The Daily Worker Newspaper, July 13, 1933, Page 5

ne tena PR Re et Sn ea IN TWO SECTIONS Section I (Section of the Communist International) DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, THURSDAY, JULY 13, 1933 An Open Letter to All Party Members Adopted by the Extraordinary National Conference of the Communist Party of the U.S. A. Held in New York City, July 7th to 10th, 1933. “Why are we holding an extraordinary Party conference at this time,and why are we proposing that this conference shall issue an open letter to the Party? It is noé alone because of the extreme sharp- ening of the crisis and consequently of the class struggle and of the danger of imperialist war. Above all, the reasons for these extraordinary measures lie in the fact that in spite of the serious be- ginnings of revolutionary upsurge among the masses, yet our Party has not devel- oped into a revolutionary mass party of the proletariat. “This extraordinary conference and the open letter are designed to rouse all of our resources, all of the forces of the Party to change this situation, and to give us guarantees that the essential change in our work will be made. The letter represents the most serious judg- ment of the situation and tasks of our Party and our leadership.”— (From Com- rade Browder’s report at the extraor- dinary Party Conference). Party Comrades: E tremendous sharpening of the economic crisis, and the new severe attacks of the bourgeoisie on the workers and toiling masses, as well as the feverish preparations of the im- perialists for wars among themselves and for in- tervention against the Soviet Union, make a rapid turn of the Party to revolutionary mass work among the decisive sections of the Amer- ican industrial proletariat an imperative task. The rise of the strike movement, the mass ac- tions of the unemployed, the increasing opposi- tion within the A. F. of L. against the bureau- cracy, the various movements which are growing at a tempestuous pace among the poor farmers and ruined middle farmers, the movements among the masses of petty bourgeoisie in the cities and the toiling intelligeéhtsia, especially among teachers, students and intellectuals—all these factors indicate that the revolutionary up- surge is gaining momentum. But in spite of the spread of the mass movements, and, above all, in spite of the radicalization of the masses of workers, the Party has not developed into a re- volutionary MASS PARTY of the proletariat, even though it can point to a number of achieve- ments in its work, such as in the Detroit strike, in the Hunger Marches, in the veterans’ move- ment and in the Farmers’ Conference. Developing the Party Into a Mass Proletarian Party - N many resolutions we already set ourselves the task of developing our Party into a pro- letarian mass Party. We did this with the great- est thoroughness over a year ago at the XIV .Plenum of the Central Committee. But all these resolutions have for the most. part remained on paper. The leading organs of our Party have not succeeded in mobilizing the masses of mem- bers for a systematic and determined applica- tion of these resolutions or in giving the Party membership practical assistance in putting these ‘resolutions into force. At the XV and XVI Plenums, the leading organs of the Party did not call themselves ruthlessly to account for the failure of the Party to make any headway in the carrying out of this turn. * ' oe * ‘ i Woes did w industrial workers; that we still have no firm contacts with these sections of workers, and that we are not keeping pace with the general revyo- lutionary advance. In order to overcome this situation we set ourselves the following tasks: a) The organization of a firm basis for our Party and the revolutionary trade union move- ment among the decisive strata of the American workers in the most important industrial centers : b) The consolidation and strengthening of the revolutionary trade unions, especially revolu- tionary unions of the miners, steel and metal, textile and marine workers, and systematic work in the reformist trade unions, above all among the reformist unions of miners and railroad workers, with a view to organizing a broad revo- lutionary trade union opposition; c) The organization and mobilization of the millions of unemployed, together with the fac- tory workers, for their most urgent needs and the organization of the struggle for unemploy- ment insurance as the central immediate strug- gle of the Party; d) The transformation of the DAILY WORK- ER into a really revolutionary mass. paper, into an agitator and organizer of our work: e) The wide development of new cadres of workers; the establishment of really collectively- working leading bodies of our movement and the improvement of the work of these leading bodies by the drawing in of new capable working class elements. What To Do With the Open Letter ye should read this letter carefully — study every line. Apply the critical ex- amination it makes of ‘+e work of the entire Party to your own work, to the work of your unit, to the work of your fraction, to the work of your section or district committee. Use this letter asa real weapon to overcome all obstacles - that stand in the way of improving our , Communist work IN THE FACTORIES, among the unemployed, in the mass or- ganizations. SCUSS this letter in your unit, in your fraction, in your section and district committee. But discussion is not enough. discussion will establish that political clar- ity necessary to transform this letter in- to the weapon with which to hew out the road to the most decisive sections of the American proletariat—in the first place to those in the big factories. What is needed now is Work—CARRYING OUT IN DEEDS the words of the letter. The Central Committee and the comrades gathered at the Extraordinary Party Con- ference know that the membership is ready for work; we know they will carry out the letter. ADOPT RESOLUTIONS IN YOUR UNIT, IN YOUR FRACTION, IN YOUR _ SECTION AND DISTRICT COMMITTEE on the tasks “at YOU must carry through if the entire Party is to move ahead at a spo. Check up re_-iarly on this resolution, that every member is in- volved in the work, see that every mem- ber carries out his Communist task. For- -vard your esolution to the DAILY WORKER as soon as the membership of your unit, or fraction, section or leading MARR Sad Hes pee aga a oe apg fa Oe sae 5 THE OPEN LETTER TO THE PARTY MEMBERSHIP. } |‘ order to carry out these tasks, we worked out a coneentration plan and pledged our- selves to transfer the center of our work to a number of selected most important large fac- tories, sub-districts and districts. The entire work of the Party and the best forces of the Party were to be directed first of all to build- ing up and consolidating the Party and revo- lutionary trade union movement jin the most important industrial centers of the country, io effectively and systematieally win the dee’sive sections of the American workers, free them from the influence of the reformist and bour- geois parties, mobilize for the struggle against the bourgsoisie, and eset our influence solidly established in these centers, Main Tasks Not Carried Out 7 DUT THESE TASKS HAVE NOT BEEN W CARRIED OUT. Only 4 per cent of the membership are organized in factory nuclei, and only a small portion of these are organized in nuclei in big factories. The Communists have neglected and worked badly in the revo- lutionary trade unions, and consequently the chief red trade unions, such as the unions o? the coal miners, the steel and metal workers, the textile and marine workers. have not gone forward, but have stagnated. The work in the reformist trade unions has in general been neglected by the Communists, which particu- larly led to the fact that the “left’’ reformists (Muste) were able to bring many radicalized workers, especiaJly American workers, under their influence (Sothern Illinois), and that the influence of the reformists has extended also to some elements of unorganized workers. The circulation of the DAILY WORKER has fallen off. In spite of the fact that there have been widespread movements among the work- ers and many workers have come forward in . the struggles, the cadres of functionaries of the Party have not been rejuvenated and strengthened from the ranks of these workers, and sectarian elements; who are beyond hope of improvement and have lost touch with the masses, have not been replaced by new worker cadres who have Cistinguished themselves in struggle. * * * mH clearest expression of the failure to carry out this concentration is the fact that during the past year the majority of strikes were led by reformists, while we made no seri- ous attempts to get the leadership of these struggles away from them, thus abandoning militant workers to the disorganizing and dis- rupting activities of the reformists. More than that even. In fact the reformists in Eastern Ohio, a concentration district of the Party, suc- ceeded in taking over the leadership of miners who had previously carried on a heroic strike under the leadership of the National Miners’ Union. This was possible only because the Central Committee and local leading bodies of the Party failed in an inexcusable manner to devote sufficient attention to this movement of one of the most important sections of work- ers, and consequently did not realize the mili- tancy existing among the miners. The success of the Party and of the Automobile Workers’ Union in Detroit showa what can be accom- plished by the Party and the revolutionary trade unions in other districts when they vigor- ously defend the interests of the workers and carry out the principle of concentration in the proper way. \ We did not devote our full energy to the campaign for unemployment and social insur- ance—a campaign offering the possibilities of welding the employed, part-time and unem- _ ployed workers together in the strnepja.acainct