The Daily Worker Newspaper, July 19, 1929, Page 4

a rage Four Daily Soe Worker | Central Organ of the Communist Party of the U. S. A. Address an Union quare Pubdlishea by th c.. Daily, except eleph DAIWORK ) $8.00 a year three months | $6.00 a three ntns The Soviet Defense Against Imper lent, hypocritie. ‘ovocative note of the Chinese gs could have d st hirel evo of imper nse from the Soviet gover e taking of final steps reaking of diplomatic relations, and t t defense of the land of work and peasants. are but ai-shek and his briganc ands of the imperialist p: and the ief among United them b e ruling c ent of the States of America, the first off the N king regime me Wa backs maintains a ial Ck upervise American the Baltic nd other Dewey, in Poland, to all Street sithuania, Esthonia, ly situated for invests millions in Roum gainst the states ee attacks & and peasants’ government. T United States ruling power in the war conspirac the Soviet Union are revealed by the tone of the American capitalist press, which tries to distort the facts to .reate the impression that not the imperialist hirelings at Nanking, but the Soviet government at Moscow are the aggressors. Even a cursory examination of some of the latest developments in the field of international politics will explode any such illusions. In the first place it must be borne in mind th he So- viet government has time and again officially proposed to the imperialist powers immediate and complete disarmament. Those proposals have been consistently rejected by all the capitalist powers. The conversations between the British premier, Mac- Donald, and Dawes, the American ambassador, the proposed visit to Hoover of MacDonald, indicate, not a’ softening of the world-wide Anglo-American antagonisms, but the fact that these imperialist governments are discussing the one issue on which they meet on common ground, the war prep- arations against the Soviet Union. MacDonald, the “labor premier,” the hero of the socialist international, is carrying out the British imperialist policy even more effectively than the Baldwin tory government. The gigantic Far East naval base at Singapore is being rushed to completion, the intrigues and violence in Afghanistan continue, and British imperial troops continue to concentrate in India, at strategic points from which to attack the Soviet Union. It is the whole series of war-like preparations, the entire history of provocations | against the Soviet Union from the days of Charles Evans Hughes’ reiterated attacks as President Harding’s secretary of state, and the Arcos raid in London, down to this very moment, that must be kept in mind in estimating the latest war drive against the Soviet Union. Not all the filthy lies to the contrary printed in the columns of the prostitute press are sufficient to conceal the fact of imperialist aggression against the Soviet Union. The measures taken by the workers’ and peasants’ government are defense measures against a world-wide conspiracy of imperialist butchers who want to invade Soviet territory, crush the workers’ and peasants’ power and turn that vast country into a slaughter house of reaction. The revolutionary government of the Soviet Union is fully aware of the fact that behind the war-like activity of the bandit government of Chiang Kai-shek stands the im- perialist powers awaiting an opportunity to launch a second drive from the west and a third in Middle Asia and the Near East- The working class of the whole world must resist this drive with all their power. American labor, especially, must stand by the government of workers and peasants, and fight with all its power the imperialist war danger. In every part of the world there are great demonstra- tions in defense of the Soviet Union and tonight in every working class section of Greater New York the workers should rally by the tens of thousands in gigantic protests against imperialist war, against the role of the Wall Street government at Washington in the attacks on the Soviet Union, and in defense of the Socialist Fatherland. ica direct interest of War Danger Demands Party Unity 1% THE MIDST of the work of mobilizing the Communist Party for the struggle against imperialist war and in defense of the Soviet Union there are still small, isolated elements striving to organize a factional struggle against the Party and the Comintern. It must be evident to all Communists that the one im- perative need is complete unity of the Party, thé liquidation of every last vestige of factionalism, and a solid front against the imperialist enemy. At such a time as this anyone who endeavors to break the unity of the Party through trying to organize a fac- tional struggle, or who takes a conciliatory attitude, or who leaves his or her post is giving direct aid and comfort to the enemies of the working class who are trying to destroy the Soviet Union. It is at such times as these that the real mettle of Com- munists is put to the test. Those who fail in such a situa- tion thereby prove that they are unfit for membership in the revolutionary party of the working class. elt “At Geneva the imperialists were at last compelled to express openly and*clearly their actual brutal and warlike intentions. The pacifist fog which enveloped the fifty meet- ings of the League of Nations has been torn aside. The im- perialistic antagonisms stand out before us more glaringly than ever. Disarmament has been rejected with ruthless candor, with scorn and contempt. The competition in arma- ments and the threatening danger of war dominate every- thing. Incitement against the Soviet Union, which is ac- _ cused of preaching civil war, comes to the front as the sole ‘meaning and purpose of the capitalist League of Nations, as the only thing which unites the imperialist rulers. The so- _cial-democrats of all countries stand in the pillory as the mpions, as the most cunning ae ngs of the imperialist mongers.—Wiiheim Koenen: “The League of Nat'ons’ ts Come Out in Their True Colors,” .:;.. naan I on ist War, DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, FRIDAY, SULY 1 UNCLE SAM HEADS THE ATTACK 1928 By Fred Ellis || Enlightenment Campaign on the Comintern Address to the Communist Party HE Polbureau is desirous of securing the broadest pos- sible Enlightenment Campaign on the Comintern Ad- dress and the immediate Party tasks outlined therein. All Party members and particularly the comrades active in the workshops in the basic industries are invited to write their opinions for the Party Press. Resolutions of Factory Nuclei also will be printed in this section. Send all material deal- ing with this campaign to Comrade Jack Stachel, care Na- tional office, Communist Party, 43 E. 125th St., New York City. United Fight Against Opposition to Comintern Urged by Strong Proletarian Membership of Communist Party S: port Stand of Central Committee in War on Splitters; Pledge Untiringe Energy to Carry | Gut Line of Communist International as Formulated in Decisions of Sixth World Congre ss, | Open Letter and Address to Membership. “Defeat the splitting maneuvers of the Lovestone-lead opposition to the Comintern and its United States Section by a united Party fight on the basis of the decisions of the Sixth World Congress, the Open Letter to the Convention and the Address to the Membership.” ‘This is the central point of resolutions in which rank-and-file Party members— proletarians who understand what a Bolshevik-lead Party means for them in their daily struggles—express their determination to rally be- hind the Central Committee of the Party in its fight against the Ameri- can Agents of the International Right. aie . Communist Youth in New York Supports Party Against Opposition “We endorse the action of the Polcom in expelling Jay Lovestone from the Party,” states a resolution passed by the District Executive Committee of District 2, New York. The resolution also endorses the Polcom’s removal of Bertram D. Wolfe from the Polcom and endorses the action of the N.E.C. Buro of the League in suspending Jack Rubin- stein as a Buro member. Functionaries of the N. Y. District endorsed the disciplinary meas- ures, taken by the League against Rubinstein, Silvis, Gordon and Yablon for their opposition to the Comintern Address, in a resolution passed by 71 to 1 with 1 apetention: * * . Cleveland Calls for Unity Against Splitters “The Russian Fraction of Cleveland calls upon the Party to mobilize its forces for the fight against the coming war danger and for the struggle against social reformism and the right wing danger, so that our Party will be able to perform its duty in the coming days,” states a resolution, denouncing Jay Lovestone and his followers in their at- tempts to split the Party, passed by the Russian Fraction of Cleveland. es 6h Section Five, New York, Fights Splitters. “The Section Executive Committee condemns the splitting man- euvers of Lovestone, Wolfe and Gitlow, and pledges itself to carry on a merciless fight against them,” declares a resolution adopted unanimously | by the Executive Committee of Section Five, New York District Two. The resolution expresses the determination of the Section Executive Committee to “mobilize the members of the Section for the unanimous acceptance, endorsement and carrying out of this important Address of | the Comintern to its American section.” * * * Greets “Death Blow to Factionalism” Condemning the splitting actions of Jay Lovestone, Bertram D. Wolfe and Benjamin Gitlow, the Staten Island “International Branch of , the Party, ii resolution adopted at a membership meeting, “greets the Address as a means of dealing a death blow to the factionalism that has hampered the development of our Party.” o 8 8 N. Y. Units Greets Enlightenment Campaign. “We greet the enlightenment campaign undertaken by our Central Committee as a means to clarify the members to carry out the Com- intern decision.” Kansas City Nucleus Behind Address. — “Get Behind the line of the Comintern Address” is the message of Kansas Party members expressed in a resolution carried unanimously at a meeting of Nucleus 10-19. The resolution condemns the actions of “Lovestone, Gitlow, Wolfe and others for their opposition and refusal ta accept the decisions of the E.C.C.I.” . Chicago Nucleus Endorses C. E. C. Decisions Members of Street Nucleus 9, Section 2, So. Chicago, “fully aecept and endorse the open Address of the Communist International,” states a resolution carried at the nucleus meeting. The members pledge “sup- port to the Central Committee to carry out the decision of the Communist International.” + ¢ 8 Cicero, Ill., Nucleus Will Fight Opposition. “We pledge ourselves to fight every opposition to the Communist International and every manifestation of factionalism within our Party,” + declares the resvintion adopted hy Nucleus 806, Cicero, M11, on the Com- _ | interp Addresa. - Detroit Supports Central Committee. Untiring efforts to swing the Detroit section of the Party into the line of the Comintern is expressed in resolutions adopted at Polbureau, | D. E. C. and functionaries meetings in Detroit. Party functionaries declare that they will “win the Party for the | immediate smashing of all groups, for the most intensive and concrete | self-criticism as a concrete measure against the right danger, and for a mobilization of the Party against the danger of a split, whether this danger manifests itself in open challenge of the Comintern, as in the | case of Lovestone, Gitlow and Wolfe, or whether it hides behind a for- | h i ision, as in t f de | | mal acceptance of the Comintern decision, as in the case of Comrade | a Heavy camel's’ stride ‘to the deckhoube; “fis tat ‘posterior “waseliie Miller.” ~ The District Committee “undertakes to win the entire Party mem- | hership for the support of the Comintern Address.” Every shop and street nucleus in the city adopted resolutions pledg- ing to “fight against all elements in the Party who oppose or do not carry out the decisions of the Comintern.” The Political Committee’s resolution condemns Jay Lovestone and Benjamin Gitlow for their opposition to the Address which “leaves an opening for a split in the American Party.” * * * Canton, Ohio, Supports Central ¢ iittee. “We pledge our support of the C.E.C. in uniting _.» Communist Party of the U. S. A. on the basis of the Comintern Address,” members of Unit 116, Street Nucleus, Canton, Ohio, declare in ae? ae on | the Address. * * * Branch 6, Section 5, N. Y. District 2, Will Support Central Committee. “We condemn the splitting attitude on the part of Lovestone, Git- low and Wolfe and fully support the action of the C. E. C. and the D. E. C. in removing Bert Miller from the position of Organization Secre- tary of the New York District for his concealed opposition,” states. the resolution of members of Branch 6, Section 5. Cees aie « Buffalo District Bureau Reaffirms Support of Party Against Opposition. “We reaffirm our unreserved acceptance of the Comintern letter ond Address and will fight against any and all splitters and splitting tendencies from whatever quarter they come,” a resolution passed by the District Bureau of District Fal Bitalo, states. N. Y. District Units Solidly Behind Central Committee in War On Splitters. ‘ Resolutions endorsing the disciplinary measures taken by the Central Committee in line with the decisions of ‘the Sixth World Congress, the Open Letter to the Convention and the Address to the membership were overwhelmingly supported at discussion meetings of Unit 2A-1F 15F; Yonkers Unit; Mt. Vernon Unit; Brownsville Inter- national Branch, Section 8 and the Finnish: Unit. Unreserved endorsement of the expulsion of Jay Lovestone from the Party was pledged in letters from P. Bozuroch, South Slavic Section Secretary, and Joseph Prokov, of St. Louis, who welcomes the Party enlightenment campaign as a means to help “turn the face of the Party squarely towards the sharpening class struggles.” . . . Metal Workers Support Stand of Party Against Opportunism. That the Bolshevik stand taken by the Central Committee of the Party in its war on right wing opportunists has its roots deep in the revolutionary devotion of the proletarian core of the Party is again expressed in a resolution passed unanimously by the Live lg Conn., Nucleus. “We support the decision of the Communist International and we also support the statements of the C.E.C. and the District Executive Committee. We strongly stand with our Party in the struggle against opportunism, Trotskyism and factionalism,” the, resolution declares. Unconditional acceptance of the Comintern line is also pledged in a resolution passed at the general membership meeting of the New Haven, Conn., district. The resolution gledges loyalty to the decisions of the Comintern and the Centrdl Committee “in the fight for a united Party in the U. S. A. under the leadership of the Comintern and for a fight against factionalism, against the right danger and Trotskyism.” One comrade who yoted against the resolution, against the vote of 25, has since retractea from mis stand unt deciare’ his so} ‘darity with | his fellow-Party members. |-power he was keeping a grave, proud countenance. | whose eyes are accustomed to red skies. By FEODOR CEMEN GLADKOV Translated by A. S. Arthur and C. Ashleigh All Rights Reserved—International Publishers, N.Y.” Gleb Chumalov, Red Army Commissar, returns to his town on the Black Sea after the Civil Wars to find the great cement works, where he had formerly worked, in ruins and the life of the town disorganized. He discovers a great change in his wife, Dasha, whom he has not seen for three years. She is no longer the conventional wife, dependent on him, but has become a woman with a life of her own, a leader among the women of the town together with Polia Mekhova, secretary of the Women’s Section of the Commu- nist Party. The town is attacked by a band of counter-revolutionaries and Gleb is in command of one of the defense detachments and the attack is sepulsed. The town resumes its routine, Gleb works hard, planning the reconstruction of the cement works. oe Ce A MAN stepped out from the group of officers. He looked as though he had been put together from a pile of assorted fragments. He had high, heavy cheek-bones. ing him with his shoulder. He came close to Shibis, almost touch- “You, with your talk of scorn and cruelty. You think that you have hit us hard, eh?”—and here he raised his head high. “You think you have astounded us? You—you are only children. . . . And babies don’t know what nightmares are. Well, this is poison to us, eh? But—you know—we were poisoned long ago. . . . So much that now we cannot feel it. Your blows do not hurt us. - . . If you suc- ceed in hurting us, you will have learned more than now .-. . eh? I have finished——!” Drearily he turned round. Shibis smiled through his mask. “You're right. know well enough what kind of hurt we can inflict upon you. so? We cannot be accused of being frivolous or unjust.” The man walked off without looking back. The boyish young officer ran up again. what from his attack. + But it’s in vain that you affect this boldness. You Isn’t it He had recovered some- “We can only take revenge now. Revenge ourselves more pitilessly than you. Revenge ourselves on everyone—on the whole of Europe. On the whole world. I shall know how to vindicate myself!” * * * 'HIBIS narrowed his eyes and his face became small and sharp. “We don’t seek vengeance—bear that in mind. We’re fighting for the great ideals of humanity—for Communism. Those who want re- venge we destroy as criminals. We have a good mill and we grind small; you'll see it.” The officers were silent. Their faces were grey. Shibis looked at the sun, which lit innumerable points in his eyes; and suddenly the mask dropped from his face. “We open the doors. . - . In the name of the toilers, we forgive. You will contribute your strength to the Republic of the Soviets.” One could not hear another word. Thronging, surging, jostling each other. . . . A witches dance! With open mouths and staring eyes they rushed round Shibis. Shibis was shouting, Mekhova was shout- ing, Serge was shouting. Gleb, also, was shouting at the top of his voice; a moment after, he could not remember one of the words he had said. A ragged soldier, his naked shoulder showing through his torn shirt, lay on his belly, crying and sobbing. Someone was swear- ing amazingly in a joyous, choking voice. Serge’s hands and legs trembled. He moved aside a little in | order to calm himself. A The masts were swinging like branches in the air. The antennae | stretched from mast to mast hummed like a zither-string. The ses and air seemed full of fiery floods. Serge believed that life was im- mortal, and that the birds with their shimmering, explosive flight woulé bring to the air some strange and colored blooming. GHIDEY was speaking to the gold-laced Englishman. The pipe in the corner of the captain’s mouth trembled alarmingly; and his eyes bulged, uneasy and green, like those of a screech-owl. By sheer will- Suddenly, he stiffly raised his hand to the peak of his cap and began to walk with from side to side. Shidky looked after him laughing and, meeting Serge’s eye, winked, his Asiatic nostrils distended in a broad grin, 3. THE RED FLAG. Teo crowd absorbed Gleb. There was the crowd only and no Gleb. A Cossack in a torn Tartar vest, bare-footed, and with tufted beard, stood facing Gleb. Between his hands he held a strip of red cloth. The Cossacks and soldiers were intermingled—all dressed in coarsely woven shirts. .One wore a Turkish fez under which one could hardly see his face. “This flag is red. Although it looks like a rag, Comrade, to you Look, lad, not with. the eyes of everyday, but from the heart. I’m speaking from my sould, Com- rades: this is our fate, our blood—this flag. I’m a Cossack, a sharp- shooter, I give you my word! And we’re all Cossacks: warriors of the Cuban and of the Don. But we have all travelled the same road of suffering. Isn’t that so, my lads? Am I saying the truth, friends?” A deep sigh shook the crowd. “True, Cossack! Well said!” The Cossack crumpled the red flag and then again spread it he- fore: Gleb. In the sun it seemed ragged and creased. Spots of oil showed on it. Gleb took the rag and held it tightly grasped in his fist, “Oh, so it was a shirt? Is it from a man who was killed? Is that why it is stained with blood?” “Sure—blood from his guts. With his blood we are going home.” ‘ . . . Asan: a heavy sigh arose from the crowd. There was moisture in the Cossack’s eyes. Why was his face so red? “In Gallipoli we said: ‘Devil take it all, boys; let’s go home.’ We rioted, the whole lot of us. And he was at our head; he, the Cossack Gubati. They caught us—. Him too. We were driven like cattle to the slaughter, and they beat us with sticks. Beat us all, me and all of them. . . . Beat us till the blood came, and, as for Gubati, they beat kim until -his bones showed. We got out of it, but he was dying. ‘Here,’ said Gubati, ‘I’m dying. -Take the flag of my blood. This shirt will be your flag, the road to your freedom, the road to our brothers, the Bolsheviks,’ That’s what our father, the Cossack Gubati,’ said. And this shirt is our flag until death. I have carried it buried.in my breast, in my soul, secret from all eyes—, And look, | Comrade dear, how it flutters and flames, so joyfully it almost hu: The words of the Cossack were tumbling out hurriedly; he was waving his arms and the red cloth fluttered like’a red bird over the people’s heads. . . . LEB took off his helmet and stood bareheaded like the rest. “A wonderful flag, truly. A precious flag. Look here, I’ve been a regimental commissar, but now I’m a workman. You haven't for- gotten those hellish days? Look over there at the factory’s smoke- stacks tearing the clouds. I’m over there as a mechanic and the workers’ representative. We've thrashed Denikin and Wrangel—our- selves, with our own hands. With our blood we have smashed the enemy. What flag have we? There, look at the factory. It’s still cold. We've moved it a bit away from the dead point, but it’s not moving yet. The factory is still dark; who'll light. it up with his blood? No one can beat us. The factory's just starting to kick, by God! Our hands and our blood did it! Over there—you see?—the work on the mountains. The trucks, When night comes, you'll see electric light everywhere. A hell of a lot of stars, made by us!” “Yes, yes—we're all ready for work. But over there in the for- eign countries, working-man’s blood is poison, . . . That’s how it is.” (To Be Continued)