The Daily Worker Newspaper, July 13, 1933, Page 6

temee b , hands Page Iwo DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, THURSDAY, JULY 13, 1933 : “Without daily work among the broad masses, without daily strug; claim to the leadership of the masses, can only isolate themselves. Thi: ourselves to be the Party of the workers in practice and win the confiden mma mee allowed the initiative to be snatched from our (Cleveland, etc.). We underestimated and neglected the struggle against social-fas- cism, and did not link it up with the daily revo- lutionary work in the factories and trade unions, as well as among the unemployed. We did not take the trouble to answer carefully all the arguments of the socie!-fascists. All of which constitute one of the chiet reasons for a growth of the influence of the reformists, espe- cially “left” reformists among the workers. Party Leadership Bears Full Responsibility HIS situation in our work, for which the WHOLE PARTY LEADERSHIP BEARS FULL RESPONSIBILITY, makes it the iron revolutionary duty of the Party to carry out a decisive turn in our work in a most speedy way, in view of the tremendously rapid devel- opment of the crisis and the growing revolu- tionary advance. * * = WING to the change in the administration, the American bourgeoisie was in a position to spread among broad masses of workers tem- porary illusions of an approaching improve- ment in their situation. But the depth and tempo of the economic e¢risis have established favorable conditions for a speedy unmasking of the policy of the parties of the bourgeoisie. Roosevelt is continuing Hoover’s policy against the working class and other laboring masses in an intensified form, ushering in his term with bitter attacks (inflation, reduction of salaries of government employees, reduction in veter- ans’ allowances, the Allotment Plan, foreed labor and militarization of unemployed work- ers, the sales tax, etc.). The radicalized workers, who had their bitter experience with the Republicans, are now well on the way to meeting with the same experi- ence from the second traditional party of fi- nance capital, namely, the Democrats, and the movements among the workers against robber measures are bound to increase. The poor farmers and the ruined middle farmers who only yesterday voted for the bourgeois parties are, in fact, already taking the path of strug- gle against the policy carried on by these par-. ties. and are constantly intensifying their ef- forts to attain an “independent” policy. Thus, as a result of the development of the crisis, which is character rizéd ‘ndt only byifa rapid ex-) tension of: the labor movement, bat also by ‘a widespread movement among the petty bour- geoisie, we find a far-reaching mass movement of workers, farmers and other middle elements which is directed against the old bourgeois par- ties, and against the government, and which is growing continually stronger. HE American bourgeoisie, which fears a de- velopment of great class struggles and clashes, is already making attempts to block this devel- opment. It is no mere chance that the Socialist Party, with the calling of the so-called Continen- tal Congress, is developing the greatest activity they have shown for years, that the Musteites are intensifying to a very marked degree their activity, especially among the American sections of the working class, and that at the same time efforts and tendencies are coming to light in the direction of organizing a Farmer Labor Party, and that various reformist, fascist and semi- fascist organizations among the unemployed farmers, etc., are springing up all over the coun- try. On the one hand thé bourgeoisie is attempt- ing with the help of the reformists to establish all kinds of rallying centers for intercepting the disillusioned masses, and to set up barriers against Communism. On the other hand, and at the same time, the bourgeoisie is intensifying direct terrorism and provocation against the “What can the proletariat put up in opposition to the power of fir ONLY ORGANIZATION IN THE FACTORIES. The ps for the -' hetween Communism on the one hand and bor masses and coming more and more to adopt fascist methods of violence and demagogy and to establish fascist organizations. Social Fascists Strive To Paralyze Infiuence of Party. HE reformists and especially the Musteites are attempting in the most active manner to paralyze the influence of the Communists by their own activity, which is directed also toward the organization of a Farmer Labor Party. As opposed to our policy, namely: alliance of the proletariat with the poor farmers and ruined middle farmers under the hegemony of the pro- letariat and struggle for the revolutionary way out of the crisis,—they are putting forward their policy, namely: a policy which goes in the direc- tion of establishing a Farmer-Labor Party, in which the workers become an appendage to the petty bourgeoisie and the petty bourgeoisie be- come an appendage to the bourgeoisie, and for “democratic” methods of struggle. Main Link—Execution of Correct Policy VERY Party member must now understand that it depends on correct policy and above all, the execution of the correct policy, whether we will be able to mobilize the masses of workers for struggle and whether our Party, in this his- torically favorable situation, will become the de- cisive mass Party of the American proletariat, or whether the bourgeoisie with the help of its social-fascist and fascist agents will succeed in disorganizing the mass movement and keeping it down. Never before was the situation in the country so favorable for the development of the Communist Party into a real revolutionary mass Party. to become rooted in the decisive industrial cen- ters, in the important big factories—never before represented such great danger for the fulfilment of our revolutionary tasks as a whole. * * * \ HY IS IT THAT THE PARTY ADOPTS RES- OLUTIONS SUCH 48 WERE ADOPTED AT THE XIV PLENUM OF THE CENTRAL COMMITTEE, AND DOES NOT CARRY THEM OUT? Why is it that we do not learn from our «exper iences and mistakes in strikes, trade union ‘and factory work, sand from our work: among the . part-time workers and unemployed? Why is it that the leading bodies of the Party do not con- centrate the full forces of the Party to help the comrades in a practical way in their difficult but most important Party work, namely work in big factories, enabling them to overcome all the diffi-« culties in this work? Why is it that the entire Party, from top to bottom, is not working to determine the best ways and means for estab- lishing contacts with the most important sections of the workers, learning to overcome their preju- dices, speak a language they understand and persistently and patiently help them to organize the struggle against hunger? Why is it that the Communist fractions in the revolutionary unions do not make a concrete investigation of the weak- nesses in the work of the revolutionary trade unions in order to overcome these weaknesse ? Main Task—To Establish Solid Base Amongst Decisive Elements of American Proletariat EICAUSE in the Party, and particularly among the leading cadres, there is a DEEP GOING LACK OF POLITICAL UNDERSTANDING of the necessity for strengthening our basis among’ the decisive sections of the American workers. From this follows the fact that the leadership of But from this it follows also that failure. of the Party to understand its chief task—namely _ the Party has not adhered to a fixed course for overcoming the main weaknesses of the Party, | allows itself to be driven by events, and does not work out carefully with the comrades of the lower organizations ways and means for the carrying through of resolutions and checking up on their execution. The result is that we talk about fac- tory and trade union work in countless resolu- tions, without carrying this work out. * * * T IS: time that the entire Party should under- stand that without a solid basis among the decisive elements of the American workers, the Party cannot lead the revolutionary struggles of the working class and free them from the influ- ence of the social democrats and the bourgeoisie, which still prevails among the decisive elements of the working class, however favorable the con- ditions for our influence may be. It is idle chatter to talk about the revolutionizing of the working class by the Party unless the Party conquers a firm basis for itself among the miners, metal and steel workers, railroad workers, auto, marine and textile workers. It is idle chatter to speak about the leading rele of the Party without establishing contacts with the decisive strata of the workers, mobiliz- ing these workers and winning them over to our side. Talk about the defense of the Soviet Union and struggle against imperialist war is nothing but empty phrases unless systematic work is carried out in the war industry plants and in the ports; talk of struggle against social fascism is nothing but empty phrases unless the struggle is carried on from day to day in the big factories, in the reformist unions and among the unem- ployed. It is nothing but phrase-mongering to speak about building up the Party and the revo- lutionary trade unions without doing this among the important bodies of workers, in the big fac- teries, in the important industrial sections. It is idle to talk about the necessity of new cadres without developing them from among these very sections of workers. * * HE working class will be in a position to fulfill its role as the most decisive class in the struggle against finance capital, as the leader of all toiling masses, only if it is headed by a Come munist Party which is closely bound up with the decisive strata of the workers. But a Communist Party with a very weak and inadequately func- tioning organization in the big factories and among the decisive sections of the American. in- dustrial workers,.a Communist Party whose en- tire policy, whose entire agit-+inn and prepa- ganda, whose entire daily we 4 ; not concen- trated on winning over and mobilizing these workers and winning of the factories, a Commu- nist Party which, through its revolutionary trade union work, does not build highways to the broad- est masses of workers, cannot lay claim to a policy capable of making it the leader of the working class within the shortest possible time. M\HE necessary concentration of our work on the most important factories does not of course in any way mean that we should allow our work among the unemployed to slacken. In carrying out this main task we should not for an instant lose sight of the fact that we represent the in- terests of the entire class, and that, especially under the present conditions the unemployed constitute a factor of greatest revolutionary im- portance. One of the chief tasks of the Party is the organizing and mobilizing of ‘the millions of unemployed for immediate relief and unemploy- ment insurance and the linking up of their strug- gles with the struggles of the workers in the big factcries—full time, as well as part-time workers —especially now, in view of the introduction of militarized forced labor for the unemployed and the increased attempts to bring them under re- formist and fascist influence. But the Party eis dictatorshii