The Daily Worker Newspaper, June 26, 1933, Page 3

dip i YEW YORK, MONDAY, JUNE 26, 1933 a ge Three By Burck |T aundry Workers, Negro and/20,000 WORKERS ¢ tee White, Strike This Morning IN ANTI-FASCIST EEGTM | Following the decision of the mass mestng of laundry workers, ela DEMONSTRATION Thursday, June 22, in Ambassador Hall, to endorse the proposal of the! Laundry Workers Industrial Union for the organization of a mass struggle | for the improvement of conditions of laundry workers, the Executive Board | (CONTINUBD FROM PAGE ONE) of the union and the Strike Organization Committee, representing over 25 DAILY WORKER, a | “SOLD--FOR TEN DOLLARS!” Roosevelt Asks =~ - . | ho Texte Part Destruction | acta of Cotton Crop v") ee as shope at thelr meeting on Friday, ¢ poe Bes be Se ae iit ge May a meetin s Henry Mertz, gray- Will Subsidize Rich Planters $100,000,000 |strike, to begin this morning. — |MO)QNEY COUNCIL iaires'scieran revotutionst. 00 vears Plans have been worked out to i old, who fought against the Bismark eee } Crushing Small Farmers and Raising ~- | Retail Prices of All Cotton Goods WASHINGTON, June 25.—As part of his vast program to raise the prices of all commodities, Roosevelt growers of the country to destroy at now under cultivation. today issued an appeal to the cotton | least 25 per cent of their present crop | For destroying 3,000,000 bales of cotton, approximately one-fourth of the sent crop, the Federal gov- ernment, through the Farm Board, is ready to pay the rich planters $100,000,000 in cash. This money will come from the Reconstruction Finance Corporation, which in turn gets its money from the Treasury. The Treasury expects to raise the money by a tax on all processing of cotton. The tax, to be levied beginning’ August 1, will be inevitably passed on to the consum- ers in the form of higher prices. The net effect of Rooseysit's pro- posal will be to subsidize rich cotton planters with money collected by the Government in taxes, to raise the Mprice of cotton goods for all retail consumers, and to cut down the gaunt of farm workers to be hired 'Parmelee Cab System Cheats Drivers of Their Earnings) (By a Taxi-Dr-ver Correspondent) NEW YORK CITY—A driver for the Parmelee System, 19th St. Ga- rage, whose child became ill, found himself short of money. He went to Mr. Gramms, the manager, for some petty cash on account of his pay which was coming to him. He was refused and got only curses. I am a Parmelee driver and have seen men with my own eyes, who, after a day of slaving and aggrava- tion, have thrown the meter several times to bring up the booking. The fear of losing the job because of the vicious “average system” is forcing the men to do this. Several drivers have reported sums ranging from $1 to $2.50 taken from their pay checks for small scratches on fenders that the men claim have been there for days previous. They had no knowledge of how the seratehes got there; still we are forced «to pay for them, or we lose the job. Another gyp has been uncovered in the 60th St. garage. Several enve- lopes containing the daily receipts of érivers have been found missing. The blame naturally is laid on the drivers. They not only lost 40 per cent. which are their earnings, but 60 per cent also was taken out of their pay to cover the loss which was no fault of th: ‘ ‘ Editor's Note: Taxi drivers are urged to register their complaints at the Taxi Workers’ Union. The Union has several groups in the ga- rages, planning to stop these very conditions. The office is at 80 E. 11th St., New York City, Room 240, Tele- iH phone Gramercy 5—0857. ae on the cotton farm In addition, the whole effect of the | scheme will be to make it very diffi- cult for the small planters to stay in business. Only the rich planters! with large plantations will be able | to reduce their acreage and still have | a large crop. The small planter will | be unable to reduce his acreage with- } out going out of business altogether. , In this way, the power and income of the large planters will tend to| increase under the Roosevelt acreage- | reducing program. Pian Will Fail The surplus of cotton left over | from last year is one of the largest) in the history of the country. ,n| addition, this season's crop is ex- | pected to be a bumper one, exceeding | jeven last year's 7 The Roosevelt plan faces st | severe difficulties from the | | beginning. | Since the government's action Is | | intended to raise prices, every planter | j Wants to produce as large @ crop as | j possible to sell at the higher prices. | Every cotton planter wants to see his | |meighbor reduce his acreage, but | wishes to maintain his own. | In the second place, aS soon as | eotton prices start to rise in this country, foreign producers attempt | to sell their products here, creating @ pressure for falling prices. Another major difficulty is the question of consumption. The decline in the price of cotton was mainly due ito lack of byyirlg power, lack of | markets. ‘The Roosevelt cotton-de- | | stroying program has the effect of | aggravating this condition even fur- | ther, because as the price of cotton | rises, the amount of cotton consumed | begins to drop rapidly. And this in turn tends to bring the prices down again. But as soon as the prices come down and consumption begins to rise, production starts to increase, |and the whole cycle is back where it | began. The Small Consumer Pays Roosevelt's program of raising | prices through inflation and through direct destruction of goods has al- ready brought increased hardship. to masses of small consumers, The prices of all cotton goods have been rising steadily since March. And it is openly predicted that they will be 33 per cent higher in the Fall. With the cheapening of the dollar, and with prices being forced upward by reduced production, the cost of living for the masses of small buyers is rising rapidly under Roosevelt's | price-raising schemes. | | 410 Ma Let me have & garment- worker,cheap! “ Brotherhood Chiefs, Managers Cut Wages $75,000,000 Railroad labor leaders are con- gratulating themselves on the swift- ness with which they disarmed the growing unrest of the membership by agreeing to continue the 10 per cent wage cut for another year. Rail- road labor executives are also con-~ gratulating themselves, because, with plans for wholesale mergers and lay- offs, it was farthest from their minds to push a wage controversy to the point of having labor get “out of hand.” The intervention of Roose- yelt in the dispute, through Eastman his rail czar, proves, according to railroad union officials, that he is the friend of labor. “Roosevelt saved us from a 22 1-2 per cent cut” is the sentiment wherever you go. What happened was that through the threat of a 22 1-2 per cent cut the railroad workers are being fooled into thinking a continuation of the | ten per cent cut is a victory. It was a clear game of trickery. The cap- italist press predicted weeks ago that there was no chance on earth for more than the present ten per cent. And after the deal was made they acclaimed it, not as a victory for rail- road labor, but as a victory for rail- road financiers. A Victory for the Railroads The fact that a million workers, at one stroke of the pen, without a day's cessation of work, and with only two days’ negotiation, took a | } tbeen jincrease in revenues for the Illinois ten per cent cut extension for an- | other ten months, thereby saving the roads some $75,000,000, is without doubt a victory for the roads. With strikes going on in many industries for wage increases, with the cost of living going up, with the papers full | of appeals for employers to raise| wages and so increase purchasing| power “to give prosperity a chance,” | one million railroad workers have juggled by their chiefs into taking what actually amounts to| @ wage cut. Says the Herald-Tribune | (owned by the millionaire Ogden! Reid), “Such an extension must be considered in the natute of a victory | for the managements, for few of| them seriously thought they would be} able to achieve this action without a) prolonged struggle.” The men were} promised'a return of the ten per cent! cut last February. They were sold out. They were again promised a return of the ten per cent Novem- ber Ist. They have again been sold) out. } For the past week roaa after road | has reported tremendous gains in earnings over-earlier months of the year and over last year. “A small Central system for May was turned | into a gain of nearly $1,000,000 in| net operating incomes last year.” The, Erie Railroad reported for May its first surplus after paying all charges after many months. dollars for May, 1932, it showed a profit of $184,173. The Southern Railroad reported that its main line, between Washington and Atlanta earned 13 per cent on common stock for the year ending October, 1932, Watch Your Jobs, Railroad Workers! “a year of depressed traffic,” accord- ing to President Harrison, who gets $67,500 a year salary in addition to his 13 per cent, Now that the wage question has been disposed of to the satisfaction of the roads, they are free to go, ahead full speed with plans for mergers and consolidations, which means lay-offs. To lay off 100,000 men a year, and this is what we may expect if the men do not check this move at once,| means to save this entire payroll. One of the big savings around New York and New Jersey is expected from pooling marine equipment in the Port of New York. Only 800 of 2,000 marine units are said to be in use. These include lightérs, eleva- tors, tugs, barges. Each competing road now keeps up its own marine equipment, with of course a mini- mum necessary working crew. If this equipment is pooled many of the men Will, of course, be given the gate. One of Eastman’s first acts as rail coordinator is to cooperate with a committee of Eastern Trunk line re- presentatives and the Port of New Jersey Authority on a plan of joint Com-; use of lighterage facilities for all| ganizational drive in the slipper trad pared with a deficit of half a millionlines serving New York. volve the greatest number of lau |dries in the Bronx in the struggle. | | Attempts of the Laundry Owners’ As- | sociation to disrupt the organization | of the strike, failed. The “stabiliza- | tion” talk of the bosses and their | agents met with determination, on | the part of the laundry workers to | | strike for improvement of conditions. | The meaning of the Industrial Bill, | which tends to destroy the militant | unions and to force worsening of | conditions upon the workers, was| | thoroughly explained to the workers. Te Elect Strike Committees | | Plans have been made to elect} | broad strike committees representing |every department irr the shops, Ne- groes and white. Demands for a 20 per cent increase in wages, union recognition, for the establishment of an Unemployment Fund paid by the ses, no discrimination against the | groes for the rights to every job, | were discussed and approved. The Laundry Workers Industrial | Union calls upon the workers of New | York City to support this mass strug- gle of laundry workers and to answer ‘the growing attacks upon the work- ‘ers. Through a determined struggle, the laundry workers will defeat the | bosses and their agents of the Amer- ican Federation of Labor, who are being brought in to organize the | strike-breaking activities against the | laundry workers. | ‘SEWING MACHINE | WORKERS GO ON "STRIKE TODAY, NEW YORK.—A general strike was | declared by the Sewing Machine Me- |chanics and Power Table Setters Union, a section of the Steel and Metal Workers’ Industrial Union, to begin today at 10 a.m. All sewing machine. mechanics, power table setters, electricians, steel partition men, chauffeurs and ail other workers working in the sewing machine line are to go out. They are to report at Union headquarters, 100 W. 25th St. Demands are for a 40-hour, 5-day| week and 25 per cent wage increase. | Two more shops of the Bosses’ As-| Sociation signed up with the Sewing Machine Mechanics and Power Table | Setters Union and all its branches. SLIPPER WORKERS CALLED TO MEET A mass membership meeting, to which all slipper workers, union and non-union, are invited, will be held by the Shoe and eather Workers’ In-| dustrial Union Tuesday night at 7 p.m. at Manhattan Lyceum, 66 E. 4th St. . | Preparations for an intensive or- ‘will be discussed. INDUSTRIAL RECOVERY ACT LAYS THE BASIS FOR FURTHER BREAKDOWN OF CAPITALIST ECONOMY, SHARPER CONFLICTS (Thig is the second of a series of ° trust building, coupled to 2 new attack on the workers. Future ar- ticles will discuss every phase of the bill and how it effects the workers lives in the shops, in the unions, on the bread lines, as well a3 the struggle on all fronts ‘Slane this new aernakigh es Il. By HARRY GANNES ‘The industrial recovery act is full of contradictions, full of enough dy- namite not only to wreck itself but to intensify the crisis to much deep- er levels and engulf the entire work- ing class in greater chaos and star- vation. No matter how the act works out in practice, no matter what section ‘of the big bosses behind the bill win cut (as all their ee interests clash in the cut - throat struggle for the narrowed markets and for the dwin- dling profits), the basic policy of % capitalism ex- 4 presst through the bill as well as outside of it—the attack against the workers’ standard of living — will continue undam- aged. For the workers, HARRY one of the con- GANNES tradictions of the pill which will ap- pear in many instances will be a cut in real wages as the result of an apparent rise, by the raising of the money wages. More clearly how is this to work out? The present period of the cri- sis is one of inflation, with all the bite of increased inflation. The bill itself makes for inflation in its every move. The policy of Wall Street, as expressed in the London Economie Conference, was that of a free road for inflation to back up just such an appearance of a rise in the money wages while behind it an eesueal and deep slash in the real wages takes place. For example, the industrial re- act proposes to build up a Maze of cartels. The primary object of a cartel in the history of capital- ism (and the Roosevelt bill does not and cannot change it one iota) is to increase prices through monopoly in order to increase profits. One covery the writers of the bill, Benjamin A. Javits stated, in this regard, sa matter of fact, the new law is ex- pertly calculated to increase the prof- fits accruing from industry.” (N. Y. World-Telegram interview, June 17, 1933). If money wages are raised in any instance, say $1 a month, the drop in the value of the money, that is in the amount of food, rent and clothing that this “rise” will buy, will push wages down in real value to from $2 | to $5 less than in the period before inflation. Thus the slash in wages will not be along the old, simpler form, of a mere slash in existing pay rates, but will be more complicated, more confusing. In some instances there will be an actual slash in the wages, regard- less of inflation. In others, there will | be a cut in hours, the stagger plan, an apparent piece or hour rise (in inflated wages) with a cut in weekly wages. In each instance, in the shops, in taking up the struggle the work- ers must break through the phrases and explain tg real meaning of the new wage slash moves, building their demands of struggle on this basis. Roosevelt has the right to slash the value of money by 50 per cent. But inflation is not the controlled matter that the Roosevelt “brain trust” would have the workers be- lieve. Hoover hoped—in fact declared —capitalism would have no crisis. But the government deficit is grow- ing. War expenditures are growing. Even the small measure of public works that the “new deal” contem- plates will be paid for by the workers through increased taxes and the in- flation that the public works will add to the general inflation. On top of it all, the cartels will raise prices, the cost of living, immediately, In the struggle for world markets—through lowered production costs, consisting basically of lowered labor costs—in- flation will play one of the leading roles, This is clearly seen in the Lon- don Economic Conference. America will inflate more. Then England will inflate. France will go off the gold standard. Japan has already inflat- ed, Each fn turn, as a result, will in- flate more—and the workers will pay. What They Promise Next to Rooseveli himself, perhaps the most infatuated with the bill is that section of the bourgoisie repre- sented by such organs as the New York World-Telegram. This sheet summed up what it wants the work- ers to believe is the purpose of the bill as follows: 1—“The plan includes a quick stimulant—public works — and an equally necessary tonic for perma- of nent improvement—industrial opera- tion under the eye of the government. 2—“Specifically, it substitutes sane, planned economy for economic anar- chy; co-operation for unfair compe- tition; decent treatment of labor for a national trend toward uncivilized sweatshop standards. 3—The administration of the bill makes possible a short work week and a minimum wage, better labor organ- ization, a curb on excess production and unfair competition and quick em- ployment of men on public construc- tion.” It will be necessary to make a somewhat thorough analysis of the bill itself, as its entire structure will come forward again and again to plague the workers, and the imagin- ary, or wish-inspired interpretations help only to expose the maze of propaganda that surrounds it, First, under the bill, Roosevelt is empowered to build up a bureau- cracy of hard-boiled capitalists to administer the bill. In this respect, the capitalist state, the government of the imperialists, finds it necessary in the crisis to create a new organ to concentrate in more potent man- ner the oppressive forces of the cap- italists against the workers. How closely linked these individuals, like General Hugh S. Johnson, and the host of others, are to the greatest enemies of the workers, the big strike-breaking corporations, con- trolled by the leading banks, has al- ready been exposed in various issues of the Daily Worker. Besides working in the general in- terest of preserving capitalism in the present crisis, this bureaucracy (in the style of good American capitalist tradition) will lay the basis for an era of graft that will put the Tea Pot Dome scandal in the shade. In its power of code- and rule-making, involving the quick division. of the existing billions of profits, of divi- dends, etc., graft will run riot. To Form Cartels In the next section of the bill, the heart of it, so far as trustified in- dustry is concerned, all the leading industries are required to form car- tels, associations for the regulation of prices. It is provided that these cartels must be “representative” of the industry, that is, they must con- tain the leading and decisive cor- Pporations. This means that the lead- ing, decisive trusts, the large cor- porations, will be dominant in the cartels, that their policy (price raises, wage cutting, union smashing, strug- gle for colonies and for war to get them) will rule. Realizing this, the Roosevelt bill throws in some phras- es about “no discrimination against small industries.” By this he tries to cover up the contradictions be- tween trustified and non-trustified industry, One of the contradictions of the present crisis has been the great gap between the prices of com- modities of thé monopolized, big in- OLD SHIPPING BOARD SHIPS ARE HELD IN READINESS FOR IMPERIALIST WAR | Tied Up Standard Oil Tankers, Coming in In- creasing Numbers, Don’t Look Like Prosperity to Seaman By a Marine Worker Correspondent SOLOMON ISLAND, Md—The Standard Oil of N. J. has about 25 ships tied up here. In order to cut costs, the company sends its ships here instead of drydock and lets the seamen and black gang do the work at less than a living wage for a married man. There are also plenty of second and third mates and engineers who are only getting $100 a month. They ¢- have to chip and paint along with us, and many of them are beginning to see that they aren’t much better off than the deck and engine-room slaves. In the same bay with the tankers are four Shipping Board ships, the America, George Washington, Mount Vernon and the Monticello. Nice patriotic name for these ships which are being held here to be used as transports ‘in the approaching im- perialist war, The bosses would seuttle these ships if they didn’t know that they could carry plenty of can- non fodder between their decks if necessary. —BOYL W. BENTON. x dustry and in the smaller industries. The Rooseteli attempt to soft-soap the small industries, does not wipe out this contradiction. The bill in- tensifies them and creates new ohes. This fact, of the new crisis rangers to capitalism, is no secret to the leading imperialists. These financiers, controlling industry, want the bill without its new contradictions. The crisis has not left intact the class relationships within the ruling class itself. The ever-narrowing prof- its creates sharp conflicts, especially, as we have pointed out, the conflict between trustified and non-trustified industry which squeezes more and more to the wall the smaller indus- trialists, the petty bourgeoisie, this struggle, pivoting on the grinding down of the workers, with the big capitalists swallowing up and driv- ing out the small industries and the small banks. Roosevelt is attempting to speed up this process. But in doing it he still tries to retain the support of the petty-bourgeois elements, the very elements he expects to have swal- lowed up, by making them promises that they will also benefit in greater profits. e Prosperity Comeback Illusory ‘We have sufficient views from the leading spokesmen of the imperial- ists (Morgan, Rockefeller, Ford, etc.) to see their attitude. Benjamin Bak- er, editor of the Annalist, a New York Times publication, an economist who usually gives the bolder view of the leading bankers and industrialists, on June 9, wrote as follows concerning the bill: “That the industrial recovery measure can bring any permanent inerease in business activity is just as illusory as the idea that tam- pering with the currency is the cure for all our ills.” . This is correct, and expresses the earlier fears of some of the big capi- talists that Roosevelt's blatant dema- gogy, good as it is in the main, might unwittingly throw a monkey-wrench into the imperialist machine. After the bill was passed, when the leading imperialists, were clearly as- sured that through the working of the measure their domination was not infringed upon in spite of phras- es, Baker modified his views, saying: “It seems to this writer that a cer- tain attitude of caution and of ‘wait- see’ may well be commended to those observers and critics of the new-or- der-to-be who will comment period- ically on its developments and re- sults.” ‘The Rockefeller Chase National Bank issued a special pamphlet on the bill written by their economist, Benjamin M. Anderson, Jr., formerly economist for the Federal Reserve System under Hoover. Anderson is very much worried by the hodge- podge of cartels. He favors the elimi- nation of the Anti-Trust law for a few industries, “But,” he says, “if all of them do it, they will simply stran- gle one another... . There will be conflicts among the different trades, steel wanting higher prices, the rail- roads wanting lower steel rail prices. There will be conflicts between labor and capital.” Then he gives Roosevelt some ad- vice. He paraphfases the advice Roosevelt is already following in his secret. conference rooms. “Let us hope,” says Anderson, “that the Administration will use these vast new powers with the greatest caution, in the most ten- tative manner, try them out on a very small scale, and extend the application very gradually. A sud- den sweeping application could cre- ate a federal chaos.” Anderson has inside information and does not have to believe all the ballyhoo about increase in employ- ment, billions in expenditures for public works, wage rates, and so on. “The president does not need to do all the things that he has au- thority to do, and there is every rea-' son for believing that he intends to do only those things which he be- lieves to be necessary to get the busi- ness machine working.” ‘Three Stages in the Bill Anderson knows his presidents. He knows what is propaganda, what is for the consumption of the masses and what Roosevelt actually intends to do. In other words, Anderson knows there are three phases to the bill, which must be clearly distin- guished. 1) The petty-bourgeois prop- aganda behind the bill, the political maneuvering of the representatives of the entire capitalist class in the state machine struggling against a working class growing in militancy, against a growing demand for in- creased wages and unemployment in- surance. 2) The actual wording and intent of the bill which conflicts with this propaganda. 3) Action under the bill, in which there will be inner capitalist conflicts, but in which the policy of the decisive imperialists will rule, and in which the main attack will be directed against the working class in an effort to drag the heavy chariot of American imperialism to safety on the bodies of the toiling masses OF ACTION IS | FORMED INN. Y. (CONTINUED FROM PAGE ONE) | than 200 workers, not delegates, al- so came to the conference. John D. Masso, business agent of the New York Building Trades Coun- } cil and vice-president of the Rank and File A, F. of L. Committee for | Unemployment Insurance, was chair- | man of the conference, Isadore Be- gun, militant teacher facing distnissal | from the New York public school sys- | tem for his activity among the un- employed teachers, made a prelimi- | nary report on behalf of the local executive committee of the Mooney National Council of Action in which he outlined a program of action for New York City. | Among the locals of the A. F. of L. represented were Painters’ Locals 449 | and 1011, Carpenters’ 2090 and 2017, | Bricklayers’ and Masons’ No. 7, Glass and Bevelers’ Local 526, Bakers’ Lo- cal No. 3 of the Amalgamated Food | Workers Union; Locals 2 and 9 of the | International Ladies Garment Work- | ers Union, Local 103 of the Amalga- | mated Clothing Workers Union, in| addition to representatives from the | shoe workers, bronze and iron work- | ers and other organizations. | Organizations Represented | In addition to the 15 locals of the | A. F. of L. unions—according to a report made to the conference by the | Credentials Committee, the following | organizations sent delegates | Eleven industrial unions, with 18 | delegates; 2 independent unions, | with 2 delegates; 4 shops, 10 Work- men’s Circle branches, 15 delegates | from Unemployed Councils; 11 Block | Committees; 12 language organiza- | tions, with 19 delegates; 42 branches | of the International Workers Order; | 15 schools of the I.W.O.; 43 ILD. | branches; 5 branches of the Workers’ | Ex-Servicemen’s League; 1 delegate | from the League of Struggle for Ne- ! gro Rights; 1 delegate from Icor; 14) delegates from 14 workers’ clubs; 28 | delegates from the Comniunist Part, 2 delegates from Communist Opposi tion groups; 2 delegates from the Ar- chitects Collective; 1 delegate from | the Conference for Progressive Labor | Action; 3 from F.S.U. branches; 2/ from the Anti-Imperialist League; 2 from United Front supporting groups; one from Federated Press; one from John Reed Club; 2 from; unemployed teachers’ organizations; 1 from Workers’ Committee for Un- employment Insurance; 1 from Fel- lowship of Reconciliation; 1 from United Workers League for Unem- ployment Insurance; one from Work- ers International Relief; 1 from Pro- letarian Party; 1 from Sick and Death Benefit Society, No. 220; 6 delegates from the Russian Mutual Aid Society, and 45 delegates from branches of the Women’s Council. “United Action” Is Keynote Following a broad discussion in which @ large number of delegates took the floor, the conference adopt- ed a resolution in which all workers’ organizations were called upon “to join in united action for the imme- diate release of Tomn Mooney and for workers’ rights.” It decided to set up a Council of Action “based upon rep- resentation from all labor organiza- tions.” The Council of Action, the resolution declared, “shall have as its | major task the widest possible mobil- ization of all workers and their or- ganizations for the mass campaign to free Tom Mooney and all other vic- tims of capitalist class justice.” | Summarized, the newly formed | Tom Mooney Council of Action, | which at the end of its session elected | an executive committee of 25, de-| cided upon the following immediate mass activities: 1—Circulation of petifions for gath. ering hundreds of thousands of sig- natures, demanding an immediate pardon for Tom Mooney. 2—The calling of mass meetings | and protest demonstrations against | the continued imprisonment of Moo- ney. | 3—The flooding of the California | governor's office with telegrams and | resolutions embodying these demands. | 4—The undertaking of all activity | designed to draw into the struggle | all workers and their organizations. ‘The Council shall further under- | take to: i a) Secure the widest mass support | for the freedom of the Scottsboro | boys, particularly through the inter- change of delegates with the Local | Scottsboro Action Committees, and | through bringing Negro organiza- | tions to representation on the Tom Mooney Council of Action. b)°To bring about the closest co- operation with other organizations for the defense of trade unionists and the unemployed against police brutality and for the protection of their rights, regardless of what or- ganization they belong to. | c) The immediate mobilization of the members of all affiliated organ- izations for participation in the Mooney Tag Days, and all affiliated organizations to be immediately solic- ited for financial support to the Tom Mooney Molders’ Defense Committee. 08 Urge Support of Mooney Tag Day Drive NEW YORK.—Members of the New York District International La~ bor Defense and all workers are call- ed upon to actively support the Free Tom Mooney Tag Day Drive now in progress and which will continue un- til July 4. ARMY TENTS 16x16 $8.00 up Cots —81.00 Blankets ‘$1.25 up Full Line of Camping Equipment MANHATTAN MILITARY 478 WATER STREET Absolutely Lowest Prices Anti-Socialist law in Germany in the 1880's. He was expelled from Ger- many. An Italian member of the New York Newspaper and Printing Pressmen’s Union also spoke “Forward” Boycotts Demonstration The parade started at 1 o'clock with the Red Front Fighters’ Band the lead. Despite the absolute cot of the demonstration by the jew York press, and in spite of two editorials in the Socialist “Forward” calling upon workers to ignore the anti-fascist . protest, many organiza- tions marched under the banner of the United Front against fascism. There were German and Italian workers’ clubs in line, Jewish, Bal- kan, Hungarian, Chinese and Japa- nese. The sections of the Commu- nist Party, the International Labor Defense, the International Workers’ Order, the Needle Trades, Marine, Food and Shoe Workers’ Unions, the Amalgamated Food Workers’ Union, the Workers’ Ex-Servicemen’s League, the Italian Circolo de Culture Opera- rio, all carrying signs in many lan- guages, were but a few of the or- ganizations marching. “The German C.P. Lives and Fights” “Defend the Soviet Union from Hitler War Provocation” and “Roose- velt Plans Minimum Wage to be Maximum Wage,” “The German Communist Party Lives and Fights,” read some of the placards. Two thousand followed the parade in on the sidewalks. Many marched down Broadway directly to Union Square. As the marchers were still com- ing into the Square, A. Wagenknecht opened the meeting Erna Staemps, the first speaker, stated that there were 50,000 to 60,000 workers in the fascist con- centration camps, that 350,000 Ger- man working-class homes had been broken up and that 50,000 workers and Jews had been forced to flee to other lands. She said Hitler promised the workers bread but gives them forced labor instead. Pointing to the marchers pouring into the Square, Meilach Epstein said: “You see how the Jewish workers hav listened to the “Forward.” “The Jewish paper, the ‘Day,’ or- gan of the Jewish bosses,” said Ep- stein lat “would have us believe | that Goeboels, Nazi minister of prop- aganda, is responsible for the fascist terror. No, the terror is carried on under the orders of the German capitalist class,” he concluded. Worker Gives Gold Ring. During a collection taken up to aid the victims of fascism a worker in the crowd took off his last pos- session, a gold ring, and passed it to the platform. Shepard, Negro worker of the Trade Union Unity Council, stressed the similarity between the oppres- sion of the Negro people in Amer fca as the forerunner of fascism here, and the pogroms carried out against the Jews in Germany. A. J. Muste of the Conference for Progressive Labor Action, said: “Fas- cism will unite us all in its jails un- less we unite against fascism. Let us combat with all our might any leader of the trade unions or par- ties who are against the united front.” Peter Ellan of the German Work- ers’ ‘Sick and Death Benefit, spoke next, in German. Telegram to German Workers. Telegrams were sent to the Ger- man Ambassador in Washington de- manding the release of all political prisoners, and to the German work- ers, pledging the solidarity of the American workers. A telegram was sent to Governor Miller of Alabama demanding the immediate, uncondi- tional and safe release of the nine Scottsboro boys. A resolution denouncing German fascism was passed unanimously. 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