The Daily Worker Newspaper, June 7, 1927, Page 6

Page Six THE DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, TUESDAY, JUNE 7, 1927 The “Forward” and the “Nation” An Answer to Oswald Garrison Villard By A. B. MAGIL, Several weeks ago there dopsacedl among the editorial comments of “The Nation” a message of congratu: lation to the “Forward” on its thir “T am sorry, too, that I am handi- capped in not being able to read it {to see for myself how bad or good it is.” I too am sorry, Mr. Villard. Yet tieth anniversary. “The Nation”|you haven’t hesitated to appraise the doesn’t always agree with the meth-| merits of the “Forward” which you vds of this Yiddish socialist daily, the | cannot read to speak with ditorial said, but the “Forward” con- | fluent enth sm cone: ig its itutes, nevertheless, an admirable achievements—which you are not alistic achie on a non- familiar with, it making b “The Nation's” naivete irked me. ficat y 1 remembered that some years ago Vill and his non-Yiddish reading Oswald Garrison Villard, its editor, |¢o-editors, let me add a few addition- published a lengthy blurb on the, 2! facts concerning the “Forward.” “Forward,” which was later incorpor-| The “Forward” is the only Yiddish ated in his “Some Newspapers and | "eWwspaper whose writers have ever Newspapermen.” And knowing the Sone out on strike. (This happened infamous role that the “Forward” has| in 1909 when three members of its played during the thirty years of its | staff struck out of sympathy for af existence, thirty years of consistent fourth who was summarily, dis- betrayal of the interests of the work-| charged for running afoul Boss Ca- ing class, I decided to make some pro-| han.) Sage F test. When Yiddish writers were trying | to form a union, the socialist “For- Unfortunately I neglected to make|Ward joined with the capitalistic a duplicate copy of my letter to| Sheets in opposing it. “The Nation,” but its salient argu-; The “Forward’s” conception of the ments are still fresh in my mind. role of a socialistic newspaper in the * Ce, For the further edification of Mr. * * * I pointed out that the “Forward” | Political struggle of the workingclass was ths first Yiddish newspaper to}|™may be surmised from the fact that exploif? ie journalistic methods of| during an election in New Jersey a Mr. He“rst—and to improve on them,| umber of years ago, it openly sup- That, founded in opposition to the| Ported a democratic party candidate “Abend-Blatt,” organ of the socialist} because he was a Jew. labor party, it went to all extremes} The “Forward” has on more than of vilification in its effort to crush| one occasion gauged its sympathy its rival. with a particular strike by the That during the Spanish-American amount of advertising it was receiy- War it openly supported the imper-|ing frora the bosses affected. ialistic aggressions of the United| or years the “Forward” was one States, referring contemptuously to|0f the chief enemies of the Zionist the “Abend-Blatt” as “the Spaniard”} movement. But then Abe Cahan went because of the latter’s opposition to} to Palestine, and knowing his onions, the war. began writing lyrical articles about That with the accession of Abra-|the wonders of the Zionist paradise. ham Cahan to the editorship in 1902,| The articles were widely advertised and with the “Abend-Blatt” finally|and the “Forward” sold like hotcakes stamped out, the “Forward” began| to the orthodox Jews and Zionist im earnest its career of betrayal,| businessmen who during the past sensation-mongering and vulgariza-|few years have been gradually sup- tion. > planting the roughneck workers as That its “non-profit making” basis| the paper’s chief supporters. has enabled it to erect a magnificent} The “Forward” not only did not ten-story structure and to pay its|°ppose the imperialist war, but it proletarian editor-in-chief. Abe} Proved a traitor to its own capitalist Cahan, $350, and its proletarian gen-| favorites. After espousing the cause eral manager, B. Vladeck, $300 a|of Germany at the beginning of the week regular salary—out of the pen- nies and voluntary contributions of workers. Finally, I pointed out to the editors of “The Nation” that if their lack of knowledge of the Yiddish language might be some light extenuation for their ignorance about the paper, there is nothing to prevent them from reading the Sunday English section of the “Forward,” where they will be edified by such tidbits as, “Are Intermarriages Ever Happy?” and “Should a Girl Tell?” or the pro- found interpretation of the Chinese liberation movement by William Mor- ris Feigenbaum, written in the best manner of G. A. Henty, the boys’ favorite. T also mentioned the fr@™ that “The Nation’s” congratulation to the “Frei- heit” on its fifth anniversary had somehow escaped me, and commented briefly on the magazine’s “impartial” interpretation of the needle trades struggle according to the gospel of Benjamin Stolberg. * * * My letter did not appear in print. Instead I received on May 21 the fol- lowing communication: “Dear Mr. Magil: “I am sorry that your letter of April 28th has not yet received an acknowledgement. It went to Mr. vho has been away ill, and has only today come to me. “I note what you say about the ‘Forward.’ I have never denied, either in my writings about or in speaking of the ‘Forward,’ that it often stoops to the gutter, though T have tried to make plain in my book and in my lectures that it is the most interesting experiment in + American journalism in that it is non-profit making and gives away its surplus. Whether it gives that | surplus away wisely or unwisely I, of course, do not know. I am sorry, too, that I am handicapped in not being able to read it to’ see for my- self how bad or how good it is. “Your letter has also been for- warded to Mr. Stolberg for his in- formation. “Yours very truly, (Signed) “Oswald Garrison Villard “Editor.” It seems obvious to me that Mr. Villard has rather effectively suc-| Workers on subways, in restaurants, | Lai ; ceeded in hanging himself. He says, | streets and other public places. And entered polities is not mentioned. Its report, however, | “.... it is the most interesting ex- periment in American journalism in| these workers, it may of interest to|“The Revolution against the American Government,” | that ft is non-profiting making and gives away its surplus. Whether it gives that surplus away wisely I, of course, do not know.” In other words, Mr, Villard is un- eoneerned whether the earnings of the socialist “Forward,” the richest Yiddish newspaper in the world, go ‘nto the pockets of a small group at the helm or whether they return in some form to those who made the earning possible, the Jewish workers of America. Whatever logic Mr. Vil- lard uses to support his position must be engagingly naive. Viewed as he does it, the Metropolitan Life In- surance Co, and the Interborough Rapid Transit Co. are in the same class as the “Forward.” All three are non-profit making enterprises, That is, they make no profits for the workers who support them, And they give away their surplus—to the boys at the top of the heap, war, the entrance of the United States into the blood-fest made the situation a little embarrassing. The solution was easy: the “Forward” simply changed its tune and became |a staunch supporter of the Allies. Up until 1922 the “Forward” was enthusiastic about the Bolshevik rev- olution, (Dear, dear Kerensky must have felt like a motherless child then.) With the founding of the “Freiheit” April 2, 1922, it suddenly discovered that the Bolsheviki were a menace to the world, had defiled Karl Marx and insulted Abe Cahan, and began to denounce the Soviet government in the bitterest terms, showing, of course, its customary in-| genuity in the mass production of| lies, * * The role of the “Forward” in the present internal struggle in the cloakmakers’ and furriers’ union is too recent to require élaborate com- ment. It has joined with the most reactionary elements and resorted to all sorts of lies and distortion of | | facts to discredit the progressive left | | wing. Woll, Frayne and McGrady | | have been elevated to the galaxy of! \“Forward” heroes and their names| |eppear in the paper even more often: than Abe Cahan’s. But the Jewish} workers will pot soon forget that it j was the “Forward” which shouted | |“Communist gangsters” when the| |cloak pickets were being tried before | Judge Rosalsky. And when the work-| ers were convicted and given vicious jail sentences, it was this same “For- ward” that wept so copiously over| their fate and called them the inno-| cent victims of Communist. machina- tions. Like all liars the “Forward”| suffers from a deplorably poor mem- | ory. For the further edification of Mr.! | Villard and his non-Yiddish reading colleagues, there happens to b other Yiddish newspaper, which is jalso non-profit making, but whose j surplus is never given away for the simple reason that there ain't any surplus. The editors of this paper can’t hold a candice to Cahan,| | Viadeck and the other boys when pay- | |day arrives. In fact, the editors of this paper never are sure that payday is going to arrive. This newspaper ‘may be seen in‘the hands of Jewish! | besides protecting the interests of! | Mr. Villard and his non-Yiddish read- | ing colleagues that the group of d tinguished poets, short story write: |novelists, essayists and polemical | writers have gathered around this! |daily meke it, from the caltural| standpoint, easily the most signifi-| }eant newspaper in America, | | But the “Freiheit’” happens to be |the Yiddish language organ of the Workers (Communist) Party. And! this, I suppose, makes it anathema to Mr. Villard and his colleagues of | “The Nation,” Kollantai Leaves For Berlin VERA CRUZ, June 6—~ Mme, Al-| exandra Kollantai, Soviet Minister to Mexico, left here today for Berlin, where she will spend a three months’ Maco She will return in Septem- Read The Dally Worker Every Day jof the addresses of Secretary Weeks and other army of- |that it frequently uses the radio. | property, Just Before the Row Started— Senato k at Flood Map oR Photo shows United States senators, at a conference of Mississippi valley citizens and public offi- cials in Chicago on flood control problems, going over a map of the Mississippi river. Left to right, they are: Senators James E. Watson, Indiana; Pat Harrison, Mississippi; Gerald P. Nye, North Dakota; and Representative Carl R, Chindblom, Illinois. Mayor Wm. H. Thompson of Chicago explained the purpose of the conference as the laying out of “some plan to cure the situation which is a continuing menace to the Mississippi valley and s reproach to the nation.” PROFESSIONAL PATRIOTS (Continued from yesterday) American Defense Society This organization has operated both from New York and Washington. During the two years that R. M. Whitney represented it at Washington, up to his death in 1924, and while William J. Burns was head of the Bureau of Investigation of the United States Depart- ment of Justice, Mr. Whitney was the chief spokesman of its activities. The Washington office has not since figured publicly and is now reported to be closed. Major Richard A. Charles is the executive secretary in New York. The 1924 report summarizes its recent work. It shows a total of 225,000 pamphlets distributed, and ap- proximately the same number were pamphlets against the “red menace.” The rest were on immigration, which was indirectly aimed at ‘foreign radicalism,” and press clip-sheets on “immigration, national defense and radi- calism.” It is clear that the Society’s main object and appeal is its anti-radical program, and only incidentally its defense propaganda, which as shown below is merely in cooperation with other agencies which took the lead. Below follows a brief summary of typical activities of the American Defense Society, Inc., taken from the 1924 report: “Activities.” Constitution of the United States. Distributed free to school children over ninety thousand copies of an- notated edition of the Constitution. Distributed 13,898 pamphlets by Hon. James M. Beck, “A Rising or a Setting Sun.” Defense Test Day. To educate public and effect entry to news columns of press, gave dinner to General Bul- lard, securing cooperation therein of thirty-seven organ- izations. Helped in formulation of committee in Wash- ington, D. C., for same purpose. . . . Supplied speak- er for radio. Immigration Restriction. Held three conferences on this subject; issued news releases on each coriference. Supplied speaker for radio, Appeared before Senate Committee presenting arguments for restriction. Pacifism. Exposed’ the secret conference of the Women’s International League for Peace and Freedom and showed the connection of Communism with that organization. Published pamphlet entitled “Peace at Any Old Price.” Patriotic Exercises in Schools, Armories, etc. Over one hundred thousand copies of a picture of Theodore | Roosevelt, first honorary president of the society, con- taining message, “Keep Up the Fight for American- ism,” have been distributed and unveiled with a cere- mony, the purpose of which emphasizes ideals of Amer- ican citizenship. ' Preparedness. Assisted in getting from Congress ap~ propriations for the army. (a) By arranging a speak- ing tour for General Pershing; later publishing a digest of his speeches in a pamphlet, “National Defense.” (b) By distributing copies of the 1920 Defense Act and other documents issued by the War Department, copies ficials. (c) Aided the campaign of the Citizens Mil- tary Training Camps Associations. (d) Issued “clip~ sheet” on National Defense to 1,500 newspapers. Radicalism. Sent reporter to trial of Foster and Ruthenberg, who wrote up the evidence submitted and placed it in a syndicate of newspapers throughout the United States. Published book, “Reds in America,” written from documents seized by government in Bridg- man raid on the convention of the Communists. We maintain in Washington a bureau from which news re- leases are issued apprising the public of the activities ofthe Communists in the United States. Have publish- ed documents such as “The Youth Movement-in Amer- ica,” showing tie-up of radicalism in our colleges; “Back to Barbarism,” showing effect of radicalism in and among the American Negroes. | It will be noted that the Society makes a great deal of | its coopéretion with other quasi-patriotie groups and/| Help Capitalist Politicians. | e Society does not reveal in its report what in fact | interested it during ‘1924, namely, the defeat of | lette for President. The fact that it indirectly | shows that a speech made before it in October, entitled | , Martin W. Littleton, was sent out to the number of | 060, as well as a pamphiet vy R. M. Whitney, entitled Foliette-Sociaiism-Communism.”’ Both endeavored to! y that the Progressive Party movement was inspired | by Moseow and constituted a vevolutionary effort to over- | throw the govcrnment. its attack was centered on the proposal to pexiuit legisletive veto of the supreme court’s decisions declaring acts of Copyress unconstitutional. In view of the insintence of patriotic societies on legal methods and their professed hetred of violence, it is significant that they oppose with oquel vigor the Com-| munist movement and ouch purely’ reforma ae this con- | stitutional proposal and the child labor amendment.|° What they evidently are most for is the status quo of Tho Defensa Society’s conception of radicalism is best shown by the following quastionnatro sant to schools and collegos to discover “the oxtent to which roclalistia principles advocated or recommended?..........+..+0+ a, Referendum to the people?. b. The recall of judges and judicial decisions?.. 3 Initiative or direct legislation by the people?... d, The right of the people as a whole to the earnings of the individual? . Is there active propaganda among the students or faculty for further reduction of the size of the army or navy? If so, is such propaganda based on the idea that mili- tary preparedness tends to produce war and that dis- arthament by this country is the first step toward perma- Are any of the above principles or theories offered as a subject for debates between the students and, if so, to what extent?......... wovese eseeeeiece coc escccenccecs In 1920 when the fear of Reds was at its height, the American Defense Society took the lead in proposing direct action along lines not dissimilar to Fascist tactics in Italy. It was headed “A Call to Arms,” and among other points said: “Citizens Committees of Defense have been formed and are in the process of formation in a number of towns and cities. A practical plan for organization and operation has been worked out by the society, and leaders are in- structed as to how to meet the situation in their respec- tive communities.” American Legion. It is difficult to characterize the American Legion in the same way as the other organizations, whose ditec- tion is centralized. The legion is made up of virtually independent local organizations cooperating through state and national conventions and officers. National policies are fixed at the national conventions; but the lo- cal posts are free to take such action in their commun- ities as they feel consistent with the Legion’s aims. It is therefore difficult to characterize the Legion as a whole except as the local posts show similar tenden- cies. On the whole it may be said ‘that the Legion, im- mediately after the war, indulged, in many localities, in violent antagonism to radical and progressive forces. But this violence soon subsided, and only spasmodically in the last few years have Legion posts used force in the interest of their conception of patriotism. Hot After Pacifists. Their extensive activities in propaganda are directed chiefly against pacifists, and occasionally against radi- cals, In several communities the Legion has been stirred into action by the regular professional patriotic societies who have felt that the patriotic appeal of the ex-soldier would be more effective than their own. During 1926 two such instances occurred—one in Massachusetts, where the Legion was active in opposing a meeting of the Fellowship of Youth for Peace at Concord, inspired by the Industrial Defense Association; and in Los An- geles and Pasadena, Cal., where the Legion, inspired by the Better American Federation, endeavored to prevent Roger N. Baldwin from speaking before the City Club and the State Conference of Social Work, and succeeded in canceling the City Club engagement. But the whole record of the Legion in this respect must be sketched to show its varying character and its poten- tial power when any issue arises to stir up its defense of patriotism conceived in military terms. Its interest is not that of the professional patriot, out to capitalize a situation or a job, an organization of business backers, but of a genuine belief that ex-soldiers are peculiarly qualified to protect “American institutions” in the name of a superior patriotism, (To be continued.) MEMORIAL DAY On Memorial Day .the paunches of the bourgeoisie sway gently in the’ sun, bend over, place wreaths upon the graves of those who died that the paunches of the bourgeoisie might sway gently in the sun. —A. B. MAGIL, SEND IN YOUR LETTERS The DAILY WORKER is anx!ous to receive letters and communistle principles are advocated by members of the faculty or entertained by such student organizations as may exist in tho form of liberal clubs, forums, alll- ances, ete.” Noto what the Soclety regards as socialism and communism: In any ogtho above courses are any of the following from its readers stating thelr views on the issues con- fronting the labor iovament. it de our hope to de- velop a “Letter Box" departuent that will. be of wide interest to all mombers of The DAILY WORKER family. Bend in your letter today to “The Letter Box,” bi i ’ i A CORRECTION. As a result of unfortunate proot-reading, the price of American Communism, by James Oneal was given as $4.50 in a review of the book in this department last Friday. The correct price is $1.50. The book is published by the Rand Book Store. THE QUINTESSENCE OF OTTO H. KAHN OF MANY THINGS, by Otto H. Kahn. Boni & Liveright. $3. If money talks, every one of Otto H. Kahn’s dollars is garrulous. The words “I don’t know” have no place in his repertoire of commonplaces. On any or no provocation he proffers advice and “views” on international affairs, student suicides, how to make a million dollars, revision of the taxes and the drama, ete. No ifs or buts or soul-searchings. For every problem a neat solution, And this omniscience rests lightly on his shoulders. It doesn’t ruffle his well-groomed face. It doesn’t strain his well-groomed temper. It recom ciles contradictions: democracy and fascism, the Metropolitan Opera Housu and ultra-modern music, the milk of human kindness and war propaganda. Sympathies to match, expressing themselves in cautiously generous sub- sidies to. classic art and its most futurist opponents, the Theatre Guild and Morris Gest and the New Playwrights’ Theatre, super-patriotic witch-hunting societies and more or less liberal groups. . * This book is a collection of speeches, “papers,” and casual pronouncé- ments on the world’s affairs. At first one is bewildered by the diversity and breadth of the territory covered—or at least touched upon—and the diversity of the opinions. One seeks for some principle of unity, somé thread upon which to string these paste-pearls of wisdom. And finally one finds it. The quintessence of Kahn is a deep and broad and all-inclusive optimism. He likes the world as is. Its slight imperfections are a delicious sauce to flavor the mess, enabling him and other “idealists” to exercise their idealism. He likes Otto Kahn, and lovingly postures him in pretty attitudes, heroic attitudes, conservative or iconoclastic attitudes whichever the weather and current styles permit. He likes American institutions, Italian institutions— he even goes easy on Russian institutions. ‘ Kehn believes—or at any rate says—that there is no imperialism. That there is no class war. That “the réyal road to popular success is to demon- strate courage and independence and to stand-up man-fashion for one’s con- victions.” That “it has never, been typical of the American to seek dollars for the sake of mere-selfish accumulation.” That there is a great and glo- rious future for Bach, Wagner and jazz. That the movies are “laying the basis for the manifestation and growth of a new and genuine American art.” That to become an “outstanding and lasting success in American business” you must “mix a degree of idealism, even of romanticism, with your practical considerations.” That woman suffrage won because “it became plain to the average male voter that no argument based on justice could be sustained against the proposition.” That the bosses favor the labor unions. That Radicals, Liberals and Conservatives really want the same things at bottom, < “cannot we all join hands to bring them about?” It’s a lovely world, rethren, * * * Such superlative optimism—unless it is merely a machiavellian pose— is imbecilic. With Kahn it isn’t a pose. He’s really satisfied. Read in a comic spirit his collected opinions are worth the three bucks: being equal to cost of several visits to a vaudeville show. Here’s a choice bit of his high- minded and serious humor, apropos of the unfortunate conflict between so- called labor and so-called capital: “The labor unions in this country claim a membership of 4,500,000 (this was in 1921). If every member laid aside one dollar each week, the available sum at the end of one year would amount to $234,000,000. That is a pretty tidy fund to start business with, in various lines. Per- sonally, I should be glad to see the experiment tried and should welcome its success.” * * * Mr. Kahn did not carry his argument far enough, After the union mem- bers had made good in business, it would be natural for the non-union work- ers to save their dollar a week and do likewise, Thus we should in time have a proletariat consisting only of the unemployed (those who couldn't save a dollar, that is) and,Otto H. Kahn. ‘ —EUGENE LYONS. BIOGRAPHY AND HISTORY JIM CONNOLLY AND IRISH FREEDOM, by G. Schuller. Daily Worker Publishing Company. $.10. Here is an excellent sketch of the life of a great Irish revolutionary. Jim Connolly, a much neglected leader of the working class is brought to the notice of the international revolutionary movement. In deciding the tactics for a revolutionary party, Connolly’s work cannot be overlooked. The Irish rising in 1916 was only made possible through the strategy of Connolly, who so often has been misunderstood. Whilst leading what was looked upon as a purely national rising, he stood definitely for the combina- tion of the national revolutionary struggle and the revolutionary struggle of the working class: “The whole age-long fight of the Irish people is a social question—- the question of the Irish people against their oppressors resolves itself in the last analysis into a fight for the mastery of the means of life, the sources of production in Ireland. “When the question of class interests are eliminated from public controversy, a victory is thereby gained for the possessing conservative class whose only hope of security lies in such elimination.” ee. | * The founding of the Socialist Labor Party and his work in the trade unions, show Connolly to have been no impossibilist—no separationist policy of the trade unions from the political movement would he tolerate. Like the true realist that he was, the peasants were not forgotten in his revolutionasy fight. ‘ “When the revolutionary nationalists threw in their lot with the Irish Land League, and made the land the basis for their warfare, they were not only placing themselves in touch once more with those inexhaustible quarries of material interests, but they were also, consciously or unconsciously plac- ing themselves in accord with the principles which underlie and inspire the inodern movement of labor.” * Schuller has given a fine insight into Connolly’s outlook on co-operatives, Labor Party, and trade unions. When asked how it happened that he under- stood so much about revolutions and military questions, Connolly replied: | “You forget revolution is my business.” Easter week is given its correct perspective. Lenin himself wrote: “Those who can term such a rising a ‘Putch’ are either the worst kind of reactionaries or hopelessly doctrinaires incapable of imagining the social | revolution as a living phenomenon.” f | f * eine * * | In this period.of confusion in the ranks of the workers, this little ‘is invaluable for its insight into a much neglected phase of revolutio _tivity. Schuller correctly says: “The Labor Movement has not taken t@ heart | Connolly's Leninist slogan, that in spite of the unitedsfront with the /revolu- tionary nationalists the workers must retain their, independence their leading role.” { —PAT DEVINE. RED POETS’ NIGHT. Cascades of revolutionary poetry will stream in thé Labor Temple, 14th St. and Second Ave., on Thursday evening, Designated by the committee in- charge as “Red Poets’ Nite,” a large number of prominent writers will read from their verses,---some published and some not. ‘ * . *. Those who hive been announced to appear on yeaa ag! inslude Michael Gold, Joseph Freeman, Floyd Dell, Max Kastman, Taggard, Lola Ridge, Babette Deutsch, Langston Hughes, Countee P. Cullen, Abraham | Raisin, and H. Laiveck, Yiddish poet and author of “Shop.” ' * . * N. B,--Tickets are fifty cents and proceeds will go (quite appropriately) toward the $500 fine which The DAILY WORKER must pay for publishing the poem, “America.” 4