Defense. He received 1737 votes, and Tom Burns, organizer of the Marine Workers In- dustrial Union, polled 1945, Of special significance in the elec- tion returns was the vote for Robert Harlin, labor misleader of the A. F. of L., strike-breaker. and member of the city council, who lost 60 per cent of his votes. John Dore who came out highest in the primaries and who was elected Mayor two years ago by his promises to the un- employed, lost 30 per cent of his votes, The Communist Party in a state- ment, issued after the primaries, points out to the workers of Seattle the danger that lies in the rise of the Cincinnatus group, an open fas- cist organization, backed up financi- aliy by the power tru One of their main planks was “one year’s | inten d training for the state police,” The Communist candidates lost many votes through locked voting machines, clamps over their names, etc. Although officially _ eliminated from the finals, the Communist candidates are carrying on a write- in campaign. ey Workers’ Ticket in Gallup, New Mexico, United Front Ticket has been put forward here on a seven-point plat- form of struggle against hunger. The platform calls for the imme- diate enactment of the Workers’ Unemployment Insurance Bill (H.R. 7598); for support for the struggles of the unemployed in the fight for relief; for a moratorium on eyvic- tions pending the passage of an anti-eviction law; against graft in the allotment of relief and political graft in the municipal government; for a relentless fight against the proposed state sales tax; free hot lunches for school children, and a program of struggle against the growth of fascism. The present City Council openly conspired with the attacks upon the workers. Dur- ing the strike, the City Council was City elections and primaries be- ing held this year show gains for the Communist candidates in those cities which have sent in election returns. In Des Moines, Towa, Ira Meade, the Communist candidate for Mayor, polled a 600 per cent gain over the Party vote in the last year’s elections. _In Seattle, Wash., James Murphy, National Secretary of the Lumber Workers Union and Communist candidate for city polled a 400 per cent increase over the last elections. In the Seattie primaries, it is of special signifi- cance that Harlin, an A. F. of L. strikebreaker and member of the City Council, lost 60 per cent of his votes. These votes, the first cast since the beginning of the Roosevelt N.R.A,, show the growing mass discontent among the workers. The gains registered by the Communist Party in these city elections must be utilized by the Party in the coming Fall con- gressional elections. The discon- tent of the workers with the Roosevelt administration, reflected in Congress and the Senate over- riding the Roosevelt veto of the Independent Offices Bill must also be utilized in the coming con- gressional elections. Districts, sec- tions, and local organizations of the Party must begin energetic | preparations for the Fall clections now, nd at the same time help- jing to drive the strikers back to the | pits by intimidation, denying relief. | forcing payment of debts, shutting off. water, and supporting the land- | lords in evicting miners and the un- employed because they refused to scab, The workers’ candidates are John Tomac, William Couto: George | Lloyd, Lino Romero, Pedro Sanc | and Oliver Leone | Ape deer | Major Gains in Racine RACINE, Wisc. — Although the jelection laws here are formulated |in such a manner as to eliminate | the workers’ candidate, Joe Vidak, |Communist candidate for City Treasurer, won in the primaries, a | place on the ballot for the final elections. Vidak received 1,226 votes. | The March 13th primaries gave the Communist Party candidates a |last year. When one considers that the total vote cast this year for all candidates is a very light one, | the gain for the Communist candi- | dates is even greater. | The primaries here are held on a so-called “non-partisan” ticket, | and all candidates but two on each | position are eliminated. Joe Vidak received 1,326 votes. | The Communist Party of Racine }is continuing the campaign for the April 3rd elections, and will urge jthe workers to write in the names | of their candidates who did not win in the primaries. | Workers United Front SIOUX FALLS, S. D. — Amidst the Chamber of | thunderous applause, Emil Suddan, | Commerce and the coal operators in| the first Communist candidate to} |run for mayor of Sioux Falls, was |mominated by E. R. Evans, state instrumental in keeping the Na-| secretary of the United Front Com- tional Guard to intimidate the! mittee of Action, at a united front i Bis: cess | 3 VOTE | 1934 VOTE| % GAIN | \| | } | | | Kenosha, Wisc. | 550 769 | 130 | | Des Moines, lowa | 117 | 701 | 600 | | (Workers’ Ticket) | | | | Seattle, Wash, | | | | | (Murphy) | 598 | 2,394 | 400 | | (Levine) | 700 Ee nN Pane | | Cudahy, Wise. | No record of vote 203* = | | | Racine, Wisc. | No record of'yote | 1326 | | Markham, Minn. | No record of vote | 82** | | ora Lost by one vote, 14 per cent of the vote cast, councilman, | Page Five Communist Candidates Gain in First Votes Cast Since N. R. A. j convention of workers. Id under i ip of the United Work- candidates pledged ute all of their rage for a active build- ing of a ted front workers move- ment, and to conduct their office under the dance of large elected rs advisory commit- groups of w tees Joseph Stember, president of the Trades and Labor Council here, has “warned” the workers of the Amal- gamated Butcher Workers and Meat Cutters not to vote for Suddan, in- structing the locals not to permit the workers’ candidate to speak at meetings. In his attempt to dis- credit Suddan, Stember was assisted ably by McCoy of the A. F. of L., who sold out the pecking house workers strike in 1922. B Suddan is president of the United Workers League, the largest unemployed workers organization in |the State. The United Workers League, affiliated with the Unem- ployment Councils, is a member of the Minnehaha County United Front hich is composed of the Farmers Association, the Farmers ion, the United Farmers League, American League Against War and Fascism, and the International Labor Defense Red Vote Gains in Kenosha, Wise, | KENOSHA, W | nist candidates for the nomination for the Common Council, showed a sizeable increase in votes over a year ago, in the primary elections held here March 13th. Karl Ger- lach, Sr., the only one of this year’s candidates who was running a year ago, received 769 votes, an increase of 219 over the 550 he got last year. The other two candidates, Peter Hamkins, City Secretary of the Un- employed Council, and Dalton John- son, Section Organizer of the Com- |munist Party, running for the first | time, polled respectively 347 and 589 votes. | EE Large Communist Vote in Cudahy, Wisc. | CUDAHY, Wis:. — Communist Party candidate Hartley polled 203 votes by official count in the pri- maries held here early in March, and the two capitalist candidates, Wagner and Cassebaum, both of | GALLUP, N. M.—The Workers’ | !@Fge increase in most instances over | ynom are saloon keepers, received | 1,700 and 900 votes respectively. | Although a small town with a | population of 10,000, Cudahy is an | important industrial town, with the large Cudahy Brothers packing plant, the Geo. Meyer Machinery Co., Ladish Drop Forge, Chicago and | North Western Railroad car shop, a | fibre can company, a tannery and | a vinegar works located here. |. The wages in all these plants are | very low. The packing plant has recently laid off 500 workers, and placed a sign up, reading “No help | wanted.” The company has built a | wire fence around the plant, and | keeps detectives at the entrances, | in anticipation of strikes. | Inhis election speeches, on the same platform as the other candidates in some instances, Hartley exposed the | strikebreaking role of Wagner and | Cassebaum. In 1930, Cassebaum, | then mayor, sent police to break up picket lines, and Wagner, the pres- ent mayor, refused a permit to the Steel and Metal Workers Industrial Union to hold a meeting before the Meyer shop, sending police to break up their meeting. | . . 600 Per Cent Gain in Des Moines | DES MOINES, Iowa. — Ira R. |Meade, workers’ candidate for |mayor, received 701 votes for the |primary municipal election, a gain of 600 per cent over the 1932 elec- tion. | A total of 30,527 votes were cast for six mayoralty candidates. Meade |had a class struggle program which |included the payment of cash re- |lief to the unemployed, and the |setting up of a Workers Advisory Council. Fight Against American The Fight Against Growing Fascist Moves Must Fight Against All Signs of Increasing Chauvinism By BEATRICE SHIELDS District No. 8 i ee 13th Plenum of the E. C. C. I. warns its sections that fascism cannot be fought in a general manner. It must be fought con- cretely wherever it raises it head. The 13th Plenum characterizes fas- cism in the following manner: “The growth of fascism means that the capitalists are no longer able to maintain their dictator- ship by the old methods of parli- amentarism and bourgeois demo- cracy generally. Moreover, the methods of parliamentarism and bourgeois democracy are becorh- ing a hindrance to the capitalists in their home polities (the fight against the proletariat) as well as their foreign polities (war for the imperialist re-distribution of the world).” This does not mean that fascism comes about suddenly when the bourgeoisie can no longer rule the a bebe hci comes directly out o: ie bourgeois democracy. Bourgeois democracy lays the ground and prepares for fascism. What is the basic ideology of capitalism? Nationalism is the ideology of capitalist class rule. The American empire, for instance, was built up on the basis of a bleody policy of divide and Tule. The Comintern in the resolution on the Negro question, characterizes American imperialism as “Yankee arrogance” which “stinks with the stench of the slave-market.” This Fascism and Work in St applies especially to the policy of American imperialism towards the most oppressed section, the Negro masses. However, we will find that Amer- ican imperialism not only divides Negro and white, but foreign-born and native-born with a great deal of viciousness. There is systematic propaganda being conducted against certain sections of the working class, especially the sections of the foreign-born workers who are un- skilled and working in the most basic industries in America. There is a system of nick-naming which has almost become “second nature” in America. This results in an almost brutal chauvinism among the native Americans, especially the middle class, and arrogance that does not tolerate any other nationality, In times of so-called “peaceful” de- velopment of capitalism, this system of divide and rule is quietly, but firmly being practiced. When capi- talism can no longer keep the masses divided and the urge for unity is getting stronger, when the Priviledged sections of the American working class are standing in the bread-lines and on the charity lists along with the foreign born and Negro workers, imperialism strengthens its chauvinist propa- ganda and creates open fascist or- ganizations to violently put its propaganda into effect. It is especially important at this time, with the approaching war, to expose concretely every maneuver of the bourgeoisie and the cam- paigns of Jingoism and chauvinism being conducted by the capitalist press, their radios, ete. Tt is very interesting to note that Mr. Simons, the organizer of the Ku Klux Klan) is now being utilized as an open agent for violence egainst the working class and the Negro masses. He recently issued a state- ment which was published in the Daily Worker, stating that “we must abandon secrecy.” He calls upon the “white Americans” to organize in “militant” organizations. We see the growth of the Silver Shirt or ganizations which direct their main appeal against the Jews and the working class. Other open fascist organizations have the same stand and are working actively, especially in neighborhoods surrounding the Jews and Negroes, to set up a base of hooliganism dnd attack this sec- tion of the toiling population. Pep eek ar \NE of the characteristic methods of these fascist organizations is to utilize every prejudice that has been carefully imbedded in the middie class and the backward strata of the workers, such as white chauvinism, anti-semitism, the Red scare, etc. Fascism internationally is the rule of the big bourgeoisie, but in order to recruit the middle class as its fighting force, it everywhere uses anti-capitalist phraseology. This is necessary in order to get the support of the middle class. The middle class is against mono- poly capitalism. Monopoly capital- ism has robbed the middle class, has bankrupted it, has robbed it of all possibility to advance under capitalism. The lower middle class, professionals and intellectuals haye lost forever their “base” under capi- talism. They are seeking a way out. And the anti-capitalist ideology ap- peals to them, For instance, the eel Mills Take Social-Fascists Lay the Ground for Fascist Developments organizational letter of the Silver Shirts utilizing this sentiment calls upon the peoples of America to support “Neither a capitalist, nor a Socialist nor a Communist govern- ment.” . \THER organizations, such as the “New America” which started as a semi-fascist organization, with a definitely anti-capitalist appeal has now matured into a full-fledged fascist organization. Their pro- gram calls for the “abolition of the profit system and the inauguration in America of a planned and demo- cratically controlled economy.” And further we read ‘The preparedness of the American people to act will be a determining factor in the building of a new social order.” And what is this “social order” that will abandon the profit system? Their answer, of course, is violence, which is not directed against the bourgeoisie, but by their fascist Jeaders against the working class. PAR aay (heat Seger has also laid the basis for fascist ideology inside’ the ranks of the working class. We see the consistent development of the A. F. of L, since the World War as staunch supporters of the policies of American imperialism. They are the vanguard in the struggle against the Negro masses, they are the most active villifiers of the Soviet, Union and are part of the N. R. A. government machine war in the United States. In the words of General Johnson at a con- ference of industrialists: “I would rather deal with Bill Green, etc. Their interests are our interests.” The Socialist Party, with its in- ternational policy of the “lesser evil” has been internationally and is in the U. S. the factor that is paving the way for fascism as agents inside the ranks of the working class. In preparation for war they stand for the defense of the bourgeois fatherland. In the last war Mr. Hillquit promised that the Socialist Party will not call strikes to handicap war prepara- tions. Today, in preparations for fascism in the U. S. the Socialist Party gives full support to the N. R. A. and boosts it as “the only true road to Socialism.” ‘The Soci- alist Party that refuses to recog- nize Socialism in the U. S. S. and actively participates in inter- vention plans of the Imperialists, however, finds its Socialism “in the Roosevelt program.” This is decep- tion of the rankest kind. The ob- ject is to exploit the desire of the toiling masses for Socialism. Hear what they say in their platform for the Socialist Party National Con- yention: “In common with the rest of labor, the Socialist Party sym- pathizes with all efforts aimed at recovery and the restoration of jobs to the unemployed. It wel- comed the N. R. A. as a move- ment in that direction.” How can we destroy chauvinism and fascist influences among the masses? This must be done through concrete struggle against all forms of bourgeois ideology by counter- posing very boldly the revolution- ary way out of the crisis — the popularization of the Soviet Union in every factory and industry on the basis of contrasts hetween the conditions of the workers there and which is leading te fascism and MY « By H. M. the course of our ac- | i pes tivities we have made many mis- takes in the Ohio Valley. A num- ber of our basic mistakes go back over a long period of time and con- tribute greatly to our weak position in Weirton at the present time. However, it is not the intention of this article to.go into the details of these mistakes, which have already been criticized a number of times. Still it is necessary for us to keep in mind one of the most important lessons we have learned here, that is when we once start work and get going we must not leave that field, but see to it that there are competent comrades there to keep up the work. Our failure to send an organizer of the Steel and Metal Workers In- dustrial Union into the Ohio Valley last July was a serious error, The Amalgamated Association was not yet in the field, furthermore large numbers of the workers were not in favor of the A.A. But we were not to be found, so they joined the A.A. expecting at least small bene- the Leninist struggle against war. In every American city and local- ity is springing up numerous jour- nals, papers, radio speeches, etc., and a whole wave of government machine publicity to which we must be alert, always counterposing in- ternationalism and unity of the toiling population in action against capitalism, for the revolutionary way out of the crisis and against all sorts of quack ideas and theories here—by the wide popularization of as the bourgeois way out of the crisi 3 n Up in Pre-Convention Discussion Our Present Tasks in Weirton ‘Steel Mills, NRA Storm Center Hey Sm foc. Ge fits from it. We left the field en- tirely in the hands of the A. A fact that we did not have a Part most entirely of employed steel guidance and experience in carry- ing out the work, became demorai- ized, lost all confidence in the di: trict leadership and became prac- tically non-existent. The strike which broke out as a result of the dissatisfaction of the workers and against the wishes of | the officialdom, was influenced by | our policies, but because we did not | have an organized group, we were |not able to infiuence to carry out more of our policies. We were not, able to warn the strikers of the | treachery of the A. A. officials, who consequently were able to sell out the strike with the National Labor Board. The leaders did every- thing in their power to keep mil: tancy out of the strike. All work- ers suspected of being Communist or members of the SM.W.1U., were chased off the picket lines by the police and A. A. leaders. We were isolated from the large body of strikers because we had carried on no work previous to the strike, and many workers were influenced by their leaders into believing that the Communists were trying to Split the strike. The loss of the strike, hailed by the leaders as a victory: has caused widespread dissatisfaction in the ranks of the A.A, The membership has declined and only a few work- ers attend the A. A. meetings. This furnishes us a fertile field in whieh What made it still worse wes the| the demands of the workers. to build up our union and the building of rank and file groups with the A. A, et ribution of leaflets exposing the ms for the loss of the strike | re | and outlining the necessity of rank | and file organization and fight for A \ Y| program of action must be worked orgenizer in the East Ohio section | out by the rank and file and pop- to help out in the work. The Party unit in Steubenville, consisting al-| get their support in the A. A. meet- | ularized among all the workers to lings. In every department we must workers, willing to work but lacking | work insistently for a united front | with all the workers, A. A. S. M. |W. I. U., and unorganized, on the | grievances facing them. | By forming such united front ac- | tions, the leaders of the A. A, will | try to prevent any action, will be- come exposed to all the workers. | One issue upon which we can form a united front is the Workers Un- }employment Insurance Bill, for which already some of the rank |and file A. A. members are begin- ‘ning to fight. At all times we must | be ready to take action on any | issue of the workers, we must ever be in the fore front with propaganda and action. If this is done the | Workers will be drawn into and sharper conflict with the A. A. leaders, who will thereby lose all in- | fluence among the workers. During this time there is one other thing that must be done or else we will not succeed, and that is the building of the Party. The Party must be made into a func- tioning Party that will become a | leader. All the best elements from the A. A. rank and file, S. M. W, I. U. and unorganized workers must be drawn into the C. P. during this time. This means that an organ- |dzer for the Party must at once be |sent to Eastern Ohio. This is a Jarge and important section; what | we are able to do here will have a ‘great influence upon the rest of the | steel districts i \ ies