The Daily Worker Newspaper, July 13, 1933, Page 7

DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, THURSDAY, JULY 13, 1933 Page Three t ee SS SSS SS rea iggle for the defense of their living interests, the Communists, in laying his daily work is a necessary pre-condition for us, if we are to prove ence of the majority of the working class.”--Kuusinen. cannot carry out this task successfully unless at the same time it establishes its base in the decis- ive big factories. Hunger marches and other activities of the unemployed must be accompanied by sympathetic actions on the part of the work- ers in the factories, while the actions of the workers in the factories must receive the most active support from the unemployed. The Allies of the American Working Class sae fact that great masses of the petty bour- geoisie and particularly poor and ruined farm- ers are getting into action, the right sectarian failure to understand such movements, as ex- pressed in the stand of leading comrades against participation in the veterans’ movement, and the opportunist tendencies to succumb to the influ- ence of petty bourgeois views (the report of a CC member about the activity of a Party organ- ization in the Pittsburgh coal district in connec- tion with the preparation of the struggle of the miners for April 1st: “They forgot 10,000 miners who are ready to struggle. In order not to offend the feelings of the business people, they forgot about the militancy of the miners”)—all these factors make it urgently necessary for the Party to take a clear stand with regard to the allies of the proletariat in order to win these allies and to protect itself against errors and deviations. The Hegemony of the Proletariat HE most important allies of the American working class are the poor and small farmers. These farmers, as well as broad sections of the middle farmers, are hardest hit by the whole development of post-war capitalism and especially by the economic crisis and are most brutally ex- ploited by the government, by the banks, by the trusts and the insurance companies. Their inter- ests are conseauently directed objectively against finance capital. In this situation the main task of the Party in its work among these toilers consists above all in the organization of the agricultural workers independently of the farmer in organizing them into the Party and trade unions, in organizing and leading strikes of the agricultural workers, which in many places already played an impor- tant role in the development of the farmers’ movement. At the same time the Party has the possibility of mobilizing not only the poor and small farmers, but also broad sections of ruined middle farmers, for the’ struggle against capital- . ism on the side of the proletariat, while at the same time it can neutralize other sections of middle farmers. ‘The winning over of broad masses of farmers as allies of the working class is an important prerequisite for a successful struggle against the offensive of capitalism, against fascism and for the defense of the Soviet Union, and finally for the victory of the prole- tariat. y * * * MHE other important ally of the American pro- letariat is to be found ix the masses of Negroes in the struggle against national oppres- sion. The Communist Party, as the revolutionary party of the proletariat, as the only party which is courageously and resolutely carrying on a struggle against the national oppression of the Negroes, which is becoming particularly intense with the developing crisis, as shown by the recent death sentence against the Scottsboro Negroes— can win over the great masses of Negroes as allies of the proletariat against the American bourge- oisie. The Party can stand at the head of the na- tional revolutionary struggle of the Negro masses against American imperialism only if it energet- ically carries through the decisions of the XIV Plenum of the CC on work among Negroes. The Party must mobilize the masses for the struggle for equal rights of the Negroes and for the right of self-determination for the Negroes in the finance cavital with its trusts, its cartels and its fighting Fascist gangs? “We have to introduce a policy, all the way down the line, which ties up the Daily Worker closer to the masses of workers. One of the things that we have to carry out is the building up of a Work- er’s Advisory Committee, organized from the factories and trade unions, that will meet to discuss the problems of the paper. We want to build up a real ren- resentative committee of workers who will come to us not for just an occasional meeting but who will meet regularly with the leading comrades, to help us very quickly carry through this change. —(From Comrade Hathaway’s report at the extraordinary Party Conferences). SA LLL ARAL Black Belt. It must ruthlessly combat any form of white chauvinism and Jim Crow practices. It must’not only in words but in deeds overcome all obstacles to the drawing in of the best elements of the Negro proletariat, who in the recent years have shown themselves to be self-sacrificing vnghters in the struggle against capital. In view of this, special attention must be given to the promotion of Negro proletarians to leading work in the Party organizations. In all mass actions, strikes and unemployed struggles the Party must pay particular attention in formulating practical demands, it takes into consideration and gives expression to the special forms of exploitation, oppression and denial of the rights of the em- ployed and unemployed Negro masses. At the same time the Party and in the first place the Negro comrades must genuinely improve the methods of patient, systematic but persistent struggle against the ideology and influence of petty bourgeois nationalists among the Negro workers and toiling Negro masses. * * * tr is possible also to win over to the side of the workers, or at least to neutralize broad sections of the lower petty bourgeoisie and in- tellectual workers in the cities who have been brought into action as a result of the tremen- dous pressure of the crisis (employees, lower officials, teachers, intellectuals, students, petty bourgeois, war invalids), if only the Party will come out resolutely in defense of their dn- terests (teachers’ strikes, students’ demonstra- tions, resistance to reduction of salaries of em- plo¥ees, to robbery through ‘inflation and bank erashes, ete.). ” * * * PUT the one way for the proletariat to secure and maintain its hegemony is for it to prove in all struggles that it is the vanguard, the leader, that strikes most courageously against the common enemy, namely, finance capital. There is no other way to win hegemony. An absolutely necessary but AUXILIARY means toward this end is the winning of the influence of the proletariat on the nc} -proletarian sec- tions through REVOLUTIONARY work of the Party among these strata. It is the task of the Party to organize all toiling masses who have been brought into action against finance capi- tal and its government, into a broad revolu- tionary political army, in which the proletariat. is the leading class, and the broad masses of the: petty bourgeoisie in the towns and in the rural districts are its allies in the struggle against the bourgeoisie. To ignore this task means objectively to impede the proletariat in the winning of reserves and thus make it easier for the bourgeoisie to recruit fascist gangs from among the petty bourgeois elements and to iso- late the proletariat. * * * UT the more widespread the movement among the non-proletarian masses becomes and more acute the task of winning allies of ence the proletariat becomes, che more intensely must the Party work to extend and organize its proletarian basis. This very extension of the movements of the non-proletar.an masses makes it incumbent on the Party not to allow itself to be SIDETRACKED from its main task, namely, the winning of the influence in 4, and nuclei, the factories, above all in the big fac‘erie the systematic building up of factory and trade union organizations. The Danger of Farmer Echorism F the Party intensifies its activity among the petty bourgeois masses without at the same time and above all strengthening its basis in the big factories and among the most impor- tant sections of the American working class, but this base even having become weaker—as expressed in such facts as the leaving of the majority of the strikes to the leadership of the reformists, the decline of the factory nuclei, the unfavorable development of the revolution- ary trade unions, and the decline of circulation of the DAILY WORKER—THEN THE DAN- GER ARISES that the Party, having only weak contacts with the decisive section of American workers, wiii be driven away from its proletarian base, and instead of leading the petty bourgcdis masses will suecitmb to the in- fluence of petty bourgeois sentiments, illusions and petty bourgeois methods of work. The root of this danger lies in the sum total of ob- jective conditions created by the crisis, and in the relatiorshin of class forces. In spite of the rapid revoiutionary advance, the work of the revolutionary Party, as well as the class consciousness of the Armerican proletariat. is still weak, while at the same - time the movement among the farmers and the movement among the petty-bourgeois elements are rapidly spreading. If the Party does not further make a turn to the work in the large factories, and does not organize strike move- ments and movements of the unemployed, if it does not strengthen its proletarian base and build up the revolutionary trade union move- ment, then the danger exists that the Party, under the elemental pressure of the petty bourgeois masses, especially the masses of farmers, will be switched to the wrong track, in the direction of a Farmer-Labor Party. The Yarmers’ Conference fin Washington was, in spite ‘of its mistakes, a great success, and marked the beginning of serious work among the farmers, which. must be carried out most energetically, but in a more correct and im- proved way. But the Party must now bend all its efforts to carry out the work among the in- dustrial workers in such a way that the Party will make decisive HEADWAY among the in- dustrial workers, and thus make impossible ALL DANGER OF THE PARTY GOING OFF ITS PROLETARIAN BiASE. * * * THE IMMEDIATE TASKS OF THE PARTY HE Party is now faced with the task of or. ganizing the united struggle of the Ameri-— can workers and all toiling masses for their vital immediate demands. This includes: 1. The organizing of struggles against di- rect wage cuts and the reduction of real wages through inflation, for increase of wages, against every form of the stagger plan, for a reduction of working hours with no reduction in pay. 2. Closely linked up with the mobilization _ against the wage cut offensive is the campaign for the organizing of the struggle of the un- employed and part-time workers for immedi- ate relief, and the organization of the struggle for UNEMPLOYMENT AND SOCIAL IN- SURANCE at the expense of the government and the employers. Of the greatest importance at the present time is the task of developing a he factories will be the most dramatic page in the history of the struggle : parties of Fascism, Social Democracy, on the other.”~-Manuilsky, Pee Sos 8