The Daily Worker Newspaper, May 1, 1930, Page 8

_ Address .. Published by the Comprodaily N City A GLORIOUS REMINDER . ¥. Telephone Publishing Co., Inc., daily, except Sunds MAY DAY 1890 OR May Day, 1890, when the workers the United States were holding treme May First demon: in the fight for eight hour day, and hty held in Union Square, New York erick Engels wrote a new preface Communist Manifesto. He speaks proletariat of Europe and of Americ ing a review of its for for the e day fight. Much water has passed under th bridge since. The Soviet Union forges on to the upbuilding of Socialism un Five- Year Plan, The revolutiona the workers are mounting at Today, under the leadership of the Communist International, ‘ue inheritor the tra- ditions of the International Workingmen’s As- sociation “of glorious memory” is pointing the way to the final overthrow of capitalism. wa: meeting red- the of From the Preface to the 1890 Edition of the Communist Manifesto. “Proletarians of all lands, unite!” Few were the voices to respond when we launched these words into the world forty-two years ago on the eve of the revolution in Paris when, for | fought 1864, the first time, the proletariat arose ar for its own interests. On September the proletariat of well nigh every land in western Europe joined hands in the Interna- tional Workingmen’s Association of glorious nemo The International survived for only iine years. Nevertheless, the union that or- anization created will live for all time; it is today stronger than ever. howing this to the full. As I write these lines, the proletariat of Europe and of Amer- ica is holding a review of its forces; it is mobilized for the first time one army, | marching forwar nder one flag, and fight- | ing for one i ate aim: an eight how enactment of working day, established by legal (as was demanded by the Genevay Congress the International Workingmen’s As: and again by the International Soc: gress held at Paris in 1889). The Spe we are now witnessing will make the ists and landow of all lands realize that today the proletarians of all lands are, in very truth, united. If only M his own eyes. London, May 1, 1890. were with me to see it with Mr. Hoover’s Commision on Haiti “Reports” By ALBERT MOREAU. Mr, Hoover’s imperialist commission “for the study and review of conditions in the Re- public of Haiti” has now submitted its report to the government of the United States on behalf of the National City Bank and all the plunderers of the Haitian workers and peas- ants. Before the uprising of the oppressed Haitian workers and peasants in November, 1929, against the military rule of American marines and the national imperialist tools, be- fore the tremendous response of the American workers who demonstrated against the op- pressors and in support of the rising revolu- tionary masses, the whole capitalist press was mobilized for the new “Messiah” announced by Mr. Hoover in the form of a commission that was to recommend the “withdrawal” of the marines from the so-called republic. From Senator King down to the liberals and the so- cialist party a cry of approval and “Long Live | the Savior” was heard. The commission, headed by Cameron Forbes, after its hard labor to buy off the leaders of the opposition to the Borno regime, brought back a series of recommendations which, in a true imperialist manner, put aside the ques- tion of the withdrawal of the marines and laid the basis for an indefinite occupation of Haiti. In order to pave the way for the elaboration of such a report and the turning over of the administration of the Island from one group of politicians to another, it was necessary for the commission to make use of the “Federated Committee of the Associated Groups of the Opposition” comprising eight organizations controlled by the “elite” among which we find the Parti National Travailliste (National La- bor Party). That the masses were ready to listen to no promises is evidenced by the commission’s re- port where it is stated that, “After persuad- ing these leaders to issue a note asking the public to be calm and await with patience... ” Mr. Forbes and his consort have to admit that a “reception” for them was under way at Port au Prince by a “dangerous mob” in the Champ de Mars. The Haitian Garde used their coco- macacque sticks to break up the crowd. The Haitian peasants were determined in their de- mand for the liberation of their country. The spectre of banners waved by the crowds ac- companied the imperialist missionaries where- ever they went. The report begins with the history of Amer- ican Intervention in Haiti and finds only praise for the lugubrious General Russell who, we know, revived the corvee law, abolished since 1865, and compelled the Haitian workers and peasants to slave in the building of roads un- der marine auspices. The resuscitation of this law meant for the Hiatian laborers the extor- tion of free labor for one week to 3 month per year for the construction of roads to give American monopoly coffee owners for the transportation of products from the interior to the ports. The report also finds praise for Dictator Borno’s administration, which for the Haitian people always meant persecution, as- sassination and deportation. Mr, Hoover made public a declaration by which the government of the United States approved the commission’s report and the jm- perialist press hastened with the news that “we shall withdraw the marines and officials.” All the enemies of the Haitian people, includ- ing the liberals and Dr. Du Bois, approved of it, What has actually the report to say about the withdrawal? “The Commission is of the opinion that the progres8ive steps looking toward the with- drawal of the assistance now being given by the American Occupation should be taken on Workers! Join the Party of Your Class! Communist Party U. S. A. 43 Kast 125th Street, New York City. 1, the undersigned, want to join the Commu- nist Party. Send me more information. NAME cevsceceescceecemaceseeseccesecameres smmsoer Uityececceeee ail this to the Central Office, Communist ly, 43 East 125th St.. New Yorkj'N. Y. the theory and understanding that the present | treaty will remain in force until 1936.” The Commission is not only satisfied to sug- gest a status quo until 1936, date of the ex- piration of the enslavement treaty, but is also makes provisions for an indeterminate period for the American Occupation: “Tt is too early to suggest in what form i American Occupation should be liquidated upon the expiration of the treaty or in what form such further aid and assistance as the Haitian Government might desire from the United States should be provided. (Emphasis mine) This brazen imperialist report recommends “further modifications of the existing treaty and agreements providing for less intervention in Haitian affaires and defining the conditions under which the United States would lend its assistance in the restoration of order or maintenance of credit (Emphasis mine). To have hoped that Mr. Hoover’s Commision would be a panacea for the Haitian people, that it would investigate the conditions of the downtrodden peasants toward the end of find- ing a solution to their misery, was sheer non- sence. Such a conception is worthy of a liberal who never fails to serve as trumpeteer to the imperialists. The members of the Commission, carefully chosen by the President, eould only serve their class, the capitalist class. The imperialist emissaries highly praised the “financial rehabilitation” of Haiti. Not a word is said about the growing misery and starvation of the mass The american oecu- pation has steadily lowered the standard of living of the peasants. The purchasing power of the Haitian worker and peasant is the low- est in Latin America with an estimated index | of $4.87 per capita per annum as compared | with the already low $16.85 for Cuba and even $10.49 for Santo Domingo. The so-called re- habilitation of the economy of the Island con- ducted under the supervision of American experts resulted in the 81.08 per cent of all | Hiatian imports from the United States and the control of the exports by the National City Bank. , ; A profound contempt for the Haitian @eas- ants is expressed in the report in a most vicious manner: “In a country with a low rate of literacy the mob a form of political ex- pression.” Further “....and revolution, which is the mob in action. . What was the Commission to accomplish in Haiti? Simply to come to an understanding with the treacherous leaders of the Opposition on whom the hope was pinned to subdue the threatening revolutionary attitude of the mas- ses and have them finally accept the new “pre- sident” desired by Wall Street and its govern- ment. Nothwithstanding the rumors spread about the opposition of the unspeakable Borno to the recomendation of the Commission, he shaped his council of State in such a way that the Commission’s choice for the. provisional presidency, Eugene Roy was assured of a vote by the Council of State. What is the attitude of the liberals and their press towards the Commission’s report? In their eagerness to justify the American Occu- pation which in their opinion ean “bring pros- perity to the Haitian people without the use of the Marine forces.” We maintain that the military occupation is an integral part of the imperialist policy in the economic and political domination of the country. When the assurance is obtained of the national bourgeoisie that it will serve at all costs iis imperialist masters and that it will use all means at its disposal to perpetuate the domination of foreign interests in the country, a sort of “Platt Ammendment” is then enforced with a special provision that the United Stas Government is to interfere whenever the trusts’ interests are in danger. The attitude of these apologists of Americar imperialism must be fought against by the anti-imperialist forces which struggle for the complete independence of Haiti as well as of all colonies of Imperialism. vigor we must struggle against the petty-bour- geois leaders of the Opposition in Haiti who in a shameful manner betrayed the aspiration of the masses for the national liberation of the country. The masses of Haiti will not be fooled by the report of the Commision which was made possible with the active co-operation of the “elite,” and the liberation of Haiti is now being crystallized and has taken form in the organi- zation of a Haitian section of the Anti-Imper- ialist League. ry The workers of this country must give full support to the Anti-Imperialist League of the United States and thru its support the ‘move- ment in Haiti and all movements which stand for the complete and unconditional independ- } ence of Latin-America, : Indeed, events are | With the same | FIRST I MAY will come when’ the movement'will rush foeward witha speed Such asiwe: today cannof imagine: in Our Worker Central Organ of the Communist THE SOVIET UNION—A DAY OF VIC- TORY FOR WORLD TOILERS arty of the U.S. A. rosiest.dreams: VW. Lenin By FRED ELLIS May Day In The Soviet Union ORE than ten million workers and employes and more than a hundred million peas- ants of the Soviet Union celebrate May 1 not any more as suppressed and exploited slaves of the capitalist robber system, but as free toilers of a country the socialist transforma- tion of which*is heading towards its speedy completion. The proletariat of the Soviet Union has been able to show already within a few tremendous achievements a working ¢ freed from its chains, is able to attain. Under unbelievable difficulties, surrounded by a flood of hostile capitalist states, it developed its in- dustry at a speed which the bourgeoisie, even during its best times did not dare dream of: 24 per cent production increase of socialist in- dustry in the economic year 1928-29, 32 per cent increase in the year 1929-30 and 50 per cent probably in 1930-31—this means no less than the definite confirmation of the death sentence passed by history upon the capitalist order. The free proletariat also leads to freedom, to light, to a better life, the other broad toil- ing strata who had been suppressed by capi- talism, especially the million masses of the working peasafits. The “mushik,” the Rus- | sian peasant, who has been in the pre-war time the most backward human type in Europe, kept in ignorance by church and state, fades into the past. More than half of the many millions of peasants have already voluntarily broken with the desolate existence, with the misery of the individual peasant holding and under the leadership of the Communist prole- tariat joined the big collectives to win from the earth through purposeful organized col- lective work, with machines which the prole- tarian state gives, more food, more power, more raw materials, better possibilities of life. Mighty Soviet estates, whose organization and division of labor surpass that of the American “model” farms, grow up from the formerly fallow soil. They sometimes attain, higher degrees of mechanization than the most modern factory. In the biggest one of these “grain factories,” in the “Gigant,” practically not a single function is done directly by hand. The progressing mechanization of agricultural work, the “agricultural towns” that grow up on the Soviet estates and collectives, “agrar- ian-industrial combinates” with every kind of cultural comfort that until: now was only en- joyed by inhabitants of the town, they all con- tribute to the gradual abolition of the differ- ence between town and country. i Every progress in economy carries with it at the same time an improvement of the posi- tion of the proletariat. The Russian worker who before the war was the worst paid in Europe, has already attained fourth place. Even according to the prejudiced statisties of the League of Nations his position is only slightly behind that of the worker of London, Paris and Berlin (and of course the U. S.) and has already ‘surpassed the wage level of all other:European countries. Within three years the workers of the Soviet Union will be- come the best paid workers in Europe, accord- ing to the wage increase program. He has already now the shortest working day in the whole world. And one must not forget the entire system of social insurance for the Rus- sian workers, In socialist competition, in the storm bri- gades, communes and similar institutions the Russian worker builds an entirely new rela- tionship to‘economy. He is no more a slave, As a member of the ruling class he is master of his own work. He already got rid of ‘his chains, and is now, hand in hand with the op- pressed and exploited of the whole world, pre- | Weisbord Comes Into the Open paring for the decisive battle which the world proletariat will win. The capitalist class of the whole world is following with unmeasurable hatred the suc- of the first Socialist state. It arms for “crusade” against the Soviet Union. It h not only against the Soviet trike a blow at its own working on the socialist fatherland is closely connected with the attack on the American and the international proletariat. We defend ourselves by defending the So- viet Union! An interesting political lesson is given by the appearance of the name of Albert Weisbord as a speaker with Lovestone & Co. on May 1. Weisbord was a fervent denouncer of Love- stone. He claimed to be the most ardent sup- porter of the Comintern Address to the Com-~* munist Party of the U.S. A. He claimed that no one was quite so correct as himself on these points. And from here he passed on to a de- mand that he, Weisbord,»be recognized as the sole appointed leader of the American ‘prole- tariat. When the Central mmittee Plenum, in October, overruled Weisbord’s exalted preten- sions, removed him from the Committee, and warned him to change his course. Weisbord was highly indignant. He appealed to the Com- intern in long telegrams, in which he pictured himself as the only 100 per cent opponent of Lovestone, and the only true exponent of the Comintern line. His appeals were rejected and he was expelled from the Party. Now, seeing all his pretensions and fakery were unsuccessful, Weisbord has quickly dropped them, and gone to his rightful place— along with that same Lovestone whom he de- nounced when he thought he could play some smart politics thereby. “Smart . politicians” have no place in the working class movement. They don’t last very long in a Communist Party. We can congra- tulate ourselves that we cast off this stranger, whose contribution would have been disruption and the spread of political corruption. The movement becomes stronger as it cleanses it- self of all such elements. imperialists Get Ready for War . HAVANA, Cuba (Esperanto-Servo).—-While the representatives of five imperialist powers were maneuvering in London, talking about naval “disarmament,” two biggest naval fleets of the U. S. A. concentrated in Caribbean Sea for war manew The two largest airoplane carriers—Lexington and Saratoga—were volved in these maneuvers., in- This maneuver is of utmost importance to American imperialism, more important than all the others taken together which were ever performed in this sea. Admirals made new plans to test the possibilities of defense of the Panama Canal. No one knows about this plan, not even the airoplane carriers, whose function is still a great secret. Everybody knows that the enemy, against whom Wall Street is maneuvering is England. Conflicts between England and the U. S, are growing. ¥ Y “ ‘ 1 t SUBSCRIPTION RATES: everywhere: One year $6; six months $3; tw months $1; excepting Boroughs of New York City, and foreign, which are: One year $8; six months $4.50 PREPARING FOR MAY DAY IN GREAT BRITAIN By R. W. ROBSON (London). | MAY 1 will be celebrated in 1930 after nearly | twelve months of. Labor Government, twelve months of growing disillusionment on the part of the masses. This alone makes the coming Mz of | outstanding significance and importance, for on this day the most class conscious workers voice their demands and refresh themselves in the struggle to achieve them. For the miners, May Day will bring with added force the knowledge that the Labor Government, shielded and abetted by the Miners’ Federation of Great Britain, has brought no improvement in working conditions, no shortening of hours, nothing better than starvation wages. Under MacDonald, the po- lice protection of scabs is even more insolent in its display of force and ruthlessness than under Baldwin. The cotton textile operatives, celebrating May Day, will clearly understand that a La- bor Government appointed the Commission which brought the wage-cuts. The woollen workers of Yorkshire will remember that their wages have also been reduced and that police terrorism against militant workers has reached | unheard of proportions under the Labor Gov- ernment regime. Similarly, throughout industry, the workers will remember on May Day, when they dem- | onstrate together their solidarity against capi- talism, that after nearly a year of Labor Gov- ernment, that government has been the great- est ally of capitalism in every sphere, and the bitterest enemy of the working class, Already there are signs that May Day, 1930, will bring a big response from the workers, registering the growth of militancy which is manifest everywhere. That this is no idle as- | sertion can be seen from the attitude of the London Trades Council and the London Labor Party to the question of May Day. These two bodies, representing the official machine in London, have chafed at the continued support given by thousands of workers to the militant | united front body, the London First of May Celebration Committee, which has an honorable | record extending back over nearly forty years. | Of late years attempts have been made, par- ticularly by Herbert Morrison, of the London | Labor Party, to split the May Day demonstra- | tions by concentrating on the first Sunday in May for the “celebrations.” | But the respectable, orthodox Sunday af- | fairs have never been very successful, and thousands of workers have continued to give their support to the First of May Committee. Hence, in preparation for May Day, 1930, Wall, of the London Trades Council, and Mor- rison, of the London Labor Party, evidently felt that it would be desirable to try some new maneuver against the militant First of May Celebration Committee. For, taking into account the fact that the | May Day demonstrators must inevitably dem- onstrate against the Labor Government in reg- istering their opposition to capitalism, Wall and Morrison were in a quandary. Their past efforts to make May Day a “pleasant Sunday afternoon” affair had been a complete failure, merely leaving the leadership on May 1 in the hands of the militant First of May Celebra- tions Committee. Hence, the renegade Communist, Wall (who | left the Party in anticipation of the com- fortable secretaryship of the London Trades Council falling to his lot), and the frothy “fighter” of Communists, Herbert Morrison, decided to organize an “official” May Day | demonstration in London on May 1. The mo- tive was obvious, it was to mislead workers who desired to: demonstrate on May Day into | believing (1) that there was some working class virtue remaining in the London Trades | Council, and (2) that the Labor Government was not so anti-working class as its record leads one to believe. For such an “official” May Day would be eminently respectable, would, be aimed at damping down militant class feeling and trying to maintain the Labor Government on its rapidly crumbling pedestal in the eyes of the working class. | A flamboyant appeal was sent out to the Trade Unions and other bodies for support and | for funds, signed by Ben Tillett among others, | and it seemed as if London was to witness two separate May Day demonstra’ that of the militants with its long traditio and its working class policy, condemning the pro- capitalist Labor Government, and the “offi- , cial” Labor demonstration which must only support the Labor Government. But as time passed two things became clear one was the growing militancy of the workers, which went beyond any “official” control, and the other, the complete failure of the social- ‘fascist L.T.C. and Labor Party to rally suf- ficient support for their separate May Day celebration, The first factor is all-important. To bring on to the streets behind its false slogans those workers who are not yet fully disillusioned, would result in the’ Trades Coun- cil actually assisting the militants who have formed a united front with the Communist Party to celebrate May 1. Inevitably the class character of the celebrations would attract workers to the banners of the militants and leave the Laborists with the official elements only. And so Mr. Wall has thought better of his separate May Day demonstration, and under cover of a number of lame excuses, drops the whole thing. This episode is of the highest significance. It not only exposes the role of the so-called “Lefts” who endeavor to utilize the militant class desires of the workers for support of the Labor policy, but it above ail shows that when the class policy of struggle against this treacherous line is boldly pressed by the hon- est fighters under the leadership of the Com- munist Party, then the workers have the vic- tory. ’ For this withdrawal of Wall and Morrison is a heavy defeat for those elements within the Labor machine who endeavor to maintain a “Left” pose in face of the growing disillu- sionment of the workers. It is also very clear that the Labor Party cannot and dare not con- tinue to make any pretense to continue old traditions. Just as the Trade Union leaders endeavor to suppress action in the workshops, so the Labor Party has to do its utmost to keep the workers off the streets. But unless the Communist Party is active, and pursues such a policy as will rally militant, workers to- gether on the basis of a United Front strug- gle. along class lines, the disillusionment of the workers cannot be utilized in the interests of their struggle. c Every sign points to May the First, 1930, being of a tremendous success for the Com- munist Party and its supporters, and a great blow against the Labor Government which has such a record of treachery to the working class. Well doe the Labor Party know this, and every effort will be made to get workers in Britain to remain passive on May 1. The effort will fail, but the true character of the Labor policy will be once more brought out before the militant Workers, who will see that when the official apparatus fails once more to restrain the desire of the workers to fight, the Labor Government will not hesitate to use police violence against the working class. _Al- ready March 6 registered a success for the revolutionary Communist Party and a defeat for the Labor Party and its self-styled “Left” wing. The Labor police were used against the unemployed on March 6 and will be used again on May 1. But the workers are learn- ing very quick' The Workers’ Defense Force was hailed acclamation by the dem- onstrators at Tower Hill in March, and nearly a hundred gave in their names to join its ranks. The Workers Defense Force is grow- ing rapidly out of the needs of the working class, and will be ready to meet social-fascist violence with proletarian defensive measures. The great national unemployed march will terminate in London next May Day. It will rouse the workers en route to fight against the Labor Government of war and unemploy- ment, it will be greeted in the Metropolis by scores of thousands. of working men and women. Nothing is more ominous for the forces of social-fascism than the organization of this hunger march to London, for the very fact that it is possible to organize it is in it- self evidence of the support which is grows ing for the forces of revolution, led by the Communist Party of Great Britain. Not least in the eyes of the masses arises the question of the Soviet Republic. Tremen- dous interest is being evidenced in this. The despicable part played by the Labor Govern- ment in its attacks on the Soviet Republic has not passed unnoticed by scores of thousands of workers. The progress being made by the Workers’ Republic is greeted with almost breathless enthusiasm at meetings everywhere, May 1 will see workers rallying to the demon- strations and demonstrating the solidarity with workers in other countries, not least with the workers and peasants of the Soviet Union. Well may Wall and His Majesty’s Minister for Transport, Morrison, retreat before the militant forces of the working class in Lon- don. For they can see quite clearly what May Day will mean—a great demonstration of the most conscious elements among the working class against them and the policy of the La- bor Government which they serve, and which in its turn serves capitalism. Twenty Millions to Masaryk; Nightsticks for Unemployed PRAGUE, Czechoslovakia (Esperanto-Servo) —On the 80th birthday of the President Masa- ryk, the parliament gave him a present of 20,000,000 krons. Communist delegates were the only ones to protest against this, proclaim- ing that he deserves thanks from the state, but the state is a fascist and capitalist state, and demanded that this sum be donated to the un- employed. Of cour: all deputies, beginning with social-democ nd ending with fascist national demoer refused to accept the de mand of March 6. Instead they beat up the un employed. Songs for May First Every worker in the May Day parade and demonstration should join in the singing of the fighting songs of the working class. “The International” and “Hold the Fort” follow. Clip them. Take them with you. Learn the words. ay “e THE INTERNATIONAL ARISE ye prisoners of starvation! Arise ye wreched of the earth, For justice thund condemnation, A better world’s in birth, No more tradition’s chains shall bind us, Arise ye slaves; no more in thrall! The earth shall rise on new foundations, We have been naught, we shall be all. Refrain ’Tis the final conflic Let each stand in place, The International Soviet Shall be the human race. We want no condescending saviors, To rule us from a judgment hall; We workers ask not for their favors; Let us consult for all. To make the thief disgorge his booty To free the spirit from its cell, We must ourselves decide our duty, We must decide and do it well. Refrain HOLD THE FORT WE meet today in freedom’s cause And raise our voices high; We'll join our hands in union strong To battle or to die. Chorus Hold the fort for we are coming Union men be strong, Side by side we battle onward, Victory will come, Look my comrades, see the union Banners waving high, Reinforcements now appearing, Victory is night. Chorus See our numbers still increasing, Hear the bugles blow, By our union we shall triumph Over every foe. Chor a. Fierce and long the battle rages, But we will not fear, Help will come whene’er its needea, Cheer, my comrades, cheer, Chorus 7 ta a