The Daily Worker Newspaper, February 28, 1931, Page 11

Oey eT % ; - talist rulers. DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, SATURDAY, FEBRUARY 28, 1931 Page Seven War Clouds Are Gathering By HARRISON GEORGE, HE chancelleries of the imperial- ist governments are astir, In Washington a capitalist journalist (McCormick) notes with mild as- tonishment that the War Depart- ment offices are as busy as they were during the last World War. They are preparing for another World War. The London “disarma- ment” treaty is a scrap of paper before the ink dried upon it. France is pushing naval building, and Italy, which has halked at American pressure exerted through the recent “visit” of Gibson, Hoover’s agent, threatens to match France “ton for ton and gun for gun.” “America First” Arthur Henderson, British for- eign minister, makes a sudden visit to Paris for a secret conference. Meanwhile Britain hints broadly to Hoover that if France builds more warships, Britain will “have to” ex- ceed—to violate—the London treaty. Promises and papers mean nothing when colonies and trade are at stake. America, with a $1,000,000,000 navy building program, chastises Mussolini with artful scandal and is deaf to British intimations about war debt cancellation. Its Fish Committee and Russian white guard organizations springing up like mushrooms with the aid of the “socialist” party and the American Federation of Labor bureaucrats, tries to take leadérship in the “moral preparation” for war against the Soviet Union. France, with her vassal states on the Soviet borders, is utterly shame- less in war plots against the Soviet Union. Poincare, the war-maker of 1914, plots with Russian monarchists who parade Paris under arms, with Russian counter-revolutionary “so- sialists” who aré allied with them, and with counter-revolutionary ele- ments inside the Soviet Union through spies in the French em- bassy at Moscow. Briand tries to build an “All- Europe” Federation—leaving out most of European territory, which is under Soviet rule, and sends, only when diplomacy compels it, an am- biguous “invitation” to Moscow to attend. Briand calls “agricultural” conferences attended by more gen- erals than agriculturists. Alternate pressure upon and con- cessions to Germany is a studied policy to strengthen the anti-Soviet bloc. French munitions and mili- tary advisors flood the border states around the Soviet frontier. France spends 40 per cent of its budget on In Finland fascism is put in power and Carol is put on the throne of Rumania by American imperialist intrigue. Munitions is the only thriving industry in Poland and Czecho-Slovakia. Japan finds an excuse for future reference in the Soviet barring of a Japanese bank on Soviet soil. Keepink It On Ice The Kuomintang butchers of the Chinese masses (tools of American bankers) stall interminably on mak- ing final the Kharbarovsk agree- ment settling their violation of the treaty with the Soviets concerning the Chinese Eastern Railway—they, too, wish to keep on ice a quarrel with the Soviets until a war offers a chance to press into action. When will that day come? The eight famous plotters who were tried in Moscow confessed that their im- perjalist fellow conspirators plan to begin war this year! In 1931! Will they dare? Will their in- "tense desire to wipe out Bolshevism, ___ which stands as a living challenge to the capitalist world, overcome their fear of revolution at home should they launch an attack on the First Workers’ and Farmers’ Government? That decision lies with the capi- But which way they decide lies with you—the workers and poor farmers! By your rally- ing on.every occasion against your ox capil off the Soviet Union! PLL BE USING YOU SOON! —By FRED as Greetings from the Red Army (A letter.from the Red Armymen in Moscow) The proletarian Red Army, the armed defenders of Socialist Con- struction in the Soviet Union, will celebrate its 13th anniversary on February 23rd. We, Russian Red Armymen and Commanders, want to utilize this opportunity to trans- mit our comradely greetings to the international revolutionary prole- tariat, and, at the same time, to acquaint you somewhat with our life and our work. Army of International Working Class. The immediate political situation is recognized as the period of pre- paration of war against the Soviet Union. World capitalism is fever- ishly preparing for an attack on the revolutionary stronghold of the world proletariat, the USS.R. The imperialists avail themselves of any means to plunge the Soviet Union into a warlike adventure. But we are vigilant. We do not want war, but we are, nevertheless, ready to defend our revolutionary achievements. Therefore, we shall strengthen our workers state and arm the whole country. We must be armed against a world of cap- italist states that encircled us in order to invade our country. The Red Army of the USSR., is the army of the international working class which carries the flag of the liberation of the world pro- letariat, and becomes {more and more proletarianized from year to year. The percentage of workers in the army is constantly growing as well as the number of members of the Communist Party. More than 60 per cent of the command- ers are members of the Communist Party. The percentage of workers in the military schools is constant- ly growing. In 1927 there were 39 cent, in 1930 69 per cent. The nucleus embraces one-quarter of all the Red Armymen. You see therefore that our Red Army is built up on a firm proletarian foundation. There are in the army over 900 clubs with more than 10,000 circles and 1,500 libraries. The 1,500 lib- raries are visited by 450,000 readers, practically by the entire army. Furthermore, there are 5,484 Lenin- Corners and more than 60 Red Army Houses. This is an indica- tion that our cultural strength is just as great as our military strength, and that we are always progressing. Red Army in Peace Time What is the work of the Red Army in peace-time? First, we study military technique intensively so as to ge prepared, in case of necessity, to “knock the head off” the international bourgeoisie. Sec- ond, we carry on different kinds of culture and social work, for ex- ample, groups of Red Armymen work as teachers so as to eliminate illiteracy. They also act as poli- gies ‘tical instructors for the Young Pioneers, the Communist youth, the factory workers and the workers’ clubs. They also fight against al- coholism and for the elimination of uncouthness in the intercourse with women. They also establish circles for atheists which publish their successes in the wall news- papers. Others, again regularly at- tend courses at the technical high schools in order to become pioneers of industry. More than 30 per cent of the peasants in the army study modern collective farming, the management of tractors and other agricultural machines. The Workers and Red Army. The life of the Red Armymen is closely bound up with the life of the workers; they, therefore, take an active part in all political cam- paigns and support the interna- tional proletariat during strikes by voluntary monthly contributions. Factory and trade union commit- teesr (also foreign) often visit de- tachments of the Army, control them and thereby strengthen their mutual bonds in the spirit of brotherhood. The Red Armymen reciprocates this friendship be- cause, to the best of its ability, it participates in the industrialization and cultivation of its country. Such is our daily life and work. But that is not all. We are con- scious that we must strengthen the international proletarian brother- hood and keep in touch with the whole proletariat, which will be our ally in the coming decisive strug- les. We greet herewith the fighting masses of the world proletariat, as well as all the fighting unemployed and the proletarian youth. Long live the international solid- arity.of the world proletariat. Long live the victory of the pro- letarian revolution in the whole world. The Red’avfhymen: Atshkasov,. er Voitenko, Dunaev, Kirilin, Kuétheh-* ' halcacoy “Korotkevieh;- +» Kedganov. Debs’ Speech Against War (Delivered at Canton, June 16, 1918) I have just returned from a visit from yonder (pointing to work- house), where three of our most loyal comrades(1) are paying the xenalty for their devotion to the cause of the working class. They have come to realize, as many of us have, that it is extremely dan- gerous to exercise the constitu- tional right of free speech in a country fighting to make democ- racy safe for the world. I realize in speaking to you this afternooy that there are certain limitations placed upon the right of free speech. I must be extremely care- ful, prudent, as to what I say, and even more careful and prudent as to how I say it. I may not be able to say all I think, but I am not go- ing to say anything I do not think. And I would rather a thousand pbines be a free soul in jail than a sycophant or coward.on the streets. They may put those boys in jail and some of the rest of us in jail, but they cannot put the Socialist movement in jail. ‘Those prison bars separate their bodies from co ours, but their souls are here this afternoon. They are simply pay- ing the penalty that all men nave paid in all of the ages of history for standing erect and seeking to pave the way for better conditions for mankind, Phe: it had not been for the men nd women who, in the past, have had the moral courage to go to jail, we would still be in the jungles. Why should a Socialist be dis- couraged on the eve of the great- est triumph of all the history of the Socialist movement? It is true j that these are anxious, trying days for us all, testing those those who are upholding the banner of the working class in the greatest strug- |gle the world has ever known against the exploiters of the world; a time in which the weak, the cow- ardly, will falter and fail and desert. They lack the fiber to endure the revolutionary test. They fall away. They disappear as if they had never been. On the other hand, they who are animated with the unconquerabie spirit of the Social Revolution, they who have the moral courage to stand erect, to assert their con- victions, to stand by them, to go to jail or to hell for them—they are writing their names in this crucial hour, they are writing their names in fadeless letters In the history of mankind. Those boys over yonder, those comrades of ours—and how I love them—aye, they are our yo r brothers, their names are sea: in our souls. I am proud of them. . They are there for us and we are here for them. Their lips, though tempo- rarily mute, are more eloquent than ever before, and their voices, though silent, age heard around the world. (1) Reference is made to three Cleveland socialists who were im- prisoned for their opposition to war—Charles E. Ruthenberg (died March 2, 1927, while secretary of the Workers Communist Party), Alfred Wagenknecht and Charles Baker,