The Daily Worker Newspaper, February 28, 1931, Page 5

~ “iad ee aes, ioe sired to :state, we have“here in the United States | IN TWO SECTIONS TWO) (SECTION (Delivered in the Cleveland Federal Court, July 1917, reproducing speech delivered at the Public Square, May 27, 1917) Comrades and friends: We have witnessed here this afternoon an incident such as has happened in Russia on many occasions. No doubt, under the reign of the Czar there have been many times when attempts have been made to stop the telling of the truth. There have been many occasions when those who are the servants of the ruling class in society have tried to prevent those who were fighting for the liberties of; the people from uttering the things that they de- and this afternoon have the witnessed q: thing” which we 60 often condemned in Rus land of datkness and dread t ; But, in spite of fis having en place, I will proceed with my sveech just as I proposetiato make it to you befote if happéned. I am going | to presevit-to you my ideas, my thoughts, in regard to the present war and the t things which the peo- ple of tHis’ tour ntry, face at the pre- sent time.! This is not a war for freedom. Tt is not a war for the liberties of mankind. It is’a war to secure the investments and profits of the ruling class of this country. The only reason: we are in this war now is because it is to the in- terests of the ruling class, the cap- italist class of this country, to have us in the war, and I am going to show it to you. I am speaking to you as Karl Liebknecht spoke in the German nation, as he spoke in the Parlia- ment of that country, when he de- nounced the war as a war of the ruling class and stated his unalter- able opposition to that war. And “I say to you that if you are in- spired by this ideal... if you are inspired with that which will bring about a better world, then you ‘must stand up and fight for that ideal. You must fight side by side with those who are fighting this war. We of the Socialist Party are carrying on this fight. We are here to carry on this fight. We are here to organize the workers of this country for this struggle. We are working towards this end, that out of the chaos of this war there may come a new society, a new world, @ new organization of the people, which will end the cause of war by ending the private ownership of the Dail Central Orda _ (Section of the Communist International) ny Worker Party U.S.A. NEW YORK, SATURDAY, FEBRUARY 28, 1931 Fight the Imperialist C. E. RUTHENBERG Born July 9, 1882—Died March 2, 1927. industry which brings war into ex-International, was that the Basle istence. RUTHENBERG BEFORE A CAPITALIST COURT We are re-printing excerpts from the 1920 trial which took place in New York. Comrade Ruthenberg was indicted under the New York Criminal Anarchy Law for the pub- lication of the Manifesto which was issued by the conference of dele- gates representing the left wing of the Socialist Party, held on New York on June 21, 1919: Questioned By District Attorney - Q: You spoke about the Second The Aim of the Communist Party By C. E. RUTHENBERG (From “the Farmer-Labor United “Front,” 1923) What is the aim of a Com- munist Party: For what purpose is it organized? When we answer these questions we will lay down the principles which must guide us in all our work. As a Com- munist Party we are fighting to bring about in the United States the proletarian revolution, estab- lish a Soviet government and the _ictatorship of the proletariat. rimew That aim is the reason for our existence and all our policies must lead us to the achievement of that aim. If they lead us in that di- rection then they are correct Com- munist policy. Lenin said, in one of his arti- Sc oin the Party of Your Class-The: Comatunist ist’ Party! ® BD cles, that the conditions for a pro- letarian revolution were: first, that the capitalist class could no longer rule, and second, that there must be a will to power on the part of the working class... . The inability of the capitalists to rule is not something which grows out only of the work of our party, but this condition comes into existence as a result of the development of inner economic forces of the capitalist system. The task of our party as a Communist Party is to create the second condition for the prole- tarian revolution; that is, the will to power on the part of the work- ing class. In order that such a will to power may exist we must win the support of the majority of the working class for the pro- letarian revolution. Conference? A. No, it had repeated conferen- ces every three years during the period it existed. Q: Now, I think that you told us that the Second International broke to pieces, because it did not carry out the Basle Resolution? A: That and its general attitude in regard to the tactics of the re- volutionary movement. Q: Those are generalizations. What I am trying to get you down to is just the specific acts. What was there in the Basle Resolution DEFEND THE SOVIET UNION ar that the Second Internati to carry out that caused up? A: The declaration that in cas¢ an imperialist war broke out, the Socialist Parties of the varicut countries should act against that war. In place of so doing, the Socialist parties betrayed their trust and supported the govern. ments in the war. * * * Q: What other acts do you say that the Second International fail- ed to perform in order to prevent the war? its | ; A: That would be about mg idea of what the resolution re< quired. | @: The Basle Resolution spoke | about the desirability of civil war | in the event that the nations went | to war, didn’t it? A: I do not think those are | the words of the Basle Resolution. | It states that the imperialist war | should be turned into civil war. Q: Should be turned into @ ; what? A: Into a civil war. Q: You mean by that if the | Sovernments. go to war, one with another, that the proletariat should take advantage of the situation, and change it into a civil war in the country, so that the proletariat might succeed in conquering the government? A: My view of that’ statement is that if it required any action on the part of the organized workers in opposition to the war, to the extent of overthrowing the existing government and_ establishing a working class government in its place, in order to stop the war.... Q: .And is what I stated one of the acts... The Court: And if necessary to accomplish that, by a civil revolu- tion? The Witness: If the conditions were such that the proletarian strezgth and the developments of the situ- ation in any particular country made that possible, as it happened in Russia through the breakdown of the existing government, then the Basle Resolution reauired such action. The Need for Social Insurance By C. E. RUTHENBERG (From the “Chicago Daily Social- ist,” August 8, 1910) The most glaring anomaly of our modern industrial system is the fact. that those who produce the wealth of the world are least sure of their subsistence. The men and women who by their efforts bring forth the necessities of life are least certain of securing enough of these necessities to supply their own needs. The lives of the workers are one constant uncertainty. They know not whether on the morrow an ac- cident may not incapacitate them for further work, or whether ill- ness, often the result of the work they do, may not make it impos- sible for them to continue to labor, and if they are lucky enough to escape both these they have still to fear the loss of their jobs and consequent unemployment, And should they be so fortunate as to have accident, illness, and un- employment pass them by, they still have to face the problem of provid- ing for their old age. When in- dustry has squeezed them dry of strength and energy, when they can no longer keep up the pace set in modern machine lad ibe ¥ compete with the young and strong, they are cast out and left to face slow starvation or the poorhouse. In their declining years the soldiers of industry, who have given their all to society, must suffer the great- est misery and the most privations. Of course, the capitalistic minded will ask why, in the time of pros- perity, the worker does not provide for the time of adversity, Why in years of health and strength he does not save enough of his earn- ings to keep him in old age, illness, or when accident has laid him low. Yes, WHY? Because he does not receive enough for his services even when regularly employed to keep himself and his family in common com- fort. If he saves at all it must be at the expense of depriving himself of many comforts. How can they provide for ac- cidents and illness? How can they lay away enough to provide for old age? For them it is a struggle to secure a livelihood now, and they can give no thought to the future. And how often are their already small wages cut down by unem- ployment! They are ready and will- ing to work to secure for them- selves food, clothing, and shelter, but our crazy industrial system forces them to remain idle. When the workers show they are really in earnest, when they really revolt, they may expect legislation which will provide against some of the insecurity which is now their lot. LET’S FIGHT ON! (On March 2, 1927, Charles E, Ruthenberg, Secretary of the Amer- ican Communist Party since its organization in 1919, except for the period he spent in prison, breathed his last. Conscious of approach- ing death he gave his last thoughts to the Party and the movement to which he devoted the best years of his life. He asked those who were at his bedside to convey the following message to all his com- rades in the Communist movement.) TELL THE COMRADES TO CLOSE THEIR RANKS, TO BUILD THE PARTY. THE AMERICAN WORKERS UNDER THE LEAD- ERSHIP OF OUR PARTY AND THE COMINTERN WILL WIN. LET'S FIGHT ON! - * <4 w AAU Tw am nto re