The Daily Worker Newspaper, January 15, 1927, Page 8

The Youth and the F ight Against Militarism By JOHN WILLIAMSON. is not enough that we study and know of Lenin, only as the leader of the mighty Russian Revo- lution. We must study the contributions of Lenin, both in theory and practice and be able to apply them to our’ respective situations. One of these basic questions fs the attitude of the working class to militarism. Thru our knowledge of the very basis of capital- tsm with its historical growth and its intensified antagonisms in the present imperialist epoch, we know that WAR is inevitable. Today the clashing economic intorestgs of Great Britain, Ws United States and the all-powerful capitalist countries ‘are driving them rapidly to a struggle, which can only find its ultimate expression in WAR. The immedi- ate situation in relation to Wall Street and Latin America is not a contradiction to this rivalry be- tween Britain and America, but one of the symptoms of its development and the preparation of the United States for such an event. T home we are acquainted with the internal preparations for such events. The rapid in- crease of 250 per cent in military, naval and air- craft expenditures within the U. S. A. from the years 1913 to 1925; the institution of C. M. T. C.’s on a erowing scale each year; the R. O. T. C. system in- troduced into the public school system; the planned out scheme of economic reserves (factories, etc.) on @ national scale and many other facts that could be piled up-as proof. “Pacifiism” Raises Its Head. The cries of “Disarmament,” “Pacifism,” “National Defense Only,” etc., biave found loud expression re- cently, just es we have in the past found this agi- tation the keenest 4mmediately prior to armed con- flicts, History teaches us that these slogans and the people who advocate them generally “blow up” when confronted with concrete situations. In fact, the majority of them become the worst jingoes and enemies of the working class, vieing with each other to demonstrate their patriotism and the sincere ele- ments continue to raise their false slogans which only can help to create illusions in the minds of their audiences. We need only remember the jingo- istic social patriots during the last war. oo in America this anti-militarist sentiment, has unfortunately found too much leadership in the petty-bourgeois liberal elements. Such organiza- tions as the National Student Forum, The League for Industrial Democracy, the Fellowship of Reconcilia- tion, the American Federation of Youth and the doz , ens of other similar pacifist orgamizations have taken _ the helm. Gur Communist Youth Movement par- tially fell imto the mistake of allowing such elements to assume leadership in this activity—a most drastic mistake which must be changed. What are the reasons for this popular anti-militar- ist crusade among the petty bourgeoisie. Primarily the fact that the burden of this great increase of armaments has been shifted, thru taxation, onto the shoulders of the working class and the petty bour- geosisie, and the latter have reacted more vigorously, Other motives which contribute, ane the general post-war horror of war and militarism, which espec- dally finds expression in the ranks of the intelligen- tsia (students), Amongst the unskilled workers, the fact that in every labor struggle, whether of local or national importance, the military is arrayed. against them, creates resentment and bitterness. As a last fact we must brand many of these ef- forts as a conscious policy of betrayal of the work- ers by presentation. of fize phrases and slogans and promises which divert their immediate attention «frem amilitant policy against militarism. HE.basis of this agitaton conducted and led by the petty bourgeois liberal elements is pacifism. Such a theory treats militarism as some séparate phenomena which can be abolished at will, without recognizing the basic truth that militarism is one of the main pillars of capitalism and cannot be attacked without attacking capitalism itself. Pacif- ism, theoretically and practically, is a utopia. ————— » to the, armed forces of American imperialism, The Leninist Position. the period of 1914-17 when the bulk of the Bo- cial-Democracy had capitulated and only e few left wing sections maintained their revolutionary program, the question of ‘the attitude of the prole- tartat towards militarism was on the order of the day. At that time in the ranks of the revolutionary Socialist Youth movement, which was carrying on the attack against capitalist militarism under the leadership of Liebknecht, much confusion reigned. Today in our own Communist movement ‘we cam re- The Fatal Bite. cord the fact that the real Communist position towards militarism has received too little atten- tion amd no study by the militant workers. In this period Lenin raised principal questions and today they represent the Communist position to- wards militarism: 1. Are we against all wars? Lenin answered, “Socialists cannot be against every war without ceasing to be Socialists.” He went on to explain that in the period of imperialism the national minor- ities and colonial peoples are suppressed by force and they in turn must answer by force. Such wars must receive the support of the proletariat. A case in question would be the present defensive hostili- ties by the Nicaraguan nepublican forces against the U. S. armed forces. The working class of America must do everything possible to aid such resistance (This ig a concrete case where the liberal slogans became worthless and they in turn will support American imperialism). Again there is the question of civil wars in those countries where the workers are seizing or have already seized power. The workers of Soviet Union have their Red Army in order to protect their revolu- tion. The pacifist would have the workers and peas- ants of Russia lay down their arms and be drowned in blood, a la Finland, Hungary or Germany. The Communist, the working class position, has no such sophist illusions. The revolution must protect and guard itself by a better armed force as long as world capitalism exists. The Communist position is not @ humanitarian one. As Lenin said, “An op- pressed class which does not striva for the knowl edge of arms, for the practice of arms, for the pos session of arms, such an oppressed class is only worthy to be oppresed, maltreated and regarded ag a slave class.” 2. The inevitability of wars under capitalism, especially In the epoch of imperialism. The con- tentions of the Communists on this point that all wars have their economic. basis, either in securing new lands for exploitation or sphenes of influence for distribution of manufacturers’ products or for cheaper raw materials, etc., is now even pro- claimed in various degrees in the flood of new bour- geols literature concerning the relationship of Amer- ica and Europe in connection with the last war. The pacifists in their propaganda neglect this com- pletely, and propagate the possibility of abolishing militarism without mentioning capitalism. Thus they create iHusions of the worst character in the minds of the workers. 3. Unmerciful unmasking of bourgeois pacifism. Connecting this with the immediate American situa- tion, we must in relation to the previous paragraph, unmask such organizations as the openly imperia* istic Y. M. C. A. when it talks “peace,” and just as ardently expose the real character of the pacifists of all other brands. 4. Defense of the Fathertand. Experience has taught us that just these elements who raise pacifist meaningless slogans today, in time of crisis, are the conscious lackeys of big capital in mobilizing the workers for the slaughierfest between respective capitalist countries. At that time the logan they use is, “Defense of the Fatherland.” Such a slogan is a death warrant to the workers. The workers have no “Fatherland,” under capitalism. Only by turning the imperialist wars into revolutionary civil wars will the proletariat have a workers’ “father- land” like the present Soviet Union, which they will defend with all means and at all costs. This point is the kernel of the whole Communist attitude to- wards war, in recognition of the causes of war and the historical connection of war with the pres- ent social system. In order to further this, the Communist position ig not to run away from the army but to work inside the army. Lenin said, “To preach the ‘demand’ or better, the dream of ‘disarm- ament,’ at the present time, when obviously and clearly before the eyes of all of us the only legiti- mate and revolutionary war, the civil war against the imperialist bourgeoisie is preparing in the hands of the bourgeoisie itself, ig but the expression of despair” and again (referring to work inside the army), “If one has not prepared such a propaganda in connection with the present war one should cease to mouth the great phrases about the revolutionary international, about the war against war.” The Communist Youth Movement is not alone in- terested in anti-militarism but together with the Communist Party conducts its activities in line with the policies of Lenin. At this time the concrete application of these Policies to America means work along the following general lines: (a) The Y. W. L. as the leader of the working class youth must take the leadership of the anti- militarist movement out of the hands of the petty bourgeois liberal elements, such as the Students Forum, ete. (b) In taking the leadership the young workers must be mobilized for the struggle together with the student elements but the first must be the basis. (c) The policy of the Communist Youth Move- » ment which it must never cease propagating must be that laid down by Lenin. (d) United Front movements must be encouraged and promoted on a local scale on concrete issues. These must rally primarily the working class youth forces, either unorganized or thru the trade union ‘movement. (a) Continuation of a struggle against the C. M. T. C. and demanding in its place a four weeks paid vacation annually for all young ‘workers. Oppose the R. O. T. C. In the Wake of the News (Continued from page 1) mot sueceed in swinging the party from its Leninist moorings. With the differences in the Communist Party substantially smothered, with a surpassingly good grain collection and an increase of industrial productivity, together with the spread of Soviet in- fluence in the Orient, there is reason to believe that the coming year will see the Soviet Union mak- ing strides forward that will surpass the most opti- mistic hopes of its friends. And this despite an al- most complete financial blockade of the capitalist world. The Soviet Union has taken socialism out of the abstract heavens and brought it down to a ' concrete foundation, , *_e* ¢ & eo and Italy are growling at each other across the frontiers like two hungry wolves quarreling over a carcass, he former loving allies ate now deadly enemies, Italy wants French colo- Marshal Pilsudski. 2 nies in northern Africa and while England does not care who licks France a strong Italy on the Medit- errancan would not make things any safer for Brit ain's water route to India. No matter what those brigands do; no matter even if they were concerned over peace, they will always find themselves tn those contradictions which are bound to sound the death- knell of the robber system. But those contradic- tions must be given assistance. The workers of the world must organize nationally and internationally to kick the system into the historical cesspool and build on its ruins the socialist, state of the produc- ers, Under the leadership of the Communist Intor- national, one of Lenin's great contributions to the workers of the world, the proletariat of all coun- tries are forging the political weapons thru which the toilers will be able to free themselves from the thralldom of wage slavery. The third anniversary of Lenin's death finds Leninism more potent than ever, and the prospects for a complete victory of lahor and subject peeples brighter.