The Daily Worker Newspaper, April 23, 1927, Page 8

- Lenin’s Return and the “April Theses” THE February revolution of 1917 found Comrade Lenin abroad. As soon as he received news of the revolution 14 prepared to return to Russia, but the Entente Imperialists who allowed the social pa- triots to go to Russia refused to let Comrade Lenin pass, as they saw in him their DANGEROUS ENEMY. Then Comrade Lenin decided to go through Germany (together with a group of Bol- sheviks). Lenin’s return to Russia is an important date in the history of the October revolution. With his ar- rival, the Bolshevik Party firmly took over the leadership of the revolutionary movement. Lenin’s arrival put an end to the waverings in the Bol- shevik ranks. : Comrade Lenin’s appraisal of the revolution in Russia and of the tasks arising from it were closely and concisely formulated in what is styled the April Theses: His appraisal and the tasks he pro- posed were adopted by the party without any' struggle. A group of Old Bolsheviks under the leadership of Comrade Kamenev considered that the bourgeois revolution had not yet reached its climax and that the proletariat was still faced with the tasks of bringing about the revolutionary democratic dicta- torship of the proletariat and the peasantry. This led to his opposition to the tactics advocated by Comrade Lenin. He was opposed to severing rela- tions with the Provisional Government and to action on the part of the proletariat and the peasantry, to exposing the antagonistic class aims and aspira- tions of the bourgeoisie, at the helm of the Pro- visional Government, and those of the proletariat and the peasantry. He proposed to exert pressure on the Provisional Government. Lenin formulated his views and the tasks of the revolutionary struggle in Russia in his famous April theses. He also pointed out the tasks of the inter- national proletariat in those theses. In Russia the proletariat commenced its struggle for power under the leadership of: the Party. The proletariat of the other countries is faced with the task of freeing itself from the opportunists, compromisers, and pa- triots and of re-establishing the international pro- letarian front, and transforming the imperialist war into a civil war. Comrade Lenin returned to Russia on April 3,- 1917. In his first speeches, replying to greetings, Comrade Lenin advanced the slogan: Long live the social revolution. On April 4, Lenin advanced his it theses at a meeting of Bolshevik delegates of Soviet}, Deputies. In his theses, Comrade Lenin also pro- posed to change the name of the Party. This he did in order to dissociate the Party from the patriots and Kautskyians; he proposed to call the Party, the Communist Party At the station there were Sailors, militia-men and Red Guards. The orchestras were playing the Mar- Sellaise, which was then in fashion and the sailors, militia-men and Red Guards with banners in their hands cheered the immigrants. Lenin had to go along through the ranks of the crowds lined up and make a short address of welcome. Tn the state rooms, Lenin was awaited by the members of the Petrograd Committee, Skobiliev and Chkheidze and Kolontai who presented a bouquet of flowers sent by the Committee. Chkheidze spoke on behalf of “revolutionary democracy” and the Exe- cutive Committee. In his speech he appealed to Lenin to march in “closed ranks” with them and he emphasized in his Caucasion way that he considered the foremost task of the moment, the defense of revolutionary Russia. Lenin replied over the heads of the compromisers, addressing himself to the workers, soldiers and sailors, greeting the victorious revolution on their behalf. His speech was a reply to the national defense advocated by Chkheidze in the form of defending revolutionary Russia. The call for world revolution hurled by Lenin literally took the delegates of the Executive Committee and other opportunist elements off their feet, ‘ The official part of the meeting being over, we were getting ready to leave. We put Lenin into a closed automobile with the intention of going straight to the office of the Petrograd Committee. But this was impossible. The workers and soldiers who crowded the square and the streets in front of the station wanted to see Lenin, and they would not let the automobile pass. Lenin had to get out of his automobile. Next to the automobile there were armored cars, and the workers helped Lenin to get onto one of those armored cars and stading there he delivered a speech. A procession of many. thousands was gradually marching through Petro- grad. During short. intervals and even while in motion, Lenin spoke of the necessity to carry on the struggle against the capitalists and imperial- ists calling for the social revolution. When the demonstration had reached the square where the -Petrograd Committee was located, searchlights were illuminating the Petro-Pavlov Fortress and escorted Lenin to Kshesinskay’s home. ‘ . Salient Points From Lenin’s Theses. 1.—The war on the part of Russia even under the new government of Lvov and Co., remains a pre- sa datory imperialist war in view of the capitalist na- ture of that government and we must not make any concessions to “revolutionary defense.” The class-conscious proletariat gives its consent to a revolutionary war and justifies revolutionary defense under the following conditions: transference of power to the hands of the proletariat and those sections of the peasantry which are closely related to it; (b) renouncement of all claims to annexations in deed and not merely in words; (c) severing of the government’s relations with the capitalist interests, In view of the undoubted sincerity of the broad masses of advocators of revolutionary defense who recognize war as a necessity and not for the sake of conquest, and in view of the deceptive methods of the bourgeoisie, it is netessary to explain to those masses very carefully, persistently and thoroughly their mistake—to explain to them the inevitable connections between capitalism and im- perialist wars, and to prove that the war cannot be ended in a truly democratic and just way, with- out the overthrow of capitalism. To propagate these ideas extensively in the army. To advocate fraternization. # 5 —We are not for a parliamentary republic; to adopt this slogan would be tantamount to a retreat —we want a republic of Workers and Peasant Sov- iets throughout the country from top to bottom. The abolition of the army, the police and officers. All officers, should be elected and be subject to recall at any time; their wages should not be above the average wage of a well paid worker. 6.—In the agrarian program the center of atten- tion should be given to the Soviet of agricultural laborers’ deputies, The confiscation of all lands. : ‘ The nationalization of all land in the country and the handing over of the land to the local soviets of agricultural laborers. Soviets should be formed of poor peasants’ deputies. Soviet model farms should be organized under the control of agrieul- tural laborers’ deputies at public expense of about 100 to 300 desiatines, dependent on local conditions, to be determined by*the local institutions. 7.—The immediate merging in all banks of the country into one national bank, and the institution of control over them by the soviet deputies. 10.—The reorganization of the International. Initiative should be taken in the creation of a revolutionary international in opposition to the so- cial chauvinists and to the “centre.” In Front of An Employment Office By I. LAZAROVITZ. (Student of Advanced Labor Journalism, Workers’ School) Scehe: a corner where an employment agency is located. A big crowd of men, poorly dressed, were wait- ing to get jobs. I was a few steps from the office, talking with a friend. A fellow came over and said to us: : “Won’t you help out an old soldier? “Is it such an honor to be an old soldier?” my friend asked him, and the old soldier began to talk. “I know,” he said, “it is not an honor. They - fooled us with their democracy bunk. “What did we fight for? What investments did I have in Germany that I was sent to war, was gassed and since am physieally sick? “When I came from France, I couldn’t work several months on account of my weakness. Now I am already five months out of work. Getting up every day at five o’clock and when you come for a job, 50 to 60 men are there while the boss needs only one! “The government don’t give a damn that we are sick on account of war and unable to find work. O boy, they can’t get me no more to war. I show these sons of —— what war means!” The old soldier didn’t have a chance to leave be- fore another fellow near us was saying: “O buddies, won’t you help out with a cup of coffee?” “What is the matter, are you out of work?” my friend asked. “Yes, brother, three months out of work and can’t make a damn cent.” “Why didnt you save some money whlie work- ing?” my friend continued. “How can you save money when they don’t pay you enough even to live on?” “Well, whose fault is that?” I asked him. “It is the fault of the workers themselves,” he replied. “It will be no good until there will be one big union throughout the world. You can’t get a thing in this world of ours unless you take it by yourself. “Here I'am,” he continued, “a big strong fellow, an American born, want to work, make a living for my family and they won’t give it to me. I am without a cent in my pocket while Ford has mil- ‘ lions of dollars.” “But look,” my friend says, “in Russia it isn’t that way.” : “Believe me,” the fellow said, “these damn Bol- sheviks are a good bunch. I wish they’d come here and we’d get rid of these damn suckers. . “What do you say, buddies, won’t you help out with a cup of coffee. Got up five in the morning. Tt is after 11 and I haven't eaten anything yet.” We gave him a few cents and he left, shaking hands with us. A A boy passed by calling out newspapers. We bought one, and, opéning the yellow sheet to the Second page, we read the big letters: “U. 8. PROSPERITY INCREASING DAILY.” We looked at each other without saying anything and quietly went.down to get the subway. ' We are used to reading in the American press about the miserable conditions of European work- ers. While telling us about the terrible conditions of the European workers, the American press does hot neglect the opportunity of picturing the satis-- faction and prosperity of the American workers. If these gentlemen who sit in their comfortable offices with their big salaries would undertake the job of going down to an employment agency: where hundreds of workers are waiting hours to get some ind of a job and would listen to what these Amet- ican workers think of the so-called prosperity, these gentlemen would realize the awakening of class- consciousness in American workers. They would learn that the workers cannot be bluffed with these prosperity stories. A QUARTER TO SPEND ~ (Continued from Page,One) Tomorrow I'll be by the building early, and I'll wait there just like you 5 The girl did not reply. She saw tears glistening in his eyes. A lump formed in her throat. She ut- tered “All right, don’t forget,” and edged away. Jimmey followed her form with his gaze until she was lost to view. “That’s what I'll do,” he whispered hurriedly. “I'll strike too, no more scabbing for me, an’ I'll bet ma’ll be glad when I tell her.” With that problem definitely settled, Jimmey felt greatly relieved, and once more redirected his at- tention to the quarter. Sometime later he solved the enigma of spending it by deciding to see a plain movie for a dime, partake of an ice-cream * soda for a like amount and disburse the remainder for sweets. With this compromise affected Jim- mey’s spirits began to soar. Spying an empty cigarette box, he picked it up _ and withdrew the silver foil, which he folded and placed in a pocket. This completed, he smiled and increased his pace. After walking a few squares he saw a large crowd gathering on a corner. His curiosity aroused, he ventured over, just in time to see a policeman pull a speaker off a Soap box. Addressing one of the crowd, Jimmey inquired, “What’s tlhe matter, Bud?” To which a lanky spectator repfied, “Oh, nothin’ much; just a guy pinched for speechin’ without a permit. Serves him right,” he continued, “he was nothin’ but a bloomin’ old comoocnist.” “Comoonist,” the word echoed in Jimmey’s mind. He was always hearing that word and wondered what it really meant. “What's that word mean?” he inquired in a pere plexed tone. “You mean comoonists?” “Yes,” interjected Jimmey. “Oh dem’s guys that g0 aroun’ preachin’ that there oughtn’t to be no rich an’ no poor—Bunk I ealls it.” The words “oughtn’t to be no rich an’ no poor,” struck Jimmey as a thrown stone crashes thru a window pane. It set his emotions quivering. He cogitated a while and replied aloud, “Yeah; so that’s what it is, is it? An’ they lock a guy up for sayin’ dat, gee whiz.” A thought entered his mind, for the first time in weeks he felt actually happy. Retracing his steps, Jimmey walked back a few blocks, increas- ing his pace gradually as he walked until he hast- ered into a trot. At the next corner, he turned back into the street he was on before, and crossed to the other side. There he dashed down a flight of steps into the book shop. Walking straight sver to the proprietor, he threw his quarter on the glass counter and asked whimsically, with a capricious twinkle in his eye, “Say mister, can you give me a book for a quarter that'll tel) you all about com- oonism ?” (a) the. _—