The Daily Worker Newspaper, June 7, 1927, Page 4

“Page Four WHE DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, TUE: Y, JUNE 7, 1927 THE DAILY WORKER Published by tte DAILY WORKER PUBLISHING CO, Daily, Except Sunday 83 First Street, New York, N. Y. SUBSCRIPTION RATES By mail (in New York only): By mail! (outside of New York): §8.00 per year $4.50 six months $6.00 per yvar $8.50 six months $2.60 three months $2.00 three months Phons, Orchard 1680 | Address all mail and make out checks to THE DAILY WORKER, 33 First Street, New York, N. Y. J. LOUIS ENGDAHL )} MILLIAMF, DUNNE: fo“ iittrsssrseteon re Beer | BERT MILLER........-sssseeeees business Manager pe es Entered as second-class mai! at the post-office at New York, N. Y., under the act of March 3, 1879. Advertising rates on application A Lewis Gang Branded Election Thieves. | John Brophy, candidate for president of the United Mine Workers’ Union of America, on the “Save the Union” ticket, has issued a circular (published last week in The DAILY WORKER) in which he proves that the contemptible traitor and agent of the employers, John L. Lewis, was really defeated in the last election. Tt would be tedious to repeat the crimes of Lewis against the} members of the miners’ union. His administration has marked the alarming decline of the organization. From being a dominant power in-the industry and the most militant and effective labor union in the United States, it has sunk into impotency under the) series of monstrous betrayals perpetrated by John L. Lewis and his machine which openly and brazenly sells out the miners in every strugg!e. He has never even pretended to fight except to convince the bosses that they cannot get along without him, that | they must recognize him as a labor lieutenant of capitalism. Today he maintains office against the expressed will of the majority of the membership and continues his foul treachery by refusing to call a general strike in the industry and putting up a real fight for the unorganized miners, thereby bringing them into the organization. The scoundrels at the head of the United Mine Workers’ or- ganization probably have more than one reason to fear the or- | ganization falling into the hands of the representatives of the ma- jority of the membership. They have perpetrated such gross and | self-evident frauds in their vote-stealing campaign that they have proved themselves past-masters in the art of thievery. It is quite probable that they have practiced the same thievery in other lines, | particularly in juggling finances. | A wholesale demand for a recount of the votes should be de- manded by the miners. If the crooks of the Lewis machine have} destroyed evidence of their own guilt, new elections should be held under control of an impartial board composed of trade unionists affiliated with other organizations who could be depended upon to give an honest count. Such a proposition would meet with the opposition of Lewis’ pal, Bill Green, former secretary of the miners, | who now heads the A. F. of L. Green would declare such proce- | dure a violation of the jurisdiction of the miners’ union. The rotten condition in the U. M. W. of A. emphasizes the need for a thorough house cleaning in the American labor move- ment. Many other unions suffer from the same blight as Lewis has imposed upon the miners, and only an aroused and determined rank and file, always on the alert can prevent the reactionaries wrecking the unions they head before they surrender control of them, Renegades, Scoundrels and Liars to Publish Magazine. Chester M. Wright, former editor of the socialist daily, the New York Call, who proved himself a coward and renegade when Woodrow Wilson hurled the United States into the world war on behalf of Wall Street’s investments on the side of the allies, and William English Walling, another apostate and social-patriot who graduated from the socialist patty into the ranks of the jingoes, are still trying to gouge funds from the workers they so shame- lessly betrayed. Their latest adventure is to incorporate at $25,000 a publishing concern the purpose of which is to publish a@ magazine called “Washington.” This is a worthy pair of confidence men. All their lives they have been fakers. Even in the socialist party they vitiated with their stupidity everything they touched. Wright was consistently a defender in the socialist party of the opportunism of the Hillquit crowd, while Walling endeavored to become the theoretician of a new revisionist school by writing a series of books that perverted Marxism in the most shameless fashion. and theoretica! poverty of the socialist party prevented them being kicked out before the first blasts of the trumpets of war scared them into the ranks of the patriots, whence they found lucrative employment as journalistic scavengers for Gompersism. Their preliminary announcement, under the heading of “De- mocracy in Industry” proclaims that deceptive slogan, a veil for class collaboration, to be the keynote of their “labor” work. “We shall deal largely, with labor affairs, largely and keenly, standing by the American labor movement, but not leaning upon it. The democratization of industry—and with it the even larger de- velopment of economic democracy—steadily, in an evolutionary man- ner, is the sole preventive of a political overlordship that can mean only tyranny and ultimate revolt and destruction. “Labor finance will be one of the big fields of exploration and explanation. a “We shall deal wtih Communism and fascism, twin autocratic evils, twin foes of freedom and democracy. We shail fight them bit- terly, with the sort of earnestness that must be called forth when freedom and cherished institutions are endangered.” Communists will not be disturbed by the malevolent assaults of Wright and Walling. To be reviled by such creatures is to be honored. We enjoy the enmity of their kind and carefully eul- tivate it. ~ As to their shadow boxing against fascism they pretend, like thé Greens, Wolls, Sigmans, Lewises and Cahans, to be opposed to fascism in italy, but use it against the working class of the United States. The democratization of industry as interpreted by, them means the abandonment of the class struggle and the complete subserviency of labor to capital. It means labor bank- ing, labor insurance. It is that type of scoundrellism that sol- emnly tells workers that the way to obtain higher wages is to produce more for the capitalists, in spite of the fact that even the veriest amateur in economics knows that the larger the army of the unemployed, the more difficult is the task of the unions. Such a policy, supplemented by active opposition to a militant struggle on the part of the unions, is bound to result in a fall in the rate of wages and a lowering of the worker's standard of living. According to its announcement the new magazine will be utilized by its sponsors as an apology for more intensive exploita- tion of labor, and will be a valuable addition to the array of capi- talist propaganda disguised as labor publications. It will probably be used as a textbook in some of the fraudulent labor colleges where the philosophy of increased production is taught as the ~The British Trade Union Bill and Its Place in the | Framework of World Imperialism It must be recognized with all clearness that the greater and sharper the capitalist system experiences in its development, the more doubtful and shaky the so-called stabilization of capitalism becomes, the more cap- italist circles will endeavor to throw a considerable part of the responsibility for these failures, both in the sphere of international politics and also home polities—fight against the working class—upon the Soviet Re- public. To the extent to which the movement in China develops under the sign of friendship and sympathy for our State, and every revolutionary movement, every labor movement of the working class proceeds under the same slogan, so will the attacks upon our Soviet Union increase. It is not by any means due to chance that, precisely at the present time, when imperialism is considerably threatened, that the attacks upon our Soviet Union are increasing from day to day. The underlying fact of all these complications in the sphere of international politics is the struggle of the different capitalist countries and capitalist groups for retaining the old markets and capturing new ones. The events in China and the repeated revolts in other colonial countries prove how serious for capitalism is the question of the future fate of its colonial policy, From the logic of capitalist development there arises inevit- ably the struggle for markets. But the industrial development and the liberation movements in the colonies and in the semi-colonial countries render difficult not only the extension of the markets ‘but even the retention of the old markets, Such a sitmation will inevitably lead to the greatest international complications. aaah OA TAMAKI MIURA | Broadway Briefs Joanna Roos and Frances Cowles jhave taken over the roles of Aline Bernstein and Ethel Frankau in “The Grand Street Follies” at the Little Theatre. In addition to the plays announced for next season, the Theatre Guild is ‘considering new plays by Eugene O'Neill, Sidney Howard, John Howard Lawson, C. K. Muhro and S. N. Behr- man, Margaret Anglin’s revival of “The | Woman of Bronze” is scheduled to lopen at the Lyric Theatre, June 15. Only the backwardness | This situation finds expression in the home policy of all the bourgeois states and in their relations to each (A. I. Rykov, President of the Council of People’s Commissars at the Fourth Congress of Soviets of the other. Soviet Union.) By WILLIAM F. DUNNE. ARTICLE Il HAT could bring greater joy and expectancy of success to tory government than the campaign | of expulsions engineered by the Con- servative Labor leadership against Communism and the left wing—the National Minority Movement? What better guarantee could the ask than the expulsion of Councils and Labor Party branches which continued to accept the affiliation of Communists and left wingers in spite of the ukase is- sued by officialdom? More than this the tories had tes- ted out the ability and willingness of the reformist leaders to fight on broad issues (the forged “Zinoviev"| letter) and found that instead of ene- mies, they were actually allies of the government, insofar as the “Moscow menace” was concerned. §ONE of Ramsay MacDonald’s ut- terances relative to the general strike show that when R. Palme Dutt, editor of “The Labor Monthly” states in the May issue that “the govern- ment Trade Union bill represents, @s to 75 per cent, the policy preached by the reformist leaders,” he is under- stating rather than overstating the case. Dutt also quotes Frank Hodges of “Black Friday” fame, speaking at a luncheon given by the Birmingham Chamber of Commerce, on “Industrial Relations—Can They Be Improved ?” | | Hodges said: “Employers, on the one hand, who | do not understand the legitimate prin- ciples of trade unionism, and the fol- lowers of the Bolshevist philosophy on | the other, can destroy such measure of prosperity as exists, unless there is | {strong rigorous joint action on our part to destroy them.” (Emphasis Mine.) | QUCH a speech, delivered by a labor | |“ leader on April 5, just as the rul-| | ingelass was preparing its attack, can | | be called nothing less than promising the enemy to undermine the morale {of the labor movement by continuing | to attack a section of it in the pres- jence of the foe. Hodges, like the |tories, is in favor of “legitimate” | unionism—as interpreted by the courts. |REFORE the general strike, when |" the Communists and the national minority movement were calling upon the General Council to prepare the working class for resistance to the |attack on the miners and state what is now known to be the cold fact that the onslaught on the miners was but the beginning of an offensive against the whole working class, Ramsay MacDonald declared: “There is at present much dis- cussion about forming an alliance between the miners, railwaymen and metal workers. No greater the | | calamity could befall the country | than the formation of a trade union | bloc on the one side and a capitalist bloc on the other for the purpose of engaging in a suicidal struggle. | In my opinion the miners should | unite to demand their rights and | TO FULFILL THEIR DUTIES | TOWARDS SOCIETY AND A PEAL TO THE MORALS AND REASON OF PUBLIC OPINION. | We are all for peace, but this peace | must not be purchased at the price | of starving out the miners. That | is the whole point. WE DO NOT | /ANT THE FIGHT. You know | nite well how serious the situation now. The economic situation is not good. The representatives of capital and labor should negotiate in order to avoid the strike.” MACDONALD was for “peace” and in order to ensure peace he op- posed the strengthening of working- class organizations. He had time to point out to the miners “their duties towards society” but not to warn the) |labor movement that it must organize | |and fight or accept defeat—the defeat he later helped to bring about. There is no more shameful spec- tacle in labor history (or one bear- ing greater significance for workers | who need to estimate accurately the role of MacDonald and his kind) than} this undercover agent of British im-} perialism rising in the House of |Commons on May 5, 1926, when the! | strike was at its height, and saying: | “T again ask this house if it can- not do it (i. e., resume negotia- | tions). I am not speaking for the | ‘Trades Union Congress at all. I am speakitg for nobody. I have not | consulted my colleagues. I am speaking from my own heart. I am-not a member of a trade union, and am therefore a little freer than my colleagues, and can do things for which perhaps I will get.blamed | tomorrow by the trade unionists, but I cannot let this opportunity go.” HE inference here is clear. Mac- Donald was telling the British rul- ‘ing class in so many words, first, that he as the parliamentary leader was jagainst the strike. and second that the trade union leaders were also against the strike but were being forced to acquiesce by the masses. In my pamphlet, “The British Strike,” written while the strike was in progress, I said. of the above ut- terance: “MacDonald may have been speak- jing ‘from my own heart’ but it is jplain that it is a heart filled with \black treachery toward the trade junion movement and the working |class.” No better characterization of his | words and deeds occur to me now. ‘AS for J. H. Thomas, parliamentary secretary of the Railwaymen’s Union, who took a leading part in betraying the strike after having | TIATE UNDER THREAT OF A | PEACE. . ‘solution for, labor's ills. To revolutionists and members of the | working class who have advanced beyond the’ stage of class col- laboration illusions the magazine will only serve as a plummet with which to measure the depths to which certain betrayers of labor are able to sink in their service to their capitalist masters. | Bourgeois Advice to The Daily Worker ‘One of our readers complains about our appeals to our readers for aid during the present financial crisis of our paper. While he does not object to our raising funds to weather the storm he considers it very poor business sense to advertise to the world the threat to the existence of The DAILY WORKER. He as- |serts that no capitalist business concern could possibly survive jthat issued statements about the danger of bankruptey and at the same time tried to obtain business, The observation regard- jing capitalist institutions is perfectly correct, but it does not |apply to a Communist publication. The very essence of bourgeois success is based upon decep- tion and bluff. Organized advertising is merely systematic mis- representation. A concern in danger of going out of business must strive to keep up appearances of prosperity. That is not the case, however, with a revolutionary publication. We do not exist by the practice of deception. Our propaganda is not based |upon lies as is the propaganda of capitalism, but upon a working \class interpretation of facts. While it is considered dissraceful for a capitalist concern to admit financial difficulties, such .ex- periences are to be expected by a Communist publication. It is no disgrace to be forced to appeal to our readers, the advanced | section of the working class for aid. In fact it would be criminal on our part and proof of our recreancy to the labor movement not to explain our problems and dangers to our supporters. Should we cease publication without having given them a chance to keep alive their paper we would deserve nothing but contempt as be- |trayers of the trust they have placed in us. | This talk of concealing the facts about our financial condi- sinienisetenenenerinintinsesenianssinsnesstnsheneicetisnnheentnsts setasiserniiesiniesnicunsnumsinsniis sabotaged all preparations for it as | well as he could, he had no scruples) which prevented him from trying to destroy the miorale of the strikers by | parroting ruling class phrases rela- tive to “right”, “justice”, “constitu- tionalism”, ete. Thomas’s Hammersmith speech is a fine sample of the kind of strike breaking indulged in by the offi leadership and upon which the pres- ent tory government bases its belief that it will encounter no serious op- position from them. Thomas said: | “If the people who talk about a | fight to the finish carried it out in | that sense the country would not | be worth having at the end of I HAVE NEVER DISGUISED | 1 AND I DO NOT DISGUISE NOW THAT I HAVE NEVER BEEN IN | FAVOR OF THE PRINCIPAL OF | THE GENERAL STRIKE... . THE WORKERS HAVE NO | RIGHT TO SAY TO THE EM- PLOYERS: “YOU MUST NEGO- STRIKE,” but it is equally RIGHT AND JUST that the workers should not be asked to carry on negotia- tions under threat of a lockout. “FROM THE START I DE- LIBERATELY WENT IN TO GET . I repeat that it is the duty of both sides to keep the | door open.” UT Thomas had declared hi still more clearly during the period | of negotiation and had given the rul- ing class the cue that it is following today: “T am frequently asked why the organized working class must not make a mass attack on the capi- talist class. My answer to this is that such an attack would not only be directed against the capitalist class, BUT AGAINST THE WHOLE OF SOCIETY. In the event of such an attack being suc- cessful it must logically lead TO THE. ASSUMPTION OF THE GOVERNMENT BY THE MASSES. BUT I DO NOT THINK THE MASS OF WORKERS WANT TO GET POWER BY SUCH BACK- STAIR METHODS. If the masses ‘are not intelligent enough to get power thru the ballot box, they are still less capable to achieve this aim by violent means.” 1 sea d could be plainer. Thomas, like MacDonald, has no confidence in the masses, fears their success if organized and conscious that they must fight the government—the con- centrated force of the ruling class— if they are to win even “purely indus- trial” demands in a perigd of declin- ing capitalism. A book could be filled with similar quotations from all of the more influential leaders (with some few exceptions like A. J, Cook, the fight- ing secretary of the miners’ union) which show conclusively that not only fear of the mass power of the labor movement but a belief in the willing- ness of the official leadership to make terms with the government which would, leave their parliamentary privileges untouched while strangling centralized, disciplined and conscious mass action in both “industrial” and political struggles, prompted the Bri- tish ruling class to initiate the new offensive against the labor movement. F is impossible of course to make a silk purse out of a sow’s ear but the fact stands out as clearly as Mac- Donald’s mustache that the betrayal | of the general strike and of the strug-| gle of the miners, opened the way for the present drive. | It is equally clear that the refusal | of the financial reftef sent by the Rus- sian unions to the British working! class during the general strike (later) accepted by the miners) and the fail- ure to carry out the campaign for) world trade union unity agreed to) with the Russian labor movement, the, sabolage of the work of Anglo-Rus-| sian Trade Union Unity* Committee | by the official leadership of the Gen- eral Council, opened the way yto the) raid on the Soviet Union Trade Mis- sion and the repetition of the “red’ menace” maneuver. HILE it may be said that the tories do not show much original- ity in the present two-sided cam- paign against the Soviet Union and the British working class, it can be; said as well that they know the hear }and minds of the officjal lead |the tories know that they are, like themselves, stripped of their “labi camouflage, imperialists to the cor To those well-meaning persons wh | | | | | | | | | | = | Lion.arises because bourgeois ideas of business pervade the minds |of some of our readers, are always with us in times like thesc tend who complain that this is no time |next month. Desiree Ellinger, William |and who right now, by refusing to call |Let’s Fight On! Join This will be the third production of the popular-priced repertory company of-Murray Phillips. The other two are “Kempy” and “Lombardi Ltd.” “The Ladder” moved from the Wal- dorf to the Cort Theatre last night. The Davis play just celebrated the two hundred and seventy-fifth per- formance, “Kiss Me,” the new Levenson mu- sical show is due on Broadway early Celery, Arthur Campbell and Adrian! Rosely will play important roles. Beginning with this week the Sat- urday matinee of “The Constant Wife” at the Maxime Elliott Theatre will be discontinued, ———_———__—_— to say such things even tho they are true, we can only reply that they must be said to the working class of the whole world and especially in Great Britain for the very good rea-| son that the British workers cannot defeat the program of industrial feudalism and imperialist war which is the main line of their rulers until they have defeated the imperialist- minded leaders whose treasonable policy precipitated the present crisis upon the masses, for resistance by all means at hand, are sapping the life of the labor movement and jeopardis- ing its very existence, The Workers Party! In the loss of Comrade ’ Ruthen- berg the Workers (Communist) Par- ty has lost its fcremost leader and the American working class its staunchest fighter. This loss can only be overcome by many militant work. ers joining the Party that he built. Fill out the application below and mail it. Become a member of the Workers (Communist) Party and carry forward the work of Comrade Ruthenberg. I want to become a member of the Workers (Communist) Party, Name £ Address Occupation | Union Affiliation.............ceee0 Mail this application to the Work- ers Party, 108 East“14th Street, New York City; or if in other city tol Workers Party, 1113 W. Washington | Bly., Chicago, Il. Distribute the Ruthenberg pam- phlet, “The Workers’ (Communist) Party, What it Stands For and Why Workers Should Join.” ‘This Ruthen- berg pamphlet will be the basic pam- phlet thruout the Ruthenberg Drive. Every Party Nucleus must collect 50 cents from every member and will .receive 20 pamphlets for every mem- ber to sell or distribute. Nuclei in the New York District will get their pamphlets from the Dis- trict office—108 East 14th St, Nuclei outside of the New York District write to The DAILY WORK- ER publishing Co, 33 East First Street, New York City, or to the National Office, Workers Party, 1113 W. Washington Blvd., Chicago, Ill. RUSSIA Union’Delegation etc. It is a report of a British Trade Unions. Fred Ellis. NOW 50 Books offered NOTE AT PECIAL PRICE? The Report of the British Trade This book is the most complete book on Soviet Russia today. Every phase of soviet life is reported on: trade unions, peasantry, communisni, factoriés, conditions of workers, ‘included and attractive decorations are by Add 5 cents for postage, © in limited quaatities, e@ and filled in turn as recelyed, The noted Japanese soprano is fea- tured in “Namiko San,” a play with music, at the Selwyn Theatre. [—tanarne GUILD A cTrtne CO— RIGHT YOU ARE IF YOU THINK YOU ARE | GARRICK fra irhunasae 240 Next Week: Mre Pim Pai ee By The SECOND MAN The SILVER CORD Next W'k: Ned McCobb’s Daughter The LADDER Now in its 7th MONTH CORT, 48th St, Hast of B'way. MATINEE WEDNESDAY oe _ KLAW ‘hea. Deauings: 8:40: B'way Mats. Thurs. & Sat . 2:30. MerryG oRound MERICANA.” THBA. West 42nd 8t. Es Twice Daily, 2:30 & 8.30 William Fox Presents 7th HEAVEN Mats. (exc. Sat.) 50c-$1. Eves. 50c-1.50 sv CHAPLIN '’ THE MISSING LINK moss. © OL ONY: -Erospwar Contin. Noon to Midnight.—Pop. Prices. The successor to sam HARRIS Little Theatre GRAND Evenings at $30." STREET AND SATURDAY, 2:20. _ FOLLIES John Gilbert plays the chief role in “Twelve Miles Out,” adapted from William Anthony McGuire's stage success of last season. The story cen- ters on the rum-runners and much of its action is laid at sea. Joan Craw- ford, Ernest Torrence, Betty Comp- son, Eileen Percy, and Bert Roach are also in the cast, Maria Corda, has been assigned the leading role of the film version’ of “The Private Life of Helen of Troy,” the John Erstiny novel, which is now going %/c yrouction by the First S eroowd, ae | Uuivenai “itures has leased the Ceir's1! Tezatre and will offer the $:re= éresentation of “Uncle Tom’s Cavit.,” (ne Harriet Beecher Stowe’s tale, beginning August 15. Ricardo Cortez will have an im- portant part in Lon Chaney’s new starring picture, “Térror,” another picture being made of the. Russian Revolution. pence are Marceline Day, will play opposite Ramon Novarro in “Romance,” which is now in production under the direc- tion of John S. Robertson. TODAY to Soviet Russia n official hody of the Maps of Russia are CENTS in this column on hand All orders cash