The Daily Worker Newspaper, January 15, 1927, Page 12

4 The Prospects of the Revolution in China (Continued from page 6) prospects open up in this respect and up to what limits an advance can and should be made—that de pends om the course of the revolution, I think that it should finally be carried as far as the national- ization of the land. In any case we cannot dispense with the slogan of the nationalization of the: land. What path showld be pursued by the Chinese revolutionaries in order to mobilize for the revolu- tion the peasantry ef China which numbers many millions? { think that im present circumstances there are only ‘three alternatives. The first way is that of forming peasant commit- toes and of introducing Chinese revolutionaries into them in order po influence the peasantry. (Interjec- tion: “And the peasant leagues?”). I believe that ihe peasant. leagues will group themsetves round the peasant committees or that the peasant leagues will turn into peasant committees possessing thig or that ccmpetence which is necessary im order to carry through the demands of the peasants. This way has alroady been discussed, but this way is not enough. It would be ridiculous to suppose that the number of cevolutionarics ig sufficient to carry this out. The population of China is roughly 400 millions. ©! these 350 millions are Chinese, and more than ninc-tenths of them afte peasants. It is a great mis- take to assume that a few tens of thousands of ‘Chinese. revohitionaries are enough to permeate this ‘ocean of the peasantry. Well them, we must seek other ways. The second way is that of influencing the peas- antry through the apparatus of the new national revolutionary power, It cannot be doubted that in the newly Uberated provinces a new power will The Peace of Versailles —From Russian Paper i arise after the pattern of the Canton government. kt cannot be doubted thai this power amd the appara- tus of this power will have to satisfy the most ur- rent demands of the peasantry, if it wishes to ad- cnee the revolution. The task of the Communists and of the revolutionaries in China altogether is to yonetrate into the apparatus of this new power, to bring this apparatus nearer to the masses of peas arts and to help the peasant masses to satisfy their ciost urgent demands by means of this apparatus, whether # be by expropriating the landowners of their land, or by reducing taxation and rents—what- ever the circumstances demand. The third way is that of influencing the peasantry through the pvevolutionary army. I have already spoken of the extraordinary importance of the nevo- lutionary army in the Chinese revolution. The revo- lutionary army of China is the force’ which first penetrates into the new provinces, which first be- comes known amongst the bulk of the peasantry, and by which the peasant forms his opinion of the naw power, of its good or bad qualities. The atti- ude of the peasantry towards the new power, to- ’ ~~ 2 AR wards the Knomintang and towards the revolution in China ag @ whole, depends in the first place on the behavior of the revolutionary army, on its be havior towards the peasantry and towards the landowners, on itg readiness to help the peasants. If we bear in mind that there are doubtful elements in plenty which have joined the revolutionary army in China, that these elements may elter ‘the aspect of the army for the worse, we shall understand the great importamee of the political aspect of the army and, so to apeak, of its peasamt policy in the eyes of the peasants. For this reagon the Communists and the Chinese mevolutionaries as a whole must take all possibla measyres to nevtralize the elements in the army which ane hostfle to the peasants, to pre- serve the revolutionary spirit in the army and to direct things in such a way that the army helps the peasants and mobilizes them for the revolution. It is said that the revolutionary army in China is wel- comed with open arms, but that later, after it has established itself, there is a certain disillusionment. The same thing happened with us in the Soviet Un- ion during the civil war. This is explained by the fact that the army, when it has liberated new prov- inces and established itself in them, is compelled to maintain itself in some way or other at the ex- pense of the population of the district. We Soviet revolutionaries, usually succeeded in making up for these disadvantages by endeavoring to help the peas- ants against the landowners by means of the army. It is essential that the Chinese revolutionaries should also learn to make up for these disadvantages by carrying out a correct peasant policy with the help of the army. These are the methods and the points of contact through which it will be possible to carry out @ vor- rect peasant policy in China, 6 The Proletariat and the Hegemony of the Proletariat in China. — fifth remark concerns the question of the Chinese proletariat. It seems to me that in the theses sufficient emphasis has not been laid on the ,role of the Chinese working class and its impor- * tance. Comrade Rafes asks: Towards whom should the Chinese Communists orientate—towards the left or the center of the Kromintang? A strange ques- tion. I believe that the Chinese Communists should orientate themselves according to the proletariat and to those who afe active in the freedom move- ment in China and in the end according to the revo- lution. Only then will the, question be put in the right way, | I, know that among the Chinese Com- Yhunists there are comrades who do not approve of strikes of workers for improving their material and legal position, and who dissuade the workers from striking. (Interruption: That happened in Canton and Shanghai). This was a great mistake, comrades; it was a serious underestimate of the role and of the specific gravity of the proletariat in China. This should be recorded in the theses as a@ deckicly negative phenomenon. It would be a great mistake should the Chinese Communists not take advantage of the present favorable situation to help the workers to improve their material and legal position, even though it be through strikes. Why in all conscience, have we a revolution in China? A proletariat which allows its members to be beaten and iltreated by the agents of imperial- ism when they are on strike, canmot be a leader. This mediaeval abuse must ba abolished so that the sense of power and the sense of ita own dignity may be strengthened amongst the Chinese proletariat and that it may thug be made fit to hold the hegemony in the revolution. Untess this takes place, a victory of the revolution in China is not to be thought of. For this reason the economic and tegal demands of the working class in China, which aim at a serious improvement of its situation, must be given the place they deserve im the theses. (Comrade Mif: they are spoken of in the theses). Yes indeed, they are spoken of in the theses, but unfortunately these demands are not sufficiently emphasized. 7. The Question of the Young People In China. HE sixth remark concermg the question of the young people in China. Strange that this ques- tion is not considered fn the theses, for the question of the young people is at present of first-class im- portance. This question is, it is true, referred to in a part of Tan Ping Shan’s report, but unfortunat- ly it is not sufficiently emphasized. The question ‘of the young people is at present of first-class im- portance in China. The young people at the uni- versities (revolutionary students), the young work- era, the young peasants—all of them form a force which might drive the revolution forward with giant strides, if the young people were brought un- der the ideological and political influence of the Kuomintang. It must be borne in mind that there are none who experience the oppression of imper- falism so deaply and so vividly, none who feel so sharply and so painfully the necessity of fighting against oppression, as the young people in China. This circumstance should be taken into considera- tion in every respect by the Chinese Communist Party and the Chinese revolutionaries in order to bring about an intensification of work among the young people throughout the country. Youth must also bave its place in the theses on the Chinese question, oe The Lion Feels the Chinese Lash. 8 A Few Final Conclusions. SHOULD Hke to draw two final conclusions— with regard to the fight against imperialism in Ohina and with regard to the peasant question. There can be no doubt that the Chinese Commu- nists will now no longer confine themselves to <de- manding the abolition of the unequal treaties. Even a@ counter-revolutionary like Chan Suen Lyan now advocates this demand. It is obvious that the Chi nese Communist Party must go further. It must make the question of the nationalization of ‘the rail- ways its aim. This is necessary, and things must be directed towards that end. A further aim must be that of the nationalization of the most important factories. This raises above all the question of the nationalization of those undertakings whose owners have distinguished themselves by special hostility and special aggressiveness towards the Chinese people. Further, the peasant question must be promoted by combining it with the prospect of the revolution in China. In my opinion, the final aim of the whole matter must be the nationalization-of the land. Everything else is a matter of course. To a Boss This hatred for your class and kind ts strange and terrible to me, it never knows satiety, And night or day nor lets me be, Thia hatred for your class and kind lg strange and terrible to me. Against your own my strength would press in anger burning me to dust, Awakening such consuming lust My wanton hands must grip you—must— And break you, crush you, with the zest Of anger burning me to dust. © you so fat and sleek to view, To whom all profits now accrue, While slaves go hungry, gaunt and lean, What does this burning hatred mean, Unquenchable, within my breast, — you conquered, dispossessed? —Henry George Weise Hay Bales’ Cartoons are missing this week due to a clerical oversight. They will appear as usual next week in the usual place. A Product of Capitalist Civilization 3 ~ *. _—— Sw ee Oe = ——————— oS