The Daily Worker Newspaper, January 15, 1927, Page 10

THE PROSPECTS OF THE REVOLUTIC (Speech Delivered In the Chinese Commission of the Enlarged E. C. C. 1. on November $0, 1926.) EFORE I enter into the question, I consider it necessary to say that I have not had at my dis- posa] exhaustive material on the Chinese question such as would be necessary to unfold a complete picture of the Chinese revolution. I am, therefore, compelled to confine myself to a few general remarks ef a fundamental nature which are directly con- doseph Stalin pected with the question as to the main trend of the Chinese revolution. The theses of Comrade Petrov, the theses of Comrade Mif, two reports of Comrade Tang Ping Shan and the remarks of Comrades Rafes on the Chinese question are in my possession. In spite of their excellence, all these documents have im my opinion, the great defect that they evade a mumber of the fundamental questions of the revolu- tion in China. I think that our attention should be above all directed to these defects, and for this feason my remarks will at the same time be of @ polemical character. 1. The Character of the Revolution in China. BENIN said that the Chinese would soon have their 1905. Some comrades took this as meaning (fthhap exactly what took place with us in Rusgia-in 1905 would necessarily repeat itself in China. This is wrong. Lenin certainly didnot say that the Chinese revolution would be a copy of the Russian revolution in 1905; he merely said that the Chinese would have their 1905. This means that, apart from the features which the Chinese revolution would bave in common with the revolution in 1905, # would have its own specific peculiarities, which would stamp its special features on the whole reve lution in China. What are these peculiarities? The first peouliarity is that the Chinese revolution as a bourgeois-democratic one is also a revolution for national freedom directed againet the rule of foreign imperialism in China. This is the chief feature which distinguishes it from the revolution in Russia in 1905. The position is that the rule of émperialism in China expresses itself not only in military power but above all in that the imperialists have the power of disposal.over the mein threads of industry tn China, the railways, the factories, the mines, the banks, etc. The result ts that the ques- ¢ions of the struggle against foreign imperialism end its Chinese agents play a predominant part in the Chinese revolution., This is exactly what links the Chinese revolution directly with the revolutions of the proletarians of all countries against imperi- alism. Another peculiarity of the Chinese revolution arises out of this peculiarity and that is that the national large bourgeoisie in China is extremely weak, much weaker than was the Russian bourgeoisie at the time of 1905. This is easy to understand, KH the main threads of industry are gathered in the hands af foreign imperialists, the national large bourgeoisie of China cannot but be weak and backward. In this respect Comrade Mif is quite tm the right when he remarks that the weakness of the national bour- pecisie in China is a characteristic symptom ‘of the Chinese revolution. From this results that the part of initiator and guide of the Chinese revolution, the part of leader of the Chinese peasantry must in- evitably get into ¢he hands of the Chinese proleta- mat, which is better organized and more active than the Chinese bourgeoisie. Neither should the third peculiarity of the Chinese revolution be overlooked; it is that, in addition to China, the Soviet Unions exists and is developing, the revolutionary experience and help of which can- not but facilitate the fight of the Chinese proleta- riat against imperialism and against the feudal- mediaeval remains in China. These are the fundamental pecularities of the Chinese revolution which determine its character and its trend. 2. Imperialism and Imperialist Intervention in China. HE first defect of the theses before us is that they avoid or underestimate the question of im- perialist intervention in China. If we read the theses correctly, we might imagine that there is at present in China mo actual imperialist imtervention, that there is nothing but a struggle of the North against the South or of one group of generals against another group of generals. We are apt to under- stand under intervention a condition in which for- eign troops march into Chinese territory and, if this does not take place, then there is ao imtervention. This is a serious error, comrades, intervention is by 30 means exhausted by the entry of troops, and the teristic of intervention. In the present circumstances ,, of the revolutionary movement in capitalist coun & ries;“where the direct entry of foreign troops might rouse a number of protests and stir up conflict, in- tervention has assumed a more elastic character and @ more masked form. In the present circumstances, imperialism prefers to intervene against the revolu- tion by organizing civil war within the dependent rountry, by financing the counter-revolutionary forces against the revolution, by moral and financial sup port.of its Chinese agents. The imperialists tried to represent the fights of Denekin and Koischak, Yu- denitch and Wrangel against the revolution in Rus- sia as an exclusively internal struggle. But we all knew, and not we alone but the whole world knew, that these counter-revolutionary generals were backed by the imperialists of England and America, Franee and Japan, without whose support a serious Pulling the Seat From Under the Boss civil war would have been quite tmpossfbie te Rus ela. The same applies to China. The fight of Ww Pei-Fu and Sun Tohuang-Fang, Chang Teo Lin and Chang Tsun Chan against the revolution ta Chir would be quite impossible were it not that the i perialists of all countries had inspired these cou ter-revolutionary generals and had suppHed them with money, arms, instructors, “advisors,” ete. How is the power of the Canton troops to be explained! By their having an ideal, a passionate enthusiasm, by their being inspired in their fight for Mberatiog from tmperialism, by their wanting to give Chim her freedom. How is the power of the counter-revo lutionary generals to be explained? Im that they are backed dy the imperialists of all countrhes, thi ywners of all possible railways, concessions, fr tories, banks and business houses in China. F shis reason it does not depend alone, it does 5 ven d @ 1d to any large extent on whether foreis troops enter the counéry, but on the support given t the imperialists of all countries to the Chinese cou terrevolution. Intervention by using other people that is the kernel of imperialist intervention at pre ent. For these reasons imperialist intervention in Chi ® an undoubted fact against which the point of ¢ Chinese revolution is directed. Anyone who eludes or undervalues imperialigt ‘ tervention in China eludes or undervalues that whi 8 most important and most essential. It is said that the Japanese imperialists show certain amount of “good-will” towards the Cant ese and towards the Chinese revolution as a wh~’ It is said that in this respect the American i: alists are in no way behind the Japanese. T self-deception, comrades. We must know how discern the true nature of the policy of the imper! ists, including the Japanese and American. tmperi ists behind their mask. Lenin used to say that was difficult to win over revolutionaries with a gti with fists, but that at times it is very easy toy them by kindness, This truth, spoken by Ler hould never be forgotten, comrades. In any ca it is clear that the Japano-American imperial have pretty well understood the significance of t truth. “For this reason we must make a definite « tinction between friendliness ahd compliments dressed to the Canton people and the fact that imperialists, who distribute their friendlinesg m liberally, cling most desperately to “their’ com sions and railways in China, from which they do wish to be “liberated” at any price, 3. The Revolutionary Army in China. HH second mark in connection with the the before us concerns the question of the rev tionary armies in China, The point is that the q tion of the army is evaded or undervalued in theses. This is their second defect, The advana the Cantonese towards the North is generally garded not as the growth of the Chinese revolut but as a fight of the Canton generals against Pei-Fu and Sun Chuan Fang, as a fight for supr acy Of One group of generals against another gz of generals, This is a great mistake, commades.