The Daily Worker Newspaper, February 28, 1931, Page 4

hie ’ Page Four ~> ~— Pyblivwiea ty We Comprotaty Publishing Co., tne, datly ox 18th Street, New York City. N. Y. Telephone Algonquin 7956 Address and mail all checks Lo the Dally Worker, 60 Bast 13:h Street, New YorkoN Y. Cent Sunday. at 80 East DAIWORK." The following article ts of extreme import- ance fo our Party, especially at the present time. It deals with the relationship of the Communist Party to the revolutionary trade unions, and with the Party’s tasks in building and sirengthening these unions, Because of the extreme weaknesses in our trade union work the Central Committee strongly recom- mends a carefully study of this article.— Editor. Te main lever by which the Communist Party organizes the basic mass of the proletariat is the trade unions. Our Party has not yet learned to use this lever. In the U. 8. A. there are 35,- 000,000 hired workers. Of them not more than 3% millions are organized in the A. F. of L. and other trade union alliances, and only about 15,000 are organized in the revolutionary trade unions under the leadership of the Trade Union Unity League, Thus the overwhelming major- ty of the American proletariat, are not organ- $zed in any trade union at all, while only an in- significant number are in Red trade unions un- @er influence of our Party, It is true that these figures do not present a true picture. Under the influence of our Party, there are not 15,000 but considerably more. A convincing proof of this is the number who participated in the demonstrations organized by our Party. Why does this state of affairs exist? It exists because our Party has not yet learned to con- solidate its political influence organizationally, nd chiefly because our Party has not yet Jearned the proper way to carry on trade union work. A close analysis of our trade union work discloses the following impottant shortcomings: 1, As a rule, the Communists who work in evolutionary trade unions are not organized into fractions. If there is a fraction its work is not attentively and systematically directed by the Party committees. 2. The Party committees do not pay the at- tention which is required to the question of the work of the trade unions, Communists in trade unions are sometimes looked on as specialists in their line. 3. Ir the factories, which should form the central point of the work of the revolutionary trade unions, they have no factory groups and in general, there is no clearly defined distinc- tion between trade union work and Party work in the factories. In addition, factory nuclei as 8 rule do not pay any attention to the questions of trade unien work. 4, No systematic and persistent work is car- ried on for winning over the workers who are members of reformist and other reactionary trade unions. 5. The movement and the organizations of She uriemployed are not linked up clearly with e revolutionary trade unions. 6. Under such circumstances it is very ob- Yious that the Central Committee and other Jeading organs of our Party do not keep check on the fulfilment of the directives of Party con- ventions and conferences by Communist trade unionists (and it is absolutely impossible for theny to do so). At the same time, when there is no leadership of the work of Communist trade unionists, the approach to the work is frequently mechanical and often the Party replaces the trade union. ‘The most important task for our Party at the present time, is to overcome all these shortcom- ings in the shortest possible time. The commencement must naturally be made by putting an end to the inattention of Party A Reply to A Comrade j By CYRIL BRIGGS. Ae EDEMA a worter of Lene, Idaho, takes the Dally Worker to task on sev- bral points. : ‘The Daily Worker, at all times welcomes con- @tructive criticism from workers. We especially welcome Criticism from workers who, like Com- . rade Lindemann, are not members of the Party but are sympathetic towards the communist pro- "gram. In this case, however, Comrade Linde- mann happens to be wrong on every point he raises. In this article I will deal with the two main points of his letter. He writes “it passes my understanding how You fellows can shout about white chauvinism ‘and Jim Crowism and then come out with such statements as made by Cyril Briggs on page 2, eolumn 1, of the Daily Worker for Dec. 31, ‘for the right of the Negro majorities in the South to determine and control thelr own government and its relations to the United States and other He then goes on to reyeal that the real basis for his failure to understand this simple prin- tiple of the right of the Negro majorities in the “Black Belt” to have majority control of the government of that section lies in the fact that he himself has a chauvinistic reaction to the idea that Negroes should have the rjght to gov- ern whites: ‘If you want to talk about putting white and black on an equal basis stick to that and not claim that the blacks should decide and control where they are in the majority.’ In other words, don’t talk about real equality! ‘There is no ambiguity in the Communist de- mand for the right of self-determination. The Communist International has quite definitely pointed out that “it would not be right of self- determination in our sense if the Negroes in the Black Belt had the right of self-determina- tion only in cases which concerned EX- the Negroes and did not affect the ites, because co a cm cases aris- here are bound to 1 the Negroes as right of g FI of the point all officers, dispose determine taxes, make the Nothing less than’ thé right of the Negroes control the government wiiere they are in the aajority would be putting Negroes and whites ‘an equal basis, “If Lindemann is honest in Public property, and control the s THE MAIN LEVER , of the workers. white bourgeoisie and landlords, who ap-_ organizations towards the questions of trade union work. For this purpose, we must carry out the following measures: (1) Systematic verification of the lower Party organizations by higher organizations (Party committees), in which case the verification must without ques- tion be by personal contact, instructors being sent and the chairmen of the lower Party groups | being called to give reports. (2) Every Party committee must systematically and as frequently as possible consider the question of trade union work, the verification of the fulfilment of direc- tives which have been given and the immediate. tasks. (3) Within a short period—not more than two months—the work of organizing fractions must be completed in all trade unions where there are Party members. THE TURN IN THE TRADE UNION WORK OF THE PARTY MUST ABOVE ALL BE CAR- RIED OUT DIRECTLY IN THE FACTORIES BY FORMING FACTORY GROUPS OF RED TRADE UNIONS THERE. In all this work, in view of the shortcomings mentioned above, we must keep in mind: (1) The trade union is not and should not be @ duplicate of the Party. The Party unites the extreme vanguard of the proletariat, but the trade unions should unite the broadest masses Hence the trade union Com- munist fractions must have the most definite directives to bring into the revolutionary trade unions ALL WORKERS IRRESPECTIVE OF THEIR POLITICAL VIEWS, INCLUDING THOSE WHO DO NOT AGREE WITH THE COMMUNIST PARTY BUT ARE PREPARED TO FIGHT FOR THEIR IMMEDIATE DE- MANDS AGAINST THE EMPLOYERS AND THEIR SUPPORTERS. | (2) In their work among the members of trade unions and among the unorgenized workers, Communists must base their efforts on convinc- ing the workers, but in no case should they per- mit the directions of the Party leaders on the fundamental questions of trade union activity to be carried out mechanically without discuss- ing them with the masses of trade union mem- bers. (3) On the other hand, the Party committees, when discussing questions of trade union work, must bring in representatives of fractions of corresponding trade union organizations. (4) The trade union fractions must show the greatest initiative in carrying out the directions of the Party. (5) Before meetings of the trade union or- gans, before congresses, conferences or general meetings, the fraction must meet so as to pre- pare its speeches, its tactics, to instruct orators, ete. If important questions are to be discussed, the fraction must in advance receive directions from the Party committee. (6) At all trade union conferences, congresses and meetings, the fraction must appoint a bureau whose speeches and propositions will be compul- sory directives for all members of the fraction during the work of the trade union organization. (1 The fractions in trade union organizations must be in close contact with the fractions of corresponding organizations of the unemployed, and must play the leading role with regard to the latter. Our Party must base itself on these organ- ization rules which have been worked out as a result of international. experience, and must rapidly learn to use the lever of trade union work, so that by using it in a Bolshevik man- ner, it can win over to its own side the major- ity of the working class. his support of the Communist demand for full equality for the Negro masses, he must of neces- sity support their right to exercise control of government where they are in the majority, whether it be in Africa, the West Indies, or in the Black Belt section of the South. Lindemann’s second major error lies in his peculiar notion that the workers of the Soviet Union should not defend the revolution and the proletarian dictatorship against its imperialist enemies and their wrecking tools in the Soviet Union. In typical bourgeois manner he objects to Maxim Gorky’s excoriation of the prostitute bourgeois intellectuals who signed the protest against the sentence of the proletarian court on the wreckers. He naively questions whether these signers really sympathized with the sabotagers and evidently wishes us to believe that their motive was purely humanitarian—these bour- geois writers who are silent on the lynching ter- ror in the United States and have no word of condemnation for the fascist attacks of the United States Government and the employers on the working-class. He evidently is not aware of the notorious servile role of the bourgeois writers as defenders of the capitalist system. Lindemann would muzzle the angry protests of the international working-class and its vehement demands for the punishment of the wreckers who sought to undermine the Five Year Plan of Socialist construction in the Soviet Union. “Why shout about lynching in this country and demand lynching in Russia,’ he asks. As if the sabotagers had not been convicted out of their own mouths, by their own shame-faced confes- sions made publicly in the proletarian court upon their realization of the utter failure of their wrecking plots against the Five Year Plan. Such an attitude is incomprehensible on the part of a worker. One can understand the chagrin of the bourgeoisie before the iron deter- mination of the victorious proletariat of the Soviet Union to defend its gains against all class enemies, internal arid external. This is understandable, since it is the aim of the bour- geoisie to disarm the revolution in preparation for their intervention plans. Does Lindemann intend consciously to sup- port this aim? Would he have the proletariat ignore the lessons of the Paris Commune? Lindemann expresses an intentign to join the Communist Party. But his present attitude negates even the class struggle. He is opposed to violence. Lenin dealt with this view in the following statement: “There 1s war and war. There 1s war—ad- venture to satisfy the interests of the dynasty, the appetites of robber bands, the aims of the heroes of capitalist greed. There is war—and this is the only lawful war In capitalist society— against the dominavion and exploiters of the masses. Only the Utopians and Phillistines nrin- cipally condemn such a war," WANT A LIFT, BUDDY? ; Daily,.zworker Se Control Ongaryee Da-EoYaymat Parry LA vers where: One year SURSCRIPTION RATES: > months, $1 By BURCK PARTY LIFE Conducted by the Organization Department of the Central Commitiee, Communist Party, ol. a ee Concrete Planning of a Campaign HEN the CC or DC issues an instruction or a resolution for the attainment of some ob- jective it should consider this but half of the job. ‘The other half of the job should be a detailed analysis of how to go to work, with in- structions for the District and Section Com- mittees, and for the Unit Buro—way down to the individual in the unit. Of course, the leading body must \be realistic and keep in mind the actual working forces at the Party disposal. Also, it must find a way of checking up, all along the line, by personally inspecting the way the work is being delegated and carried out. To be specific: The CC decides that the next step is hunger marches—in every town, no mat- ter how small the group. The DC decides on one in the Bronx, one in Brooklyn, etc. How are the jobless organized for these marches? Through the unemployed councils (presupposing their having previously been organized through similar detailed analysis and planning) and by the units concentrating on the breadlines, flop houses, employment agencies, cheap lodging houses, etc. In this matter the Party and the Unemployed Councils must, of course, coordinate their work. The DC decides for, say, Section 1—500 members—20 breadlines in Section 1. Keep half the membership continuing the usual fac- tory concentration work—the other 250 left for preparing the hunger march. Perhaps 50 com- rades are incapable of participating in work on bread lines, flop houses, etc., leaving 200 for 20 breadlines. The DC decides that 200 members can work effectively on only 10 breadlines. I repeat—effectively. The District Committee picks the 10 largest and most promising lines. The Section Committee decides, on the basis of the actual composition of actual units, how many comrades each unit must coatribute to- wards this work. The District Committee ac- tually describes, and in detail, how a comrade as an individual, must act and conduct himself on the bread line. Shall he be on the front of the line or the rear? Shall the women com- rades stand on the lines or not (men’s lines)? After a few days a small but specific leaflet call- ing the unemployed workers to a meeting place should be handed out in not too conspicuous a fashion—perhaps, with the help of other com- rades not on the'line, The Unit Buro shall designate the ones to do this work, keeping in mind that an office worker or a counterman in a restaurant cannot very well go to work with a week’s stubble on his face, whereas a ditch-digger can. Also that this and this comrade shall sleep in this and this flop house for several nights, etc. It is only by this general method of analyzing and planning and distributing our forces where they will do the most good at any particular time, that we will realistically do Communist work and only through this means will the im- portant resolutions and documents cease to be just “phrase-mongering.” And who should be more capable of giving these detailed instruc- tions than the leading bodies? And don’t forget—let’s not bite off more than we can chew and digest! Our forces spread over a small area, but intensively applied will yield greater organizational results, by far, than our forces spread over a great area, but loosely and thinly applied, —J. BAXTER, Organize Unemployed Councils! Every Mining Camp, Steel and Textile Town, Every Large and Small Indus- trial Center Should Be Honeycombed With Jobless Councils The Attack on the Party in the North-West By PAUL MUNTER. ORTLAND, Oregon, with its thirty odd raids, imprisonment of workers for the “crime” of criminal syndicalism; for deportation and its insane asylum—has a significance for the work- ers that cannot be overlocked. The boss wave of terror in Portland typifies the entire procedure in the Northwest. Starting in September ‘with the arrests of the secretary of the Portland unit, Comrade Lambo Mitseff and Comrade Vasil | Gosheff, which arrests “put a brake on the ac- tivities of the C. P. U. S, A.” and reaching now by an attack on the staff members of Toveri, Finnish language paper, published in Astoria, Oregon. Twelve of the arrested workers were held for deportation, three more since arrested are also held by the immigration service. Hold 13 on Charges. Thirteen others were held for the state charge of criminal syndicalism. This group included all foreign born, citizens, and one or two others. The arrest of Mike Kulikoff, railroaded to the insane asylum, was an indication of the extent of the brutality to which the bosses’ agents are resorting to smash the rising working class movement. The raids, a preparation for the Fish Com- mittee visit, were handled by the immigration service. This department of the boss govern- ment is featuring the propaganda which would make the workers believe that the Party is a group of “foreign malcontents.” A definite link up between the federal and state authorities has been evident throughout the entire reign of ter- ror. John Doe warrants which facilitate the persecution of foreign born workers are in the offices of that service. Citizens and foreign born workers are handed over to the police, Their statements to the immigration service are used as evidence against them. ‘The press carries on*an intense playing up of the statements of the stool pigeons as regarding alleged plans of bank robberies, riots, etc. To oppose this reign of terror, its tactics, is of course the role of the International Labor De- fense, to widen actfvities the role of all or- ganizations. The lessons of Portland should be studied by every worker and Party member as they present a cross section of gains, mistakes, and other phases of revolutionary movement. First, the attack in September revealed com- | Plete disorganizational preparations for any such activities. A functioning Party apparatus, espe- cially a bureau, would not have enabled the ele- ment that Bacon and his cohorts represented to remain within its ranks. In his official funo- tionings, a complete lack of reports was out- standing. Despite rumors of his private life, which would disqualify him as a Party member, no steps were taken against him. It was not | the brilliancy of Bacon, as shown by his testi- mony at the trial that made possible his activi- | ties. It was something much more basic and incorrect within the Party unit that made it possible. The truth of the situation is that the raids started a more correct application of the Party line in Portland, gained new influence for the revolutionary movement among the workers and made possible the work which got under way. The immigration hearing created a sentiment | for us, which should have meant an enlarging of our activities, a wider enlistment of active workers. This did not come about. No Following Up. From the time of the hearing to that period preceding the first trial, no organizational gains were made. The influence of the revolutionary movement, however, steadily gained wide propor- tions, The demonstration of the 10th definitely placed the proper conception of the working class movement being the struggle led by the revolutionary organizations in the minds of Port- land workers. The first trial, of Comrade Ben Boloff, at- tracted hundreds of workers despite the attempts to minimize the trial by the boss agencies. Again we face the fact that no recruiting has been achieved. It is this failure which stands out in the Portland activities and which must be at- tributed to two factors; lack of forces and apathy of those forces, It is this failure to plan activi- ties on the basis of conditions and forces which results in futile, poor gains being made where a ripe field for revolutionary activities has been prepared, It is a proper criticism and analysis of the causes of not taking proper advantage of the influence attained which will overcome this failure to recruit members and widen organiza- tional activities, in Portland, and make a real movement grow. og The Attack On the Foreign-Born in Western New York \, By PETER STEVENS, HE attack upon'the foreign born workers is increasing from day to day. While the repre- sentatives of the boss class in Washington are preparing measures for mass deportation of the. foreign born, especially the militant ones, in the western part of New York State, where the most important war industries are located, and is a frontier, mass arrests are taking place although the poison measures are not yet passed. As the fight of the workers in this part, for work and wages, better conditions, against wage cuts, etc, is increasing, and the foreign born workers are participating actively, the bosses and their government representatives are taking worse and worse measures against the workers, and especially the militant foreign born. In the factories, where some foreign born workers happen to be working or have foreign names, the boss calls the immigration officers, to investigate them whether they have entered the states legally, or are Communists. Such ac- cidents happened in one of the branches of the Charles Shwab's slave houses (Bethlehem Steel) in Buffalo, where the workers’ blood is sucked just like water to make bigger profits for the owners. Some of the questions the workers were asked are: How long have you been in the U. S.? Do you believe in God? And even some are forced to kiss a cross, In other instances, stools of the government with the aid of the local bosses are watching every step of the foreign born workers, and even when they notice anyone on the streets, they either stop him or follow him to his house where they ask him questions and cross examine him. At other times they take them to the immi- gration office and threaten them one way or another, Then they force the workers to say a prayer, and if he happens not to know any, he is accused of being a Communist, and threat- ened with deportation. These things happened with some friends of mine, who were taken in custody, and tried to make them say other things in order to frame them up. ‘The companies such as the Bethlehem Steel, Republic Steel, and other big corporations are giving the best aid in the persecution of the foreign born, They are doing this for a very important reason, which is that they are pre- paring to cut their wages, make the working conditions worse, etc. With this they are also trying to make the native born hate the foreign born, or the other way, and the Negro against the white, The best answer the workers can give the bosses is by uniting into a united front in the fight against the bosses. We must not let the bosses divide us, and make our living conditions more miserable, Let us strengthen our fight against the bosses! $8: excepting lft | | By JORGE | Hooverisms For Vets Herbie vetoed the bonus, and for the we told you. But in doing so he got off some ne ones, queer fish from the depths of his engir For instance “reasor ing mind “it is argued that the distribution of the hundre@s of millions of dollars proposed by this bill would stimulate business generally. If the exercise of these rights were limited to expenditure upon necessities only, would be no stimulation to bus'ness. The the- ory of stim tion is based upon the antictpa tion of wasteful expenditure.” Ugh! Also, ouch! The science of economic is knocked into a cocked hat—and what can a poor doughboy do about it? If he gets a “loan” and buys beans he is ruin ing American commerce, both import and export Beans cause gas, which interferes with the pro- duction of kilowatt hours in Andy Mellon's power companies, causing a slump in imports of oil paintings. Further, he both cheats the undertaker and ruins the cofn business but he don’t buy elec- tric refrigerators (which stimulate the aluminum business). Doughboy was drafted to die for country, and while his death is overdue, dying now :s the only way he can get the bonus and remain a patriot. Only by “wasteful expenditure” can business be stimulated, that’s why Hoover has Me refund his own taxes, live all alone in a 15 room house, b ‘old maSters” and wear s that cost $200. It would be wasteful expenditure, of co’ if Andy ate a peanut, by any sensible econ sis. What the capitalists consume is total! wasted because they produce nothing but vetoc Thats why in the Soviet they tell ‘em ‘Work or no eat!” That's why there is no fat capital- ist class there. That’s why there is not ‘4 wasted on luxuries. That's why they are really building “public works” and not just talking about it. That's why there is no unemployment in the Soviet Union. And tnat’s why, old doughboy, Hoover's eco- nomics would make a cat laugh. eve eee Guess When! “Special to the New York Times” “WASHINGTON, Feb. 13.—The employment situation has been improving since the first of January, the Secretary of Labor said tonight in a Speech broadcast over the network of the Columbia Broadcasting Company. “President Hoover's prompt action in summon- ing business and labor leaders in conference ‘be- yond all doubt saved us from a disaster,’ he declared. “We can thank him for getting employers and workers to agree that there shall be no re- duction in wages during this time. It is surpris- ing and gratifying to me to note the number who have kept their promise with the President. The fact that only a very few violated their agreement shows that we have great respect for our Chief Executive. Let us be thankful that we are getting back on our feet again.” Now, dear reader, can you guess when the above was published? Doesn't it sound just like the stuff you're reading right now in th api- talist papers? Can’t you hear your Pollya calling in every note? Would you suspect that the above was published a year and ten days ago? Well, it was! It was published in the N. ¥. Times of Feb. 14, 1930. And after that—since then—there has been twelve months of increasing unemployment, twelve months of wage cuts and “disaster” which Hoover had already, according to his Secretary of Labor, “saved us from.” Furthermore, he added this other gem: “If we can get # tariff bill iaat will protect American industry, it will relieve much of this unemployment.” Well, they got their tariff bill, and plenty of But where, oh, where! Where is the re- there “his” it. lief? Workers, take this lesson to heart. Shout it from the house tops to those who are expected to fall for the same stuff today! Tell them that the crisis, their crisis of unemployment, vw ] cuts and misery will continue and get worse— for that is the truth! Ask them what they will be eating, wearing and where they will live a year from now. Show them the detailed, practical demands of the Un- employed Movement—and get them to. join in the organized fight for those demands! ae ee) Overplaying the Farce We have hitherto commented slightly on funny joke of the Police Department of York City solemnly putting itself on trial for grafting. We need not now mention the marvelous in- genuity of District Attorney Crain, who success- fully and successively loses every case with al- most tiresome regularity, That is, when the defendants are Tammany figures. Doubtless his experience as owner of the naughty burlesque theatre on Irving Place entitles him to a certain latitude as. defender of the morals of New York City’s women. What we now wish to call attention to, is the way a cer‘ain Mr. Murray, who is playing the part of attorney for the defense in the act en- titled “The Police Versus the Police” before Deputy Police Commissioner Ruttenberg, “pre- siding” as judge, jury and all the rest of his fellow cops—the way Mr. Murray is overplaying his part. One of the stool pigeons hired by the defend- ant cop at the cost of the city who is now sup- posed to be “prosecuting” him, was on the st: and City Counsel Assistant Attorney Crowe was questioning the stool, when Murray objected to it. So Crowe said: “I will abandon it if the counsel will concede that Levey was employed by these two men (the cops) as a stool pigeon.” “I will concede more than that,” said Murray “T will concede that he was employed with the knowledge of his superior officers from the Po- lice Commissioner down, and that he was paid from Police Department funds.” This was hitting below the belt at the “hon- orable” judge and jury in the shape of Deputy Police Commissioner Ruttenberg who, as you must remember, is directing the skit. The N. Y. Telegram tells us that at this point: “Deputy Commissioner Ruttenberg interrupted, looking darkly at the attorney. ‘That is an un- fair and unfounded implication,’ he declared. That is, as we remarked at the beginning, rather overplaying the game. Mr. Murray should have a prompter posted out of sight to keep him from getting off his lines.