The Daily Worker Newspaper, June 13, 1931, Page 6

RR BORER JAE STERNT ES i 4 i | Published by the Comprodsily Publishing Co., ins, dsily except Bucdey. at 50 Best Page Siz 7 ‘18tB Street, New York City, N. ¥. Telephone Algonquin 7956-7. Address and mail all checks to the Daily Cable: “DAIWORK.* 50 East 13th Street, New Tork, N. T. y Wor forker’ Party US.A Dail Gertrol Ong SUBSCRIPTION RATES: By mail everywhere: One year. $f: siz months $4: two months, $1: eacepting Boroughs one vear. $8- ot Manhattan and Bronx. New fork (tiv Forejen siz months. $450. Full Report of Com. Litvinov’s Speech in the European Commission (The European sacs of the [Leagues of Nations held tis sessions between May 15 and May 21. Comrade Litvinov took part in the ses- sions for the Soviet Union and delivered the speech which we reprint here, in installments, on May 18th. The speech wil be published as 24 page pamphlet at 2 cents 2 copy. Order yours now. This ts the fourth and last installment.—Ed.) There are so r particularly people ected with the p ram not sure that s worth while taking them seriously—who Soviet government has plan to secure the disor- of the capitalist economic system It would be © anything more absurd , h would have no effect whatever on the al fate of capitalism, but cE izesult merey in cutting down the income of the Soviet Union frow its export trade and as a result, reducing the important trade of the Soviet Union. The net result would be that the work of socialist construc- tion in the Soviet Union would be delayed, and y! a much more important factor in the struggle between the two systems than ait is no less absurd on the part of our ene- mies to forge plans for the struggle against. our foreign trade. First of all such plans would not materially affect the future of our reign trade, and secondly they would be a ult of them the existing crisis would be further-aggravated. On the other hand, of course, it would-be ve to prétend that the capitalist states are ng conscientiously and impartially to as- t the building up of Socialism in the Soviet nion, or that the Soviet Union attempts in way to strengthen the capitalist system. The truth of the matter is simply that there t be economic agreements and trade rela- ween the capitalist countries and the jet Union, and that these agreements and usiness relations are profitable to all parties erned. . There are many such agreements > be met with. the moment I will ignore the possibility of a military attack on the Soviet Union, and | | | Delivered at the Session Held on May 18, 1931 deal only with the possibility of a period of peaceful relations extending over a generous time. I think that the moment has come for the capitalist governments to realize that the Soviet Union is a fact, and a fact that must be reckoned with. The Soviet Union is not to be removed from the face of the earth by the conjurations or resolutions of certain groups or certain individuals who dream of achieving desirable consummation by some magic The States which are now represented here, met together at a world conference which took place four years ago in Geneva and decided to adopt a resolution proclaiming the possibility of a peaceful parallel existence of two systems prevailing at a definite historical moment. How much more reasonable it would be were they now to decide to put this resolution into practice. The Soviet Union is much~stronger today than it was at that time. During the last four years it has achieved feats of eco- nomic reconstruction which have won the ad- miration of both friends and foes of the So- viet regime, and fostered the enthusiasm of the masses of the people of the Soviet Union without which these feats could never have been accomplished. A Commission for the Study of the possi- bilities of a European Union cannot base its work on a campaign or an appeal for a cam- paign, against a country or against a certain group of countries, without coming into con- tradiction with the principles and the aims which it has set itself. The Dangers of the Preference System. I began my remarks by declaring that I had no intention of proposing any remedy for the solution of those conflicts in the capitalist system which are the basis of the present world economic crisis. However, I believe that something could be done to remove certain contributory factors which intensify these conflicts and lead to the aggravation and pro- traction of the present crisis. First of all, everything shoud be avoided which is calcu- lated to increase the atmosphere of Suspicicn, an atmosphere which makes it impossible to speak of any peaceful economic cooperation between the peoples. I do not know whether euy effective pro- posals will be made to this Commission. I only know that much, as been said and writ- ten on the subject, and that the so-called preference system has been in particular the object of interest. I donot know exactly what is meant by this term preference system. Does it mean perhaps that each European State is to grant preferential customs treatment to the export of certain other European States? It seems to me, lcwever, that suxcthing dif- ferent is meant, namely the extension of. pref- erential customs treatment and other privi- leges to a certain group of States, or simply to certain States. If this be the case, is it not practically the extension of those: methods used during and-after the war on the field to the economic field? These methods showed no very favorable results in political life. Would not the result be the intensified» division of Europe. into economic groups, instead of the unification of Europe, which is the avowed object of this Commission? Such a proce- dure would not lead to cooperation, but to an intensified struggle, whereby the occasion of the struggle would be rather political than economic: motives. It will be recalled that when the question of assistance for those States, referred to under the general term of Danubian States, was raised in Paris, M. Fo- titch, the representative of the Yugoslavian government, if I remember rightly, declared that such assistance would take on a social rather than an economic character. We ob- serve, therefore, that this question was dealt with only from a political standpoint, and that the economic crisis was not taken into con-. sideration thereby. It seems to me that the creation of new blocks and groups which al- é ready exist, and the granting of artificial eco- nomic assistance to certain States to the dis- advantage of other States would result only in intensifying the economic and political strug- gle which already exists, in increasing the pre- vailing confusion, and in arriving at a solu- tion which is directly opposed to the aim which this Commission pursues and; for which it was created. The Economic Non-Aggression Pact Proposed. If all governments, and particularly the governments of European countries, could agree to adopt a uniform attitude, then the carrying out of the program of this Commis- sion and the peaceful cooperation of the peo- ples would be greatly facilitated. Of course, it would be necessary for each European State to grant equal treatment to all other Euro- pean States, and to exclude ruthledsly all ele- ments no matter what their nature, calculated to produce any differential treatment. I must point out that with my proposal I have no intention of limiting the sovereignty of States which have historically and eco- nomically a special position from the point of view. of economic relations. However, one principle must be inviolable: the right of every nation to join groupings or federations of na- tions so long as this is done voluntarily and s6 long as it is not a question of temporary combinations directed against other States. 1 may say that my proposal is a sort of eco- nomic non-aggression pact. I have laid down my idea of this pact in a special draft resolu- tion to which I permit myself to draw your attention. I do not know what you will think about it, but at least this draft resolution will prove the willingness of the Soviet Union, which is confident in its own strength and which is thoroughly engaged in the tremen- dous tasks of the constructive work it is con- ducting, to maintain firmly as in the past the principle of the peaceful parallel existence of the two economie systems which exist simul- taneously at a definite historical moment. The draft resolution will serve as an earnest of the fact that the Soviet Union harbors no aggressive intentions either of a political or economic character against any other State. By JORGE | The Fake Bill for Fake Relief - One of the comrades on the staff was nosing around through the N. Y. Times of April, whén he ran across a story dated April 7, at Albany, N. Y., telling what the N., Y.: State Legislature was doing at that time, just before adjourning. There. were many items, and our steff member, examining the list to see what ‘the bosses’ gov- ernment did. found the following peragraph: “It passed the Fake bill appropriating $75,000 to provide for relief for sick and disabled wvet- erans of the World War, Under ‘he measure, veterans who are partly diszbled may recelye up to $250 2 year.” Now $75,000, divided mp in chunks. ot $250, would go only to 300 veterans. These selected ones, picked by politicians among: themselves* and friends, “mey”—es the story States, get euch» relief. The others “may” do without. It was a Fake bill, all right! ‘Introduced by Repre- sentative Fake, and fake every other way, too! All we got to say is that veterans who aré. workers should join up with the Workers “Ex” Servicemen’s League, and fight to get the test of the bonus, also—to help the general struggle for unemployment insurance. rare .“Dumping”—But Not the Soviet Kind Mr. Knickerbocker and the N, Y. Post will not have even a little fit about the following: story of an outrageous case of dumping. You. figure out why they won't. The headline (Chi- cago: Tribune, June 9) said: “Brazil Dumps 594,000 Pounds of Coffee Inta the Ocean.” ‘That's about enough to make workers. .wild: isn’t it? Coffee still costs 35 cents a pound it New York. a nickel e cup (and some places 10 cents!) in restaurants. But... we'll Blyé. you the whole story: “Rio de Janeiro, June 8.—The National Cof-" fee Council here today destroyed 594,000 pounds of coffee, excess stocks, by throwing it into the ocean 17 miles from shore. This method has! been approved as more satisfactory than burn- ing or dumping it near the shore. The latte® method has led to the coffee being reached by, the poor.” So! You s¢e that the wild anger of the capte talists against the Soviets is because the Soviet refuses to dump food into the ocean so “the poor cannot rescue it” and by destroying such food thus keep up a monopoly price that, the poor cannot afford. Isn’t capitalism perfectly lovely? FORCES AND TACTICS IN MINERS’ STRIKE AGAINST STARVATION By BILL DUNNE. eee L in the history of the desperate struggles. in the mining industry in Western Pennsyl- vania have the workers as a whole—Negro men and women, striking miners, unemployed miners, men, women and children—displayed such hero- ism and determination as is to be seen every day and night—on the mass picket. lines and march- €s on what the Pittsburgh papers call the “70- mile ooal mine battle front.” This is not alone the opinion of organizers of the National MOners—who might be accused of being partialebut of cynical newspaper report- ers and federa} labor conciliators who have ob- served the bitter struggles—and betrayals—of miners for the last decade. More than this: miners consciously and willingly accept the program and leadership of the N.M.U. and their Rank and File Strike Committee elected right from the mines. A federal conciliator who visited the office of the N.M.U. June 9 said: “My checkup of the strike field shows that 95 per cent of the min- ets are for the N.M.U. There is no denying this.” Even in this district where every mining camp has been the scene of fierce class battles for a decade, in the steel trust-controlled state whose state police made clear to American workers the meaning of the term “cossack” for Russian workers under the czar, the attacks on the picket lines and mass marches, the intimidation in the homes of the miners, the scope and character of these attacks, the size of the armed forces em- ployed in these assaults, are practically without parallel U.MW.A; Exposes Itself. The U.MW.A. officials—Fagan and Co.—have denounced the National Miners Union but taey have remained unmoved by the sight of 200 men, wotien and children of the mine fields beaten and bleeding from club and bullet wounds re- ceived at the hands of coal and iron police, state vossacks and sheriff's deputies. They remained unmoved by the sight of dozens of unarmed vic- tims of the scientifically equipped state forces gasping from tear gas, unmoved by the sight of wounded miners arrested by their “victorious” assailants, charged. with inciting to riot, held under $5,000 bail-or sentenced to 90 days in jail for “resisting arrest.” Pardon my error:.1 said they remained un- moved. On the contrary, they are gladdened by wll this. Not only have they issued no statement fenouncing the -attacks but they fraternize ppenly with the armed thugs and after each at- tack issue press statements saying that “the U.M.W.A. is-making progress.” Parenthetically, we might remark here that on the afternoon of June 9 Pat Fagan personally made very rapid progress—out of the town of Mollenaur, with 800 enraged miners. at his heels. The strike-continues to spread. Miners at mines which no N.M.U. organizer has been able to reach call up and report’ that they have. struck and elected a strike committee. The pick- eting goes on. The mass marches and demon- strations are carried through. Mass meetings continue in ‘spite of sheriff's proclamations to the effect that any gathering of more than three persons in the strike area is illegal and will be dispersed. Tt would be foolish to say that the attacks and the huge display of military force had not created great difficulties. 1t would be insane to think that the stete of Pennsylvania does not... possess sufficient military and police resources to crush the strike by force. But the unadorned facts are that the mn, women and children of the Western Pennsylvania coal fields ‘show no that they have reformed their picket Hnes as many es four times in some instances and charged through a tear gas barrage behind | which lay barricaded professional killers armed with machine guns. The workers had only sticks and stones they had picked up along the roadside, Brave men, these uniformed defenders of the coal operators who will fire a machine gun burst fearlegsly- into a line of working men and women and children—armed with the ‘weapons - of Primitive man—sticks and stones. The Pitts- burgh papers lavisly much praise on these he- Toes and commend their courage in the highest terms. Of course to the Pittsburgh papers—and. especially in the view of their special writers like one Lytle—three women with broomsticks and one child of 10 hurling a decayed turnip constitute an “angry armed mob.” (If there is anything lower than the sadistic brutes who are the sworn guardians of the Keystone state— with the emphasis on the coal operators and steel barons—it is the “liberal” governor who fabricated excuses for their bloody attacks on starving workers, and if there is anything lower~ than this in the human scale it is an operator's bootlicker in the form of a U.M.W.A. official, and if there is anything lower than this it is a special writer for the Pittsburgh papers. Well, maybe a Pittsburgh city editor. As a southern textile worker once said to me in the course of @ very fruitful discussion on the ancestry’ ane traits of this species: “They could put on a silk hat and walk under a snake’s belly. without tickling him.”) The exact numerical strength of the defend- ers of “law and order” is hard to estimate but undoubtedly Governor Pinchot, that sterling “friend of labor,” who has sent so many well- equipped emissaries to maintain close contact with striking miners, could give exact figures. The gloating statements of the local coal and steel sheets. however, enable one to form a gen- eral estimate. For instance, the Pittsburgh Press (Scripps-McRae) said on June 9: “... hundreds of state troopers, deputies and coal police stood guard along the 70-mile coal front in three | counties.” The Sun-Telegraph (Hearst) of the same date said: “Those districts marked by dis- orders yesterday became armed camps as addi- tional deputies equipped with tear gas bombs and sawed-off shotguns went on duty.” In the very first days of the strike Sheriff Cain of Al- legheny County publicly declared his intention of enlisting “10,000 deputies if necessary.” He has since issued what loyal vassals of this barony undoubtedly consider an unnecessarily humanitarian ukase, ie, this tender-hearted captain of the condottieri has prohibited women and children from appearing on the picket lines and taking part in the marches. This is nothing more or less than the notice usually given to the enemy in “civilized” war- fare for the evacuation of thoss considered non- combatants before the strafing begins. It is the second step in the war on the starving miners and their-families: This ‘legal” formality was ignored in the recent big push of June 8 and dozens of women.and children were ridden down and clubbed. Rumor has it that some of the weaker-stomached liegemen who have not yet learned the thrill that comes from clubbing hag- gard mothers and half-fed children _ were alarmed lest this social error exercise a bad ef- fect on “the public.” But the loyal Post-Gazette had anticipated these spineless waverings and asserted sternly that “any weakening on the part of the authori- ties” would have bad consequences. It is quite clear that the rulers consider this strike a serf tevolt in which no quarter is to be given but that at present it is believed uneconomic to ex- i ‘e “Business might pick up.” m1 In the face of certain injury for many and probable death for others, the strike front ex- tends and the rear is being consolidated. This tells the story of the morale of these workers who have not as yet recejved one dollar or one pound of food as strike relief. What is the reason for this iron determina- tion? Implicit in the chief slogan of the strug- gle, “Strike “Against Starvation,” is both the main reason for stern determination of the workers and the character of this struggle “in which the class lines are so clearly defined. “Strike Against Starvation” is not a mere al- Iiterative and evanescent catchword but a bat- tlecry which expresses in the most concise form the actual condition of the mass of the working- class population in the mining camps, and the only way at present to defend their right to live. Let me cite one or two concrete cases, quite typical of miners who are forced to trade at company stores: At Rainey mines near Pricedale, the wage paid is 65 cents for a “wagon” holding about 41-2 tons of coal; loading 10 tons of coal is a good day's ‘work: This is a little-less than: 15 cents per ton or about $1.50 per day. By heartbreaking - exertion it is possible to run this up to two or even three dollars per shift..But the mine works only one, two or three days per week: Prices at company stores are far higher than at ordinary stores, For a single man {t means continual hunger. For a married miner and his family it means slow starvation and ‘the disgusting dis- eases of malnutrition. Go into such camps as this it Six, seven ‘or eight o'clock in the evening and one still hears the day shift dumping cars and thé rattle of the coal on the tipple. The company store isan charge of an undernourished girl. The whir at the shafthead ‘stops and after a while coal- blackened miners come into the company store with scrip and buy bread, beans, canned toma- toes and maybe a little coffee. They go home. All this means that, having no surplus from day to day, they must wait until the last pound of coal is weighed so that they can buy the bare necessities. for supper. In dozens of company stores this scene is enacted evening after eve- ning. Of course, when the mine doesn’t work they don’t eat. “Nothing over and above what the weigh slip: calls for,” is hard and fast pre- cept on which the company stores operate. The operators niake much of their kindness.in keep- ing the company store open evenings so as .to accommodate the miners but no Pennsylvania coal operator has ever been known to die from enlargement of the heart. i In the Rainey mines just before the strike the operators were experimenting with a new type of wagon which would contain an entire cu‘ting of coal, The strike stopped the experiment but it is probaile that in a burst of generosity the operators would have raised the price per wagon to 80 cents, been slavered over by the Pittsburgh papers for their contribution to increase the buy- ing power of their employees in this trying pe- riod of depression and—reduced the tonnage rate practically to zero. No miner knows how much coal he digs or loads. According to the miners a cubic yard of pig iron on the scales of the average coal company weighs slightly less than one of Clara Bow’s red tresses, A Pittsburgh editor would shudder if one even hinted that there is anything in’the nature of forced labor in the Western Pennsylvania mines. But right across the river from the Rainey mines is an “independent” mine which does not force its employees to trade at a company store and therefore is “good” to the miners. But this mine has not paid wages for four months. ‘ alee sa sao lhe sae cgi ean te arm jobs elsewhere. They have no money to pay for moving. But of course the operator is perform- ing a public service“by “contihuing operations under exceedingly difficult conditions.” -In all Western Pennsylvania there were not more than 28,000 miners working when the strike began arid the great majority of these were worling part time. Four years ago there were 80,000 miners. There was chronic mass un- employment here two years before the present general crisis. Wages have been hammered down to the coolie level and the miners speeded up beyond endurance. ‘The Pittsburgh papers harp continually upon the great differences in operating conditions in various. mines and the tremendous problems these supermen, the coal operators, for the most part simply the raw material experts of the steel companies, are forced to face. Some mines have very: favorable conditions, others have great, technical difficulties, according to the press. From the miners’ standpoint under present con- ditions there are no good mines. The differ- ence consists in this: Some are worse than others. Facing starvation and intolerable hardships on the job the miners themselves coined the phrase: “It's better to starve striking than to starve working.” These conditions, coupled with the facts that the miners have. had a long training in struggle and that they have developed a fight- ing leadership out of their own ranks in the Na- tional Miners Union, account for the, militant and resolute character of the present struggle. Furthermore, t he struggle involves practically the whole working class in. each mining com- munity, It is a mass revolt. i m1. It takes more than widespread terror ard legal suppression to break such a strike. ‘The most skillful of the operators know, this and have won most of the others for their tactical program. Even the rabid union hating Post-Gazette has lined up for the policy first given public_expres- sion ‘by the Pittsburgh Press. The essence of this policy consists in revival of the U.M.W.A. as the company union for Western Pennsyl- vania. The operators and their various spakes- men are now declaring that they are not against organization in principle. They aré try- ing by every means to set up, under the guns of the police and state cossacks, fascist union- ism in the coalfields, . The Pittsburgh Press for June 8 carried an editorial headed: “Why not revive the U.M. W.A?” The next day it said editorially: “Let the whole Pittsburgh district be organized. (by . the U.M.W.A—B.D.) There will be no difficulty about wages or working itions. In West Virginia organization has accomplished at wage scales lower than any reputable Pittsburgh operator is paying. (The U.M.W.A.’ recently signed an agreement with the small Pursglove mine in northern West Virginia for 30 cents per ton, a checkweighman appointed by the com- pany—and a checkoff of $1.50 per month.) _ The Post-Gazette has followed suit although it took several days for it to make up its editorial mind—meaning that the coal operators were not as yet agreed upon this policy. But on June 10 the Post-Gazette. said editorially: “The state- ments of Sheriffs Seaman of Washington Coun- ty and Johnston of Westmoreland County that none of the violence in their fields is attribut- able to striking members of the United Mine Workers of America simply confirm the general observation..\they have not only their own good sense, but fidelity to the wise counsel of their leaders to refrain trom any act of disorder. ..Effective cooperation is possible only through proper organization of both miners and oper- ators. The United Mine Workers...has experi- enced both victory and defeat...it deserves pub- is combating the radicalism that would go to the point of violence. Its local leaders in the field are men who have been known for years to the miners and ‘the fact that they have held their offices through many severe trials speaks for it- self of their trustworthine: Let us say first that the UMWA. has not a single tnember on strike in Western Pennsylva- nia. It has not called any strike, it has organ- ized no miners and its handful of members con- sists of hangers-on of the companies and the po-. litical machines of the various counties and towns who are not working in the mines and have not been in the mines for years. ‘The U.M.W.A. leadership activities in this struggle are openly directed by the operators and their press. They are trying to put over the most shameless and brutal betrayal in. the his- tory of the class struggle since the steel strike of 1917-20. - Governor Pinchot is assisting this program to the best of his ability. As a ‘result of the tre- mendous pressure of this mass revolt, and fol- lowing a sharp and public letter to Pinchot by the National Miners Union demanding the with- drawal of armed forces from the strike area, and citing the numerous ‘cases of murderous attacks. Two days later Pinchot announced in the earlier editions of the press that he had ordered an in- vestigation. The N.M.U. and the Pennsylvania District Rank and File Strike Committee imme- diately issued a statement declaring that they were prepared to furnish the investigators thou- sands of statements, or affidavits if necessary, to prove that the majority of the miners and 7 their families and the unemployed in Western Pennsylvania are living under slave and star- vation conditions; ,that the military mobiliza- tion against the miners is more extensive than in any previous struggle; that the violence in ‘the strike areas is the résult of attacks of the armed forces of the operators which the Pinchot government had either authorized or sent in; that unarmed miners had been forced to defend the lives of themselves and their wives and chil- dren against military forces equipped with the most modern armament; that they were pre- pared to prove the existence of a conspitacy of the U.M.W.A, and operators to drive the miners back to work under starvation ‘conditions. In the later editions of the papers Pinchot an- nounced that his investigation would be secret. ‘The coal operators showed how much they feared Pinchot’s investigation by having their deputy sheriffs at the Kinloch mine shoot down three strikers in coldblood about two hours after the anzouncement had been made—on the after- noon of June 10. Pinchot’s investigation is designed to wash the blood of miners from the hands of the oper- ators—and his own—and to further the starva- tion and enslavement of the miners and their families. Governor Pinchot shares \equally with the coal operators, the coal and steel paper edi- tors, and the army of thugs now in the coal camps, the blame) for the shooting, clubbing, gassing and jailing of starving men, women and children. , The front against the miners extends from the federal government in Washington, through the capital of the Keystone state, to the city ad- ministration of Pittsburgh, the home of Andy Mellon, secretary of the U. 8. treasury, now abroad on a mission of peace and goodwill— that, is, organizing the imperialist forces against the Soviet Union—to the steel and-coal barons, the county governments, the press and the coal and iron police, state cossacks, and sheriffs and their deputies—and the officials of the U.M.W.A. ‘These are the forces against the miners and bers families—75,000 members of the working Mo meet som foe te very sues i ach # h “A. ote min vania ank and File District Committee weie holding their weekly meeting in Pittsburgh on June 10, a deiegation of 20 miners from Eastern Ohio marched in and announced that the strike had Spread into their district and into northern West Virginia. The Ohio and West Virginia miners, suffering under the same starvation con- ditions as the Pennsylvania miners, are also on the march—in the ranks of the N.M.U.° <== The striking miners in the Harlan district-of eastern Kentucky have been deserted and ré- pudiated by the U.M.W.A. because of their’ mili- tant struggle (see editorial in the June 1 issue | of the jourml of the U.M.W.A. entitled “Fine Bedfellows’--B. D.) and they too are joining in the fight led by the N.M.U. In the coal fields of Tilinois, Indiana, the Hocking Valley, in all:the mine fields of the U.S.A. and Canada there.is ~ a great stirring among the miners. ‘These are the immediate reserves coming into the struggle on the side ofthe Pennsylvania miners who have shown the way. The sung is taking on a national character. ‘The other sections of the working class “must be drawn into the fight. Relief is needed as it has been needed in no other strike in this coun- try. It must be sent and it can come only from the working class. In the struggles which de- yelop in other mine fields and in other indus- tries around the collection of relief and the cam- paign against the terror in Pennsylvania, the local grievances 2nd demands must be ‘képtgjn the foreground. on: ‘The struggle to “smash the united front of the U.M.W.A., the coal operators, federal. and state governments” against the 75,000 - -men, women and children of the Pennsylvania coal camps can best be fought by organization. of rank and file strike committees and determined strike struggle of workers in all. industries against the 75,000 men, women and children: of the Pennsylvania coal camps can best: be. by organization of rank and file strike tees and determined strike struggle of workers in all. industries against wage cuts, speé¢d-up mass unemployment and mass starvation.. Especially has the great struggle in the ‘West- ern Pennsylvania ‘mine field shown two. things: One, that the right to organize and strike, the right td picket, the demand for the repéel of criminal syndicalism and deportation Jaws and all other suppressive measures, the fight against injunctions’ and’ company towns, the’ bo the removal of armed forces from districts and strike areas, the fight against. e tions, the tight for unemployed ‘relief and-Ih~ surance, the fight against discrimination. special measures against Negroes,’ are an issues for which workers will fight | when the cotinection between these issues the struggle for better wages and inne tions is clearly made—as it has been ein the rapid development of this | strike, Second, See el eed spread of ‘the strike into West Virginia % has shown that the boundless initiative :of-the “Working class finds ready expression when the tactical line of the Red International of Labor Unioris is applied 1. e. when elected rank and file strike committees, committees of action, etc, are made the leading organs of the mass struggle. sisal woe nor alpacas 75,000 ‘men, women and children ‘of the: ing class in the Pennsylvania coal support for their heroic sirup seaiza sagya- tion and slavery! Asses ge At the seme tine learn and: apply tae eavops of this mass strike in the. rut in other industries and thys be ‘to extei more rapidly and effectively the: counter 0! - fensive of the working class agen: offensive, | So