The Daily Worker Newspaper, March 31, 1934, Page 4

Page Four DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, SATURDAY, MARCH 31, 1934 Dunne’s Speech Shows Wagner Bill Is A New Strikebreaking Weapon of N. R. A. By WILLIAM F, DUNNE = Is Driving the Share ey Croppers Of Land | Government Farm Contract Is Brutal Weapon in >———— (Note: Since William F. Dunne delivered his incisive and bril- amt expose of the Wagner bill before the Senate Commitiee on de its ranks, | general staff of American monopoly | the pufpose of allaying criticism | i ssension ital and its government | from the extreme right and solidi- hesitant It is out of these specific instances | fying all capitalist forces behind | that the Wagner bill arises. Sincé| N. R. A. | <— | sof § Maste: a Labor, many of his predictions the Wagner Bill is intended to| (a) Tt also necessitates the inven- | the Hands of Southern Ma ters Against Nave come true. Much of what | day or replace Clause 7A;| tion and tse of flew weapons agains the Negro Share Croppers he forecast, speaking In the name | We see this strategy at work se 7A brought about the| workers—the demagogic announce- eek wee. Ty of the Trade Union Unity League, | in the railway and auto situa- | greatest development of company| ment of Johnson im regard to #10 | { i } has now become reality to plague the auto workers. The company union features of the Wagner bill, also have become clearer. Dunne in his speech on the Wagner bill before the Senate comMittee does not limit himself, as the bosses, and their A. F. of L. offictaidom and Socialist leaders Go, to the wording of the bill. He analyzes the class forces be- the ba, and what the ex- riders aud their government have in mind when they project such a strikebreaking measure. We print im this issue the first instaltment of Dunne’s speech mame at the hearings on the Wagner Bill on March 22, 1934.) af) Se * I am here representing the National Committee of the Trade Union Unity League—William Z Foster, Secretary, Jack Stachel, Acting Secretary. My organization is composed of some 125,000 work- exe organized in labor unions in steel and metal, marine transport, tex- tile, mining, shoe and leather, gar- mem industry, agricultural work- erg, ete. I have been a member of organ- ized labor for more than 25 years. I have been a labor organizer and editor of various labor papers during periods of this time when not working at my trade of electrical worker. Our organization is the only trade union group in this country that accurately predicted the coming of the present crisis—its difference from previous crises — its length and intensity. Early in 1930, Jan. 6, we de- manded the enactment of a compul- sory federal unemployment in- surance for all unemployed workers, We showed to workers that the tagger plan of employment was a hare hunger program. With the advent of the New Deal we warned workers that Clause 7-A would not, and was not intended, to proiect the right of workers to organize. We warned that N. R. A. was es- sentially a program of .monopoly capitalism in crisis—that it was in- tended to carry still further, altho under another guise, the capitalist offensive against wages, working conditions and living standards. Appearing before the Senate sub- committee on the Black shorter work-week bill on behalf of the T. U. U. L. in 1932 I made similar tatements in regard to its proposals for solving the problems created for the working class by the existence of some 15,000,000 workers for vhose maintenance no provision had een made, The Wagner Bill is a further step in the so-called Roosevelt Recovery program. It is the height of tupidity to consider the Wagner Bill as a thing in itself, something separate and apart from the Nationall Recovery Act and the general basic monopoly capital pro- gram of the Roosevelt administra- tion. It is true that the Wagner Bill has a certain emergency character, but its main provisions are in- herent in Clause 7 A of the National Recovery Act of which it is an ex- tension. As such, the Wagner Bill, under the guise of stimulating and increasing the so-called bargaining power of labor organizations, ac- tually diminishes the power of workers to obtain better wages and working conditions by putting still more obstacles in the way of effec- tive use of the strike weapon—that is, the ability of labor organizations to stop production for profit by refusal to work until their demands have been acceded to. This is all that so-called bargain- ing power is. Conflicts between employers and employees, between workers and capitalists, over ques- tions of wages and hours, working conditions, the union shop versus the open shop or non-union shop, are never decided on the basis of “right,” “justice,” “human welfare,” ete., or other shibboleths used by well meaning but misguided people, or by conscious demagogues in the leadership of labor organizations, in government positions and _ the spokesmen of the industrial and financial overlords, for the purpose of deluding workers and others into} believing that the present mode of production — capitalism — is some- thing else than a coldblooded sys- tem of production for profit. A dispute over wages and working conditions is in essence a test of power between capital and labor— with government always on the side of the employers as a class. This is necessarily so because so-called im- partial government is a polite fic- tion. Government! that does not represent the interest of the dominant class in any given epoch of society is a paradox. Govern- ment is the organized power of the dominant class. In the United States this is the capitalist class. In the Union of Socialist Soviet Republics government represents also the interests of the dominant class, the working class. Conceal Facts from Workers All this is of course elementary. Conscious representatives of the capitalists class know this just as well as do Communists and other class conscious workers. But cap- italists and their representatives are very anxious to conceal this fact from the great mass of the toiling population. If they cannot succeed in doing this—and the present economic crisis, now of four and one half years duration, with its indescribable misery for all sec- tions of the toiling population, makes it increasingly dificult — political crises inevitably develop. More and more the ruling class and its spokesmen are forced to re- sort to complicated maneuvers. As the purpose of these maneuvers is discovered by the workers, a whole mew series must be invented, one following the other, As these fail te achieve the desired results, that| is, to confuse the whole working/ class, especially that me | \ / } i lent Roosevelt and | BILL DUNNE | Speaking at Wagner Bill Hearing. campaign of 1919, when the full | pressure of the government and | the official A. F. of L. leadership | was brought against the struggles of terrible exploited and oppressed | steel workers, Promises to workers whose bur-| dens have becom intolerable— { promissa notes that always have ys will be repudiated an the war debts, are | le how. | But these kinds of promissory notes have a feature all their own:} foreclosure proceedings take place| against those to whom they are| given—not against those who issue | them. In between the lines of these documents there lurks always the threat of further suppression or jeopardy of workers’ rights, either | by force in one form or another, or| | by cajolery and deception, or by aj mixture of both, | ‘The Wagner Bill is this kind of a| document. This we will show later, | First it is necessary to be specific in regard to the present economic and political situation i the coun —a | situation whose main features must give the greatest concern to the USES NOTORIOL By MILTON HOWARD OT to recognize that the final battle for the overthrow of capitalism must inevitably take the form of open class battles with mili- | |tary struggles, not to prepare the {proletariat in their day-to-day | struggles for these culminating | olutionary onslaughts against the | capitalist State power, is to prosti- |tute and betray the most funda- | mental Enge! | Class violence was, from the very birth of modern Marxism, an in-| tegral and indispensable. part of | revolutionary politics. The writings of Marx ahd Engels are rich in teachings of Marx and lectic analysis of the role of i violence, civil war, in the epoch-making struggle of the pro- | letariat against the yoke of capital- ism, From the first clarion blast of | the Communist Manifesto to the| |last days of Engels, the conception | of the inevitability of armed ass | struggle against the bourgeoisie, and | the fundamental necessity for pre-| paring the proletariat to lead the} masses in this armed struggle, is sounded again and again. It was this revolutionary marrow | of Marxism that was, at first, dis- torted, and then deliberately kept | from the masses by conscious for- | gery and deception at the hands of | the smaller leaders of the Second | International. One is reminded of these things | by the extraordinary statement just |issued through the Second Socialist | International by Otto Bauer, leader of Austrian Social-Democracy, in which Bauer sums up what he con- siders to be “The Tactical Lessons of the Austrian Catastrophe.” PDE ee E cannot here go into an ex- haustive analysis of the full political meaning of this document, a true classic of S Fascist treachery. But it is impossible not to notice that in this statement Otto Bauer, who, it is absolutely certain is in full possession of the facts, justifies his argument by the use of a forged, faked statement of | Engels on the use of revolutionary | violence on street barricades as a |tactic in the struggle or the over- throw of capitalism. Otto Bauer deliberately uses this garbled state— ment of Engels, a statement which the whole world knows was faked and censored by the leaders of the German Socialist Party to justify their rotten opportunism, almost 40 | years after even Karl Kautsky had | | publicly denounced it as a garbled, | expurgated version! It is on the basis of this forged document that Bauer still continues |to justify his criminal sabotage of | the struggles of the Austrian pro- |letariat to prepare for the seizure of | power. He states: | “The Social-Democrats were perfectly familiar with Friedrich | Engels’ classical exposition of the | subject. in his famous preface to | “The Class-struggle in France,” where the great revolutionary unionism ever seen in this country; sinca clause 7A was intended to Substitute futile negotiations under contro! of government agencies for effective organization and struggle | by workers; and since the economic} and social status of the American} per cent increase in wages and 4 10| per cent reduction in hours. The Wagner Bill is one of these, new weapons. 4. There are huge new contin- gents of workers in basic industries A NEW METHOD OF PICKETING | Steel workers picket the N. ¥. Shipbuilding Corporation at Cam- den, New Jorsey, in a rowboat to keep seabs from being brought into | working class as a whole has been|ZeVer before involved in struggle, | Otto Bauer strategist showed how even at reduced, by price rises, inflation, and the actual operation of Clause TA, as representatives of the Trade Union Unity League and its affiliated unions told workers would be the case; and since in spite of Clause 7A many hundreds of thousands of workers have seen the necessity of organized struggle for better wages and conditions, thus cutting into profits, it follows logic- ally that the Wagner Bill, if it is not a mere literary exercise, must be intended as part of the Recovery Program, to protect profits; to make it more difficult for workers to ex- jercise effectively their bargaining | power, i. e., the strike weapon. | The following outstanding recent | developments are some of the main |features of the present situation which gives rise to such measures as the Wagner Bill: Background of Wagner Bill 1 The contradiction between lowered income of the working population, increased production, a huge increase in profits, rapid growth of monopoly capital, and rising prices—the economic basis for the present wage demands, or- ganization movements and wave of strike struggles. 2. The contradiction which has forced Roosevelt administration to expose big bankers in order to allay popular discontent and win popular support; the same contradiction i. e. the necessity of winning support from workers and working farmers whose interests are opposed to monopoly capital for a program of monopoly capital—the tion which in the President’s an- niversary speech impels him to praise the bankers and make a con- gratulatory telegram from them the high point of his speech. This results in loss of moral prestige for the administration — especially among ruined farmers, small busi- nessmen and the upper stratum of | more highly paid workers who lost their savings in the bank crashes. 3. The contradiction which im- pels the administration to more |open announcement of the basic purpose of N. R, A.—that is, to pre- serve and strengthen the present system. This has to be done for contradic | | who are now engaged in big wage, organization and strike movements. The unstable character of the A.| F. of L. leadership and that of its| | affiliated unions is an outstanding fact in these movements. The con- trol of these leaders is secured only | through concessions to rank and/| file sentiment and by continuous | promises that the government will! | give them justice. The slogan of} these leaders now is; “The em-| ployers kept Clause 7A from being applied. Wait for the Wagner Bill. The president will give justice!” 5. There is a nationwide revolt against company unions and forms of so-called employe-represen- tation even in their recently ‘‘iber- alized” form. 6. The stubborn nature of these movements and struggles is a sig- nificant fact—never before seen to the same extent in the United States. This is shown by the length of these strikes in the face of un- precedented use of force — mass arrests, clubbings, gassings, shoot- ings and actual murder of strikers and pickets — by the employers’ private forces and various govern- ment agencies. Furthermore,, there is to be seen the phenomenon of strike, re-strike, and strike again, by the same groups of workers in coal mining, auto, steel and metal, seamen, taxi drivers, shoe and leather workers, agricultural work- | ers, textile workers. 1. There i¢ the beginning of a definite revolt against the present wages and working conditions and reduction of working forces among railway workers—who hitherto have taken little or no part in the struggle against the devastating effects of the crisis and the capital- ist offensive against the workers, 8. There is to be seen the develop- ment of a new corps of leaders direct from the ranks of the work- ers, who have received their train- ing during the present crisis, who are much closer to the working class and represent the interests of the workers, as the so-called “ cognized” trade-union leadership does not and will not. (To Be Gontinned) the shop by way of the water. Sivel Trust Educator’s é Red Fantasy Is Anti-Labor Poison By SEYMOUR WALDMAN (Daily Worker Washington Bureau) WASHINGTON, March 29.— that one of the Roosevelt “brain trust” told him that a “revolution” is being plottcd here by Roosevelt advisors, and that Roosevelt was | Though treated in newspaper and | congressional circles as a joke, Dr. | William A. Wirt’s charge of “radical- ism” against the Roosevelt Admin- | istration is being used by the strong- | est segment of American capitalism | to follow up its automobile victory by spreading a red scare as the poison gas of the next attack on the workers, especially those in the | basic industries. Senator Arthur Robinson, Repub- | lican of Indiana, Ku Kiuxer and spokesman for the reactionary American Legion leadership, by eulo- gizing Wirt as “one of the country’s | leading educators,” today virtually | revealed that J. P. Morgan and Co.'s | United States Steel Corporation, the absolute ruler of the steel town of Gary, Indiana, where Wirt has been | the corporation’s superintendent of schools since 1907, stands behind the palpably ridiculous charges attrib- uting radicalism to the strikebreak- ing Roosevelt Administration. Meanwhile Representative Alfred C. Bulwinkle, of Gastonia, N. C., the leader of the 1929 terror against the Gastonia Textile strikers, intro- | duced a resolution to summon Wirt | | to Washington to appear before al | committee of five. The Bulwinkle | | resolution directs the committee to | “require him (Wirt) to reveal the | | Source of statements he has made | | to the effect that the United States | |is in the process ‘of deliberately | Planned revolution.’” It is expected | | that the debate on this resolution will result in amendments whose | Purpose will be to broaden it into another Ham Fish red-baiting hunt. Dr. Wirt is the artificially created | New National figure who declared represented to him by these plotters as the “Kerensky of this revolution, while they were looking for the Stalin; that it would require a Strong man to be the Stalin.” Last night a George W. Christians, of Chattanooga, Tenn., the founder of the Fascist-tinted “crusaders for economic liberty,” announced that he was the one who termed Roose- velt “the Kerensky of the American Revolution.” Part of Christians “human-effort monetary system” is to accelerate the speed of the gov- ernment printing presses. The local Hearst paper reports Christians as the head of both “red” and “Fas- cist” organizations. Indiana’s Robinson also revealed that Wirt. who has “ability” and “very great fame” as an educator, “served as official advisor of the Board of Education of New York City.” Warming up to his red scare remarks, Robinson quoted from the February issue of “Fight,” the mag- azine of the American League Against War and Fascism, which published an article characterizing the impending imperialist war, as “the new blood bath for the workers and farmers.” Robinson also in- serted into the record some of Ralph Easley’s (head of the anti-labor, Fascist National Civic Federation) red scare articles now being run in the Hearst press. Part of Wirt’s fame, said Robin- son, comes from the former's “so- called platoon or duplicate system on public education,” which so e larges the “ capa school building,’ advantages to the steel trust, extra teachers are employed.” ‘no | Such tenants or employees, without | | cost, access for fuel to such woods |land belonging to this farm as he | tenants the use of an adequate por- | M-/ tion of the rented acres to grow y of the average | food and feed crops for home con- that, among other | sumption and for pasturage for isuch use of the rented acres shall| | The following is the second part of Comrade Richards article, showing how the acteage-' | duction plan of the Roosevelt ad- | ministration is driving 2,500,000 | share-croppers of their land and | strengthens the position of the | Plantation landlords. By E. RICHARDS Article IT |. When does a cropper or tenant |become “a nuisance or a menace” to a landlord? As soon as ‘he dares jeven to ask for his share «: the crop. Thousands of known ex- | amples could be quoted where land- {lords have killed croppers and ten- |ants just because they “asked for their share of the crop.” Emanuel Bittings, a Negro tobacco cropper, sits today on death row in the state | prison of North Carolina awaiting | the electric chair, because he shot | his landlord in self-defense, Bit~ tings had asked for his share of the |erop, after he had been refused all | furnishings coming to him. T. M.} Clayton, his landlord, began beat~- ing up Bittings’ small children and called to Mrs. Clayton, who was close by, “Come and hear the last | words of this damn ‘Nigger’ before | I blow his brains out.” But it so} happened that Bittings was quicker | on the trigger. It took only a few | hours for a lily-white court to sen-| tence Bittings to die in the electric | chair. ... Another example of when i @ cropper becomes a “nuisance” to) @ landiord is the example of crop- per W. He humbly pleaded for a) settlement, upon which his landlord | attempted to drive him and his small children to freeze in the win- | ter’s cold. But this was stopped by | the timely action of the Share| Croppers’ Union, which prevented | the eviction, and forced the land- | lord to make a settlement and per- | |mit W. to live there and crop the | plot. | In speaking of those croppers and/| tenants who will be robbed of their | land by the acreage reduction, the} contract reads: “, . . during such years (1934 and 1935) shall afford may designate; shall permit such | | domestically used livestock; and for| Distorts Enge Is to Jus FORGERY TO JUSTIFY FAILURE TO SEIZE POWER WHEN MASSES that time—in 1895—the evolution of military technique had dimin- ished the prospects of a revolu- tionary victory in street fighting. They knew how vastly the devel- opment of miltary technique since 1895 had strengthened the strik- ing force of any disciplined army against a working class rising. Since the coup d'etat of March 7, 1933, therefore—that is to say, | over a period of eleven months— the Social-Democrats made every imaginable effort to avert a vio- lent issue.” Aside from the fact that in this very article Bauer confesses that a general strike would have been successful had the Socialist leaders called it a year earlier, and that it | became less and less a threat to| the bourgeoisie precisely because of | the criminal delay of the Socialist leaders in calling it, Bauer is here not only discussing the “mistakes” of the Socialist leaders. He is in actuality, giving the classic Social- Fascist theory against the very con- ception of the proletarian revolu- tion, against the possibility of a revolutionary way out of the pres- ent crisis, And he bases this theory of the hopelessness of the proletarian rev- olution on a forged document! For what is this famous preface of Engels to the “Class Struggles in France,” upon which he justifies his failure to prepare for armed strug- gle? What did Engels say in it about the possibility of street fight- ing against the bourgeoisie? He sent this preface to the Socialist editors of the “Vorwarts in 1895. |The Social-Democratic editors then | printed it — only after. they had |taken out the most important, rev- jolutionary part of it! And this forged document became a text used all over the world by Socialist lead- ers to justify their denial of the necessity of possibility of revolu- tionary armed struggle for the final overthrow of capitalism. They printed Engels as follows: “The newly built quarters of the large cities erected since 1848 have been laid out in Yong, straight, wide streets as if made for the use of cannon and rifles. The revolutionary would be mad who would of himself select the new working class districts of the north and east of Berlin for bar- ricade struggle.” See, cried the Socialist leaders, even Engels no longer believes in the possibility of arme® struggles against the capitalists! But Engels, immediately after this sentence, had written some- thing else which the Social-Dem- cratic leaders struck out of the text in order to keep it from the eyes of the working class! Im- mediately after this sentence, | completing his thought, Engels had written: “But does this mean that in the future street struggles have no role to play? Not at all. “It only means that the condi- tions since 1848 are far more un- favorable for) the insurrectionaries, j tify His Betrayals WERE READY FOR ARMED STRUGGLE and far more favorable for the military, “But this means that a street struggle can only be victorious if this unfavorable nature of the sit- | uation is compensated for by other factors, Therefore it will more seldom come in the begin- ning of a great revolution than in its latest developments, and must be undertaken with greater forces. These greater forces will, however, probably, as in the French Revolution, on September Austrian Soldier Tells How | 4th and on October 3ist in Paris, | prefer the method of open attack | instead of the passive barricade | tactics.” | This is what Engels actually wrote |in the passage Bauer is now quot- jing to justify his rejection of the | path of armed revolutionary strug- |gle! Is it not clear as day that Bauer is giving the exact opposite of what Engels actually said? Is | 1t not clear that Engels, correctly | arguing that the street tactics of | 1848 are obsolete, and that they | S.P. Heads Fought Revolution ‘The following is part of a let- ter written by a worker now in the U. S. who was formerly a member of the Austrian army and who lived through the historic days of 1919 in Vienna, when the Socialist leaders broke the back of the workers’ armed struggles, Written to the editor of the Daily Worker, it is a remarkable his- toric light on the way the So- cialist leaders of Austria protected the capitalist state from over- throw, aE pee Atchison, Kansas, March 5, 1934. Dear Comrade Editor: It will be of interest to you to know the record of Dr. Julius Deutsch and his consorts of Austria. Of course, the American Socialist working men do not know Dr. Deutsch, and I suppose you don't Know him either. But I know him very well. I know some of his rec- ord. Right after the World War, from 1918 until 1920, I lived with my family in the 11th District of Vienna, Austria, Brambellagasse No. 8. I enlisted in the Peoples’ Army (Volkswehr) in 1918, Later I was honorably discharged from the Aus- trian Army. Dr. Renner, a Social-Democrat, was elected President, and Dr. Julius Deutsch served in his Cabinet as War Minister (Secretary of War). Under his reign as War Minister, hhe expelled every Communist from the Peoples’ Army, and I was one among his many victims. In his letter to my Commander Lieutenant, Colonel Hamjael, Dr. Julius Deutsch declared he will clean the army \of the Communist pests, which in- vades the artillery in Kaiser Ebers- dork. I was a sergeant, second class, and served in the light field artillery station at Kaiser Ebersdorf, a suburb of Vienna City. The Red Battalion was a unit of the Peoples’ Army (Volkswehr) and their mem- bers, about 1,000 men on the list, all Communists. Dr. Renner went to Paris, France, in order to obtain @ loan for Aus- tria, and there he promised highly to the French government that it is not the slightest intention of the Social-Democratio government of Austria to erect a Workers’ Dicta- torship. He did the same in Lon- don and in Rome. Dr. Julius Deutsch had been a} willing servant of the capitalists, of the international bankers and spec- ulators, by declaring in 1919 that it would be a crime to destroy the democracy in Austria and set up in its place a Workers’ Dictator- ship. The government of Dr. Ren- ner raided our headquarters several times (Communist headquarters) and one time arrested the whole executive committee, and put Sec- retary Thoman in the penitentiary (Willar Longesgericht) with 23 other men; the next morning Com- rade Kosak and myself of Vienna City mobilized about, 25,000 Commu- nists, gathered in front of the Par- liament Building, marched on the penitentiary (Langesgericht) and asked for the freedom of our lead- ers. Dr. Renner would not give us our leaders, so we broke the iron main entrance with iron bars and within @ half hour we had our leaders freed from the claws of the Socialist, Ponzen. Of course, we lost 18 good comrades on the street in blood. I had been fire-baptized several times in the World War, but this time I received my baptism when I fought the first time for the right of my class. If every true working man knows the intrigues of the So- cialist, Ponzen, a la Dr. Deutsch, Dr. Renner and Dr. Adler, the Com- munists of New York would save every rotten egg they could find and throw it on Dr. Deutsch when he attempts to address the workers of the U.S.A. I have positive proof of the Austrian Socialist Ponzen liked it awful well to find protection in the laws of the capitalists by ad- dressing the workers with revolu- tionary phrases without action. I regret only the fact that I cannot subscribe to the Daily Worker be- cause I have not the money to pay for it. So I have to do with- out it. I suppose the American So- cialistic Ponzen are from the same calibre as the Austrian are. Tf you like to use some or all of my statements for the Daily Worker, I am willing to back up every word of my expressions. AUSTRIAN VET. must be replaced, not by the So. cial-Domocratic “Peaceful Path to Socialism” through “democracy,” but precisely by greater military struggles? From the fact that the 1848 tac- tics are obsolete, Engels argues for the necessity of developing NEW street fighting tactics, merging street fighting with a general up- rising of the whole people “in di- rect attack.” What Engels is in- sisting on in this article, and it is precisely for this reason that he wrote it, was to dispel any false notions that because the bour- geoisie was getting the benefit of new military advances, that there- fore armed revolutionary struggle was obsolete. On the contrary, he insists, armed civil war, armed in- surrection, are DECISIVE, are the sole way to defeat the bourgeoisie and win the revolution, Poe hee INGELS himself was furious when he read the garbled version ot his articles as the Social-Demo- cratic editors printed it. He wrote to Lafargue on April 3, 1895: “X, who has played me a dirty trick. He has taken from my preface to Marx’s articles on France everything that he con- sidered useful for the defense of THE TACTICS OF PEACEFUL- NESS AT ANY PRICE AND AVOIDANCE OF VIOLENCE . whereas I recommend these tac- tics purely and SOLELY FOR THE PRESENT DAY GERMANY, and then ONLY WITH ESSEN- TIAL RESERVATIONS. In France, Belgium, Italy and Aus- tria these tactics, taken as a whole cannot be followed, and in Ger- many, they can become inappli- cable tomorrow.” (Engels’ em- phasis). Thus Engels was warning against precisely the kind of fraud that Bauer is now attempting on the working class, Thus it is on a crim- inally falsified document of Marxism that Bauer tries to prop his per- sistent refusal to prepare the Aus- trian workers for the violent, seizure of power, leaving them to the mercy of ruling’ class fascist violence after they had been _ systematically stripped of all their hard-won con- cessions and advantages. It is impossible that Bauer does not know that he is using a falsified version of Engels’ “Preface” to bol- ster up his argument. In 1924 the full unexpurgated text was given to the world by the Marx-Lenin Institute after Riazanove had been granted access to the original manu- seript. eae a | AUER, like whole generations of Social-Democratic leaders, only demonstrates, by his argument against the possibility of the work- ing class triumphing over the “su- Perior” armed forces of the State, that he is blind to the revolution- ary dialectics of Marxism. For both Marx and Engels showed again and | English). | depend upon the development of the revolutionary struggles of the pro- letariat. It is a pity that Engels’ writings on the subject of armed struggles | and military revolutionary strategy are not yet available in full form in English (although some of the articles were originally written in For here Engels shows how firmly the development of mil- itary science and armed struggle forces of production. Engels shows that with the development of mod- ern, complicated science of warfare, the armed power of the bourgeoisie becomes more and more dependent upon the working class which runs the industries! And this brings with it increasing menace to capitalism, and increasing revolutionary power to the proletariat! For example, the high develop- ment of aviation not only gives the | bourgeoisie a powerful weapon | against the’working class, but makes | it easy for even a small, well or- | ganized and determined group of | revolutionary aviation mechanics to | ~ put a serious crimp in the entire | aviation machine, Or the high in-| dependence of modern military! forces upon transportation makes it) Possible for a small group of revo- | lutionary workers stationed at stra- | tegic points to do serious damage | to the whole military machine of | the capitalists. Marx and Engels showed, in | other words, that the very devel- | opment of the complexities of modern production and the grow- ing dependence of the armed | forces upon this production dia- lectically counteract the menace of developing military science as a counter-reyolutionary factor and become revolutionary factors, Above all, Marx and Engels found one of the sure guarantees of the victory of the armed proletarian revolution in the fact that the bour- geoisie is faced with the deadly, but. unavoidable contradiction, that to suppress the working class, and to carry on its wars, it is forced to Place arms in the hands of the masses! It is forced to arm its deadliest enemy, its own gravedig- gers! Lenin, reviving the buried revolutionary teachings of Marxism, showed how the very armed forzes of the capitalist class are torn by class antagonisms in the ranks. And it is this which makes it possible for a revolutionary, Bolshevik Party to lead the masses in victorious armed struggle against the capital- ist ruling class dictatorship. eer ane Socialist leaders fear the vio- lent overthrow of capitalism, they preach its futility and hope- Jessness. They shrink in horror be- fore the prospect of revolutionary struggle. Such teachings, naturaily, are very pleasing to the capitalists, who need have nothing to fear so again that the development of mod- ern military science is objectively @ revolutionary factor favoring the Jong as the proletariat is convinced (Continued on Page Five) | Permit the reasonable use of work animals and equipment im exchange for labor.” (My emphasis, E. R.) Here we see how the contract binds the cropper or tenant to Slave for the landlord for the measly use of a mule to cultivate a garden. It has long been a practice for large crops of cotton by exactly such labor, which does not cost them anything. They bind the cropper to slave for them, saying, “your share of the crop is not enough to pay for the furnishings that I have given.” Furthermore, they force the croppers te work on their plantation just at the best time of the season (plowing, planting, chopping, cultivating, Picking) and after the work is done on the plantation, then the croppers can go and work their own plots. This often results in @ poor crop because the season is late. Now this form of en- slayement and robbery is legalized by the A.A.A. cotton reduction contracts, Croppers Not Taking It Lying Down But the share croppers and ten- ants are not peacefully submitting to this landlord program of fur- ther misery and starvation. They are preparing for struggles under the leadership of the Share Croppers Union. This militant, fighting or- ganization calls upon all share orop- pers, tenants, and small farmers in the cotton belt to join its ranks in the struggle against Roosevelt’s acreage reduction program. Only the united action of all the ex- ploited farmers will stop the evic- tions and starvation that are brought on by this program. The share croppers and tenants are ral- lying into the ranks of the Share Croppers Union. They see the union as that organization which is leading them in the struggle againet the landlords and the bosses to bet ter their conditions. In the strug- gle against the acreage reduction the Share Croppers Union calls upon all croppers and tenants to support, together with the other demands of the Share Croppers Union, these special demands, directed against the present reduction program: No reductions in planting area! No evictions or land seizures! Against the Roosevelt “New Deal” on the farms! Full payment of both rental and parity premiums to croppers and tenants for all land rented to the government under the 1934 A.A.A. Program! All checks to come direct to the cropper or tenant! For the democratic election of all local and county control boards! Training for the Class Struzgle WORKERS SCHOOL 35 East 12th St., New York City Telephone Algonquin 4-1199 SPRING TERM. || Courses for Workers Principles of Communism Political Economy Marxism-Leninism Organization Negro Problems Trade Union Strategy American Labor Movement Russian Revolution . History Communist Internattonal Historical Materialism Revolutionary Journalism Public Speaking English Russian LAST WEEK OF REGISTRATION! m!N MEMORY OF p Morris Langer Organizer of the N-T.W.LU. Memorial Meeting on Sunday, April 1st, at 2 P.M. Central Opera House Gith Street and 3rd Avenue Speakers: Ben Gold, Max Bedacht, J. Winogradsky, S. Burt Charles Krumbein; Program: Freiheit Mandolin Orchestra, Workers’ Laboratory Theatre, -Ukrainian Workers Chorus, Artef Tickets 25c, to be had at Union Office, 131 West 28th Street - Ay, Spring Festival Special Spring Sports: Tennis—Hiking o Baseball Special Pro. &~ gram Each @ @ Beacon, N.Y. Tel. Beacon 731 < > Cars leave daily at 10:30 a. m. from Co- &. operative Restaurant, Ph.: Estabrook 8-140, Make reservations for_ 2700 Bronx Park East. ey better quarters. 1 o'clock. se : landlords to raise sk» un it ‘