The Daily Worker Newspaper, August 9, 1930, Page 6

e a . Published by the Comprodafly Publisht Inc., daily, except Sunday 26-28 Unton Page Six s New York City, N. Y Telept Stuyv 16 Cable: “DAIWORK.” Address and mail al) checks to the Daily Worker 26-28 Union Square New York N ¥ Central Ong. ‘the=Cds orker uniet Porty U.S.A. Sy mat) everywhere: Une year $6; Manhatten and Bronx, New York City, SUBSCRIPTION RATES: ix months $8; two months and foreign, which are: One yr. $8; six mons. $4.50 $1; excepting Boroughs of The Political Report of the Central Co mmittee to the XVI. Party Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union Comrade J. Stalin’s Address on June 27, 1936 Ul. The Increasing Progress of tk: Building-Up of Socialism and the Inner Situation of the Soviet Union. (Continued) D. Tasks in the Transport Service. Finally—the problem of transport. There is no need to waste many words on the enormous importance of the transport service for our | whole national economy. And not only for na- tional economy! It is a well known fact that for the defense of the country the transport service is of the most serious importance. In spite of the great importance of the transport service, the reconstruction of this branch of our economics lags behind the genera] tempo of development. Is it necessary to point out that under these circumstances we run the dan- ger of our transport service becoming a “weak spot” in our national economy, hindering our advance? Is it not time to put an end to this state of affairs? Il. The 1 now pass on to the question of the Party. Earlier in my speech I spoke of the ad- | vantages of the Soviet economic system as com- pared with the capitalist system. I spoke of the enormous possibilities which our s fers us in the struggle for the complete viccory of socialism. I reminded you that without these possibilities, and without making full use of them, .we should not have been able to at- tain the successess which have distinguished the period just past. But now the question arises: has the Party shown itself capable of making full use of the possibilities given it by the Soviet em; has it not permitted these possibilities to lie unused, and thereby prevented the working class from fully and completely developing its revolution ary power; has it shown itself capable of ex- tracting from these possibilities all that there is to be extracted for the purpose of tackling the work of socialist reconstruction along the whole front? The Soviet system ensures enormous possi- bilities for the complete victory of socialism. But the possibility is not yet the reality. In order to convert the possibility into actuality, & number of conditions must be fulfilled, and here the line of the Party and its correct pur- suance play a by no means insignificant role. A few examples may be given. The right opportunists are of the opinion that the N.E.P. assures for us the victory of so- cialism; hence there is no need to be anxious to promote the tempo of industrialization, the development of the Soviet farms and collective agricultural undertakings, etc., since the vic- tory is assured in any case, in the natural course of events, so to speak. It need not be emphasized that this is a wrong and foolish idea. To maintain this is to negate the role played by the Party in the building up of so- cialism, the responsibility of the Party in this building up. Lenin did not by any means say that the N.E.P. guarantees us the victory. All that Lenin said was that “the N.E.P. certainly secures for us the possibility, economically and politically, of laying the foundations of social- ist economy.” But the possibility is not yet the reality. If the possibility is to be converted into reality, it is of first importance that the theory of the natural course of events be shaken off. our national economy reconstructed, and a determined offensive taken up against the capi- talist elements in town and country. The right opportunists are further of the Our river shipping traffic is in a particular ly bad condition. It is a fact that on the Volga shipping has only attained to 60 per cent of its pre-war standard, on the Dniepr only 40 per | cent! These are the only “achievements” which our river shipping can record. Great achieve- ments! Is it not time to put an end to this disgrace? (A voice: “It is time!”) It is our task to tackle the transport question as Bolshevists, and to ensure that at last it | makes actual progress. These are the immediate tasks of the Party What is required for their performance? Above all, of paramount importance is the continuation of the offensive along the whole front against the capitalist elements, until the end: this is the central point and the basis of our policy at the present moment. (Ap- plause). Party opinion that our system does not between the peasantry and the and therefore it is unnecessary to ensure that a correct line of policy be laid down with re- spect to the social groups in the village. In any case the kulak will grow into Socialism, and the alliance between the workers and peas ants will be secured in ‘he natural course of events. This is an equally wrong and foolish idea. Those who maintain this fail to grasp that the policy of the Party, the more so that it is a Party which has the power in its hands, here forms the decisive factor determining the fate of the alliance between the workers and peasants. Lenin regarded the danger of a split between the working class and the peas- antry as by no means impossible. Lenin said that “such a split is not necessarily involved in our social structure,” but that should “seri- our class differences of opinion arise between these two classes, then the split will be un- avoidable.” In this connection Lenin was of the opinion that: “It is the main task of our C. C. and of our C.C.C., and also of our Party as a whole. to follow with close attention the circum- stances out of which the split may arise, and to prevent it; for the fat: of our republic will ultimately depend on whether the peas- ant masses will follow the working masses and remain true to the alliance, or whether they will permit the ‘Nepmen,’ that is, the real bourgeoisie, to separate and split them from the workers.” Consequently, a split between the working class and the peasantry is not impossible, but it is not absolutely necessary, since our system affords the possibility of avoiding this split, and of consolidating the alliance between the workers and peasants. What is now required in order to convert this possibility into reality? In order to realize the possibility of avoiding the split, the roots of capitalism must be torn up by means of the organization of collective and Soviet farms, and we must advance from the policy of restricting the exploiting tenden- cies of the kulak to the policy of liquidating the kulak as a class, . We see that must distinguish sharply be- tween the possibilities contained in our system and the utilization of these possibilities, their conversion into reality. Cases may occur in which the possibilities of victory exist, but the Party fails to observe them or to utilize them properly, so that in- involve a split working class stead of a victory we may experience a defeat. The Imperialist War Against the Chinese Revolution By R. DOONPING Waite the Chinese Revolution advances by leaps and hounds toward the establishment of a Soviet Republic in China, war clouds of extensive imperialist intervention for the sup- pression of the revolution are gathering fast and are becoming increasingly menacing. It is high time that American workers be- come conscious of the necessity of immediate action for a militant struggle against the war on the Chinese Revolution. The present large-scale offensive of the Chin- ese Red Armies in the Yantze Valley dates back’ to May, when the All-China Soviet Con- gress clarified the political perspective and consolidated the then scattered Red forces for a@ concerted drive against the Kuomintang regime of imperialism and native reaction in China. Things have been moving fast since that time. Large armed workers and peasants forces, “well disciplined and intelligently led” even according to the imperialist press, have been spreading and deepening the revolution in the countryside in many provinces and are _ marching on several of the biggest and most important cities in Central China. As the red forces march on, fresh local Workers and peasants swell the ranks while jiers of the Nanking army often join in with their guns and ammunition. The Red Armies thus grow like snow balls. Now, after taking Changsha, in conjunction with uprisings of workers in the city, the Red armies are on the verge of assisting the work- ers in Hankow and Kiukiang, two of the key cities on the Yangtze River, to a successful in- surrection and the extension of the workers and peasants’ rule in Chi: Rush Warships. The imperialist powers, of course, are al- armed. Instead of relying upon their own forces already stationed in various parts of China, and their Chinese lackeys, the Kuo- mintang militarists, for their attempt at sup- oressing the revolution, the various imperialist powers are feverishly preparing for a large scale military intervention. This situation, which has been repeatedly pointed out by the Daily Worker in the news stories, is now admitted by the capitalist press, Henry F. Misselwitz, United Press Cable Edi- tor, frankly confesses, “A possibility that the <x foreign powers have assumed a new, far-reach- ing policy involving aid to the present recog- nized government at Nanking was indicated in the concentration of foreign forces at Han- kow.” Th imperialist gunboats of intervention have already accomplished their first feat by shell- ing the red city of Changsha and restoring the corrupt, murderous and counter-revolution- ary Kuomintang authorities. Policy of Wall Street. In addition tc many British, Japanese, Italian and French warships and military forces, Am- erican imperialists have eleven gunboats, the largest naval force of any power, concentrated at Hankow. The policy of Wall Street is cleary stated by the same Mr. Misselwitz who says bluntly: “The attitude of the United States Minister to China, Nelson Johnson, from his acts in re- cent months, would indicate he might counte- nance such a tacit understanding, that in the usual protection of Americans and their in- terests he might go further and include aid in the suppression of bandit-Communist hordes menacing Nanking.” Yes, the situation in China has become so serious that the imperialists are no longer an- xious about concealing their rael motives. They are openly and frankly pursuing a policy of extensive intervention in China for the sup- pression of the revolution, It is certainly no tions of foreign forces in years has been made at Hankow.” (U. P. dispatch, August 7). Defend Soviet China! The war against the Chinese Revolution is not only a war against the Chinese workers and peasants, but also a war against the work- ers and peasants throughout the world. The money that is being used to carry on this war comes from the labor of the workers, the blood and sweat of the toiling masses, while millions of jobless workers are starving. It is, there- fore, imperative that workers in the imperial- ist countries, in America, in Great Britain, in France, in Japan, and in Italy, should imme- diately launch a campaign agajast the war on the Chinese Revolution. Hands-off China Com- |"warships and armed forces fror Chinal mittees should be organized wherever there are groups of workers, in shops, and workers or- ganizations. Hands-off China! Withdraw all imperialist accident that “one of the largest concentra-, The same question arises again and again: Has the Party proved capable of fully utilizing ssibilities and advantages created by the system; has it done everything that can be done for the realization of these possibilities, to the end that the maximum of success may be assured for our work of reconstruction? In other words: Have the Party and its Cen- tral Committee guided the building up of so- cialism properly during the period just past? What is necessary for the correct guidance of the Party under the present circumstances? Apart from everything else, the correct guid- ance of the Party requires above all that the line of the Party is the right one, that the masses recognize the rightness of the Party line, that the Party does not confine itself to working out a general line, but superintends the carrying out of the line from day to day, that the Party carries 01 » determined struggle against the deviations from the general line and against a conciliatory attitude towards these deviations, and that the Party, in this struggle against the deviations, strengthens the unity of its own ranks and,forges an iron discipline. What have the Party and its Central Com- mittee doné towards the realization of these prerequisites ? 1. The Questions of the Guidance of the Building Up of Socialism. a) The factor decisive for the standpoint of the Party at the present juncture is the tran- sition from the offensive of Socialism on sep- arate sectors of the economic front to the attack along the whole front, both in the field of industry and in agriculture. The Fourteenth Party Congress was principally a Party Con- gress of industrialization. The Fifteenth Party Congress was principally a Congress of collect- ivization. It was a preparation for the general attack. The period preceeding the Sixteenth Party Congress has differed from the stages already passed through in being a period of general offensive of socialism along the whole front, a period of intensified socialist construc- tion both in industry and in agriculture. The Sixteenth Party Congress is a Congress of the Workers, Hand It to Them With a Punch! Demand the Swollen War Funds Be Turned Over to the Unemployed In the Form of Jobless Insurance. Labor Unions in the U.S.S_.R. vently hates, participate actively in the build- | scores of committees and councils that operate As an answer to the lyink attacks of Mat- thew Woll, Acting President*of the Natronal Civic Federation, chief agency of the Rus- sian White Guards and Monarchists in this country, the Daily Worker has asked the Labor Research Association to prepare a few articles outlining the condition of the work- ers in the Soviet Union. We have already printed the articles of Anna Rochester, au- thor of Labor and Coal, dealing with the conditions of the Russian miners. We have also given a word picture by Anna Louise Strong of the conditions of the workers on the collective farms in the Soviet Union. The following article is by Robert Dunn, author of Soviet Trade Unions and a member of the technical staff of the first American Trade Union Delegation to the Soviet Union— Editor. * * * By ROBERT DUNN. ORKERS in the Soviet Union are organized in labor unions. They are the best organ- ized workers in the world. In Austria, not more than 50 per cent of the workers are now organized and that is the best per centage that can be boasted of in any capitalist country. In the Soviet Union, where, incidentally, union membership is entirely voluntary, about 98 per cent of the workers are organized. It is a pretty good record for a “backward country” to have over 11,000,000 workers in unions. The A. F, of L. has less than 3,000,009 and only 10 per cent of the American work- ing class is organized. Mr. Woll and his monarchist advisors con- tend that Soviet unions are not “free.” He says they are worse than American company unions, and that they are run by the workers’ state. If they were #‘ce “free” unions they would be run instead by the Civic Federation, Grover Whalen and Matthew Woll! Furthermore, these Soviet trade unions don’t pay per capita to the A, F. of L.!| They don’t support democrats in one town and republicans in another. They don’t subscribe to insurance sold by the Union Labor Life Insurance Co. They don’t do all sorts of things Mr. Woll would like to have them do, including the sup. port of a capitalist government in the next war for imperialist plunder. . All of which is just too bad—for Mr. Woll and his gang of Soviet baiters’ and hysterical professional patriots. But it is a very good thing for the workers of Russia that they don’t pattern their unions after the rackets operated by Mr. Woll. It may pain him terribly but we have to report that the Soviet labor organizations are very different from his flourishing “business union- ism.” Here are ~ few things about the Russian unions that the American Trade Union Delega- tion discovered, and I believe these reports are confirmed by every’ honest worker who has since visited Russia either as an individual or as a member of any other delegation: These Russian unions that Mr. Woll so fer- Defend the Chinese Revolution and the Soviet Union. Not a cent for imperialist war; all war funds for the relief of the unemployed! ing of the national industries. They take an increasingly important part in the building of socialism under the Five-Year Plan. As Mr. Woll detests socialism it is obvious that he should be peddling lies about those who are trying to create a socialist industry. The workers in the Russian unions take the greatest aid most personal interest in pro- duction, in new inventions, in everything that carries industry forward. Why? Because these workers are already sharing in the results of increased productivity. They are not subject to more intense work or speed-up. They are, instead, the beneficiaries of every new develop- ment in production. What are the concrete evidences of this? The seven-hour day. The five-day week. The full- est social insurance in any country. Vaca- tions with pay. Economic security. Educa- tional and cultural opportunities exceeding those of trade unionists in any other land These are a few of the reasons why the “so- cialist competition” of the workers has made such progress in the Soviet Union. I remember some of the advantages workers told us they derived from union membership in the Soviet trade union. Here are only a few of them: Free dental, medical and other dispensaries. Reduced rates for all sorts of services, including rent, light, housing and amusement. A better chance to get to a rest home or a health resort. Credit in the con- sumers’ cooperatives. Educational and health advantages for the children of the trade union- ist. ,Additional benefits in case of unemploy- ment. But do the workers really take part in these unions that mean so much to them? The question seems quite crazy to one who has had a chance to investigate the working of unionism in all parts of Soviet territory. © I have never heard more effecttve or “creative” discussion in my life than in the meetings of the textile workers union that I attended in Moscow province. The workers were alert, keen, able to express themselves about the most vital questions of industry and govern- ment. They seemed entirely conscious of the fact that it was their industry, their govern- ment, their social system that they were de- veloping with their own hands and out of their own experiments and struggles. I wonder if Mr. Woll is aware of the fact that the unions have representatives in almost all the leading governing bodies of the Soviet Gov- ernment. They select the Commissar of Labor exactly as though the Secretary of Labor of the U. S. were selected by the organized work- ers of the United States. They also select many lower officials in the department of la- bor, and are well represented in the depart- ments Which operate the extensive system of social insurance. All legislation affecting labor is passed with the consent of the unions and after the most thorough discussion. In other words, the con- ventions of the unions are, in a sense, a legisla: ture of the country, supplementing the Con gress of Soviets. On the economic and indus- trial organs of the government they also have their representatives. They are on the State Planning Commission which devised the Five- Year Plan. They are represented also on the various departments of the government. It is clear from all this that the trade unions are a powerful force in Soviet economic and in- dustrial life. And their members are undoubt- edly the freest, most active an dintelligent trade unionists to be found anywhere in the world. How the union works in a partieular factory I shall discuss in a later article in this series. full offensive of socialism on the whole front of the liquidation of the kulak as a class and of the realization of complete collectivization. This, summed up briefly, is the essence of the general line of our Party. Is this line correct? Yes, it is correct. Facts show that the gen- eral line of our Party is the only correct line, Its correctness is shown by the successes and achievements which we have attained on the front of socialist reconstruction. It would never have been possible, and is still not pos- sible, that the decisive victory won by the Party during the recent period on the front of socialist construction in town and country could be the result of a mistaken policy. Noth- ing but a correct general line could have gained tory for us. is shown by the howls of rage raised against the Party of late by our class enemies, the capitali and their press, the pope and the various bishops, the social democrats and the “Russian” Menshevists of the Abramoyitsch and Dan type. The capitalists and their lackeys revile our Party—therefore the general line of our Party is correct. (Applause.) It is shown by the fate of Trotskyism, well known to all. The gentlemen of the Trotskyist camp babbled about the “degeneration” of ‘the Soviet power, about “Thermidor,” about the inevitable victory” of Trotskyism, and. so forth. And what really happened? The decline and end of Trotskyism. One section of the Trotsky- ists has broken with Trotskyism and has ad- mitted, in the numerous declarations made by its representatives, that the Party has been right; these kave certified the counter-revolu- tionary nature of Trotskyism. The other sec- tion of the Trotskyists has actually degenerat- ed into typically petty bourgeois counter-rev- olutionists to such an extent that it has ac- tually become a news service of the capitalist press for the affairs of the C.P.S.U. The Soviet power, on the other hand, supposed to be “de- generating” (or to have already degenerated) continues to enjoy the best of health, and is building up Socialism, thereby successfully cut- ting the ground from beneath the feet of the capitalist elements of our country and their petty bourgeois imitators. It is shown by the fate, also known to all, of the Right opportunists. They wailed and la- mented over the “ruined” Party line, over the “probable catastrophe” in the Soviet Union, over the necessity of “saving” the country from the Party and its leaders, ete. And what has actually happened? The ‘Party has attained great success on every front of socialist con- struction, whilst the group of the Right, so anxious to “save” the country, but then obliged to admit the erroneousness of their views, are now stranded. It is known by the growing revolutionary activity of the working classes and the peas- antry, the active support given the Party by the millions of the working masses, and finally by the unprecedented working enthusiasm of the workers and of the peasants on the col- lective farms, making a profound impression on the foes and friends of our country. I need make no special reference to such signs of the growing confidence in the Party as the application for membership made by whole factories and departments of undertakings, the increase in the membership of the Party by more than 600,000 between the Fifteenth and Sixteenth Congresses, and the admission of 200,000 new members to the Party in the first quarter of this year alone. What else does all this show but that the masses recognize the policy pursued by our Party to be the right one, and are ready to support it? It must be admitted that these facts would not exist if the general line of the Party were not the only right line. The “Socialists”. Behind the Fish Committee By PAUL NOVICK. R. MORRIS HILQUITT, chairman of the national committee of the “socialist” party, has “protested” against the attempts to ban Soviet products from the United States. Mr. Morris Hilquitt would not have deserved his reputation of a foxy corporation lawyer and Wall Street speculator had he not come out with his “protest.” For Mr. Hilquitt was try- ing to cover up the “sociajist” trail which is leading directly to the doors of the Fish com- mittee. We know that czarist emigrees had staged and directed the show calle] “Fish-Committee- Hearings.” At the first thought of the “hear- ings” at New York the figure of that tender- loin-dandy, Djamgaroff, comes to your mind. This confessed white guard spy, who com- plained before Mr. Fish that the Bolsheviki were so tactless as to arrest him as soon as he set his foot on the railway station of the city of Rostov-on-the-Don, where he had come on a “mission” of the white (czarist) army, was right at home in the offices of the department of justice in New York. While the representative of the Daily Worker was barred from the sessions of the committee, this ezarist spy kept promenading in and out of the room, cane in hand, gold handle forward, exchanging smiles with the secretary of the committee, or eye-winking to a she-reporter for the prostitute press—like- wise a “perfect” tenderloin type. Now and then he would whisper something to one of the congressmen, or to one of the attendants, or he would open one of the closets. After telling his story to the committee while on the witness stand (and he was never asked about his secret finance resources, or about his spy-system) this spy-racketeer “is- sued” a “statement” that his job is to protect ‘the “democratic institutions” of this coun- try (!). This “statement” was distributed among the newspaper men by an attendant of the department of justice. The czarists were openly managing the “show” and there was no effort made on the part of the honorable congressmen to conceal it. Right behing Messrs. Nelson of Maine and Bachmann of West Virginia there was the white guardist and’ stool-pigeon, Bernadsky, continually telling the solons of Washington what to ask the representatives of the Amtorg. And even after the printer of the Whalen “documents,” Wagner, had identified this Ber- nadsky as the man who came to his shop, to- gether with Whalen’s detectives, the whiie guardist continued as counsellor of the com- mittee. Yet, there was another party behind the scene, together with the czarists, and that party was trying to keep in the background. The “socialists” were there! Matthew Woll, “himself,’ and Inspector Lyons, head of the spy-system of the Tam- many police department, served as the con- neciing links between the “socialists” and the committee. The head of the Civie Federation, Woll, ap- peared before the committee two or three. days after spending an inspiring afternoon at the Brevoort Hotel (a scab place, incidentally), at a banquet given to the editor of the biggest Soviet-baiting (and most obscene and sala- cious) newspaper in New York, Abe Cahan of the Jewish Forwards. There Woll sang his praise to the editor who is daily giving advica to the loyelorn. Woll, too, got his advice from this sage once or twice, whether for attacking the left wing in the needle trades, or for attacking the Soviet Union. This time Woll got a few “points” for his theory on the “enslavement” of the Soviet workers and other profoundities. There is a striking similarity between Woll’s “enslavement” theory and the following excerpt of an editorial in the Forwards of July 28, The organ of the “socialist” party in New York melodramatically testifies to the “fact” that convict labor is employed in the Soviet timber camps, and that “everybody” knows it. The “socialist” paper continues: “If Matthew Woll’s anti-Soviet protest this time brought quick results, the fault lies solely with the terror-system of the Soviet government,” The Forwards contend that Soviet trade could have been a boon to the “other” countries which are passing through a severe crisis (no mention of a capitalist crisis, of course). “In- stead,” the Forwards winds up: “Instead, the fight conducted by the Sov- iets against the so-called kulaks and against workers of different ideas brought about a situation that European and American work- ers are beginning to- fear that the cheap slave-labor of the Soviet industries with its resulting competition will swell the already large armies. of unemployed.” ) The Forward was the original source of Nelson-Woll’s theory of Soviet labor “slavery.”