The Daily Worker Newspaper, November 6, 1926, Page 14

Page views left: 0

You have reached the hourly page view limit. Unlock higher limit to our entire archive!

Subscribers enjoy higher page view limit, downloads, and exclusive features.

Text content (automatically generated)

2, eee et” jRicknrr anes baat oe a Conditions of Youth in Soviet By JOHN WILLIAMSON, BECAUSE of the giant strdles for- ward in all political and weonomic life of the Soviet Union wany of the so-called lesser Accomplishments are left in the bac] "and aad only those dominant and “4yztermining factors pre- sented to the workers of the capitalist world. Ops 4 these problems is the conditions «f y4uth labor and the atti- tude sdopic) towards this problem, The SeHet authorities,:in tackling this problem, recognize the youth not ag @ meang of increased exploitation, put ag a reserve force of the skilled workers for reconstruction. The prob- lem is that of socialist reorganization of youth labor. Thus we cannot just examine the working conditions, but must aldo consider the cultural and physi@at wellbeing of the young work- ere, Im the Soviet Union there is no child labor. 41 children attend school yxtii 14 years. From 14 to 16 years a ve cational system of training is in use— four hors in the workshop and four hours in the work-school, with pay for eight hours, The Soviets and the trade unions consider and enforce the necessary measures for the protection of th youth. For instance, we find im 1922 that the ratio of apprentices in various industries are set; for instance, metal 8 pwr cent, textile 7 per cent, poly- graphic 13 per cent, ete, : Every union agreement stipulates the wages, conditions and number of schools that must be provided for the young workers. The total number oi apprentices is ever on the upgrade In Ovteber, 1922, there were 168,900 apprentices, while one year later thi: had increased to 179,600. Im the rail- road industry we find and increase from 16,311 young workers in 1922 to 23,002 fm 1925. Hours of Labor. . Here, the American young worker will rec@ive the greatest surprise. In Soviet Riussia—that “terrible land” of the BolsVeviks—the great majority o/ Russian {uth works six hours or less per day. Examine the following table: Capitalisi U.S.S.R. = Russia Working Day 1923 1913 4 heurs antl under... 29.9 0.0 a ” pierre: < 0.0 a “5 *. 0.0 13 2% a , az tm 3.4 a2 2 . be 9.6 143 eg be sd 0.3 26.0 ig: * ~ perme * 30.4 po RE - ee ee 14.0 12 hours and more...... 0.0 11.3 The general average number of hours ¢? iabor in 1913 was 10 hours, as compared to 54 hours in 1922. Here we finé a striking comparison be tween ~ommunist Russia and capital- ist Ameri. Because of the collapse of the in- dustrial life of Russia in 1919 and 1920 as a result of the civil war, block- ade, famine and the general offensive of all capitalist cQuntries, the struggle to increase the rate of wages ‘has a difficult one and only today can we see that the ‘average wage is equal to 1913,"8th® ‘individual industries are far aboW "that. This condition natu- rally found its reflection in the wages of youth labor also. However, we must always keep in mind the many special privileges accorded the work- ers, T€» <ollowing figures show an unbroken increase, wnebsthing America cannot show: Oct. Industry 1922 Averag™ 6ll... 7.76 Metal ......00.. 8.95 » 7.60 Dec, 1923 13.30 12.60 16.33 Jan, 1924 14.70 15.27 16.45 10.51 12.00 21.15 22.18 (The, stave figures In rubles.) These Agures only apply to the pr- ils ® tbe workshop school, which ease up to 18 years of age. They, a rele, are In the second or third category, while young workers older _@re in vie fourth eategory and up, which means higher wages. Tiers iv no discrimination }ecause of Woges are based on the set (at i Nov. 1924 19.02 16.97 18,92 14.12 23.30 Russia get six weeks’ vacation with pay. as ganitariums, are enjoyed free, and while sick full wages are received. ants. (these latter solely from ranks est control to see that the working conditions of the youth are in accord- ance with Soviet law. Schools, In 1924 there were 73,000 appren- tices in the technical schools, or 50 per*cent of all the apprentices in the Soviet Unfon. Schools are being es- tablished in every industry as rapidly ag the national economy will allow. For instance, in 1924 in the metal industry, 62 per cent of all appren- tices (which comprised 14,000) are distributed in 168 schools. There were only 55 schools with 3,450 attendants in 1922, Today the percentage is near 100, Look at the following table regard- ing new workshop schools established: Prior to 1921 1921 22 40 1922 1924 106 . 10 _ Annually all young workers get @ month’s vacation on pay and those working on furnaces (railroad), ete, All medical treatment and health resorts, Special labor inspectors with assist- of young workers) exercise the strict- By MAX BEDACHT. Sess poison of reformism had per- meated for years. the body of the Second International. But few had realized the extent of the damage. Outwardly {t was still the colossus of the internationally organized forces of the proletarian revolution. Even tho the outwardly splendid demonstrations of the Stuttgart Congress of 1907, the Copenhagen Congress of 1911 and the Basle anti-Balkan War Congress of 1912, lacked an inner unity of determi- nation and action, yet the outward splendor of the occasion lulled even the pessimist into great revolutionary hope. Only a small group, of Marxians realized the extent of the danger. The Russian Bolsheviks, under the leader- ship of Lenin, sounded the alarm. In the name of that group spoke Comrade Luxemburg in the anti-war committee in Stuttgart and pointed out that all resoluiions without preparation for ac: tion are empty and hollow manifestos. The international, so these Bolsheviks argued, cannot expect to do anything along the line of turning an imperial ist war into a proletarian revolution These schools are training the youth for useful work in sociéty, as well as giving them a thoro political educa- tion. Cultural. The leisure time of the young worker is occupied in the varied cul tural activities. Predominant among these are the youth clubs of the Y. C. L, and the general clubs of the trade unions, Special political, reading, radio, dra- matic and physical culture circles are organized. The youth comprises 50 per cent of the membership of all the clubs, ‘ Activity In Union. Becausg@sof the correct approach by the Soviets and trade. unions and their N | recognition and encouragement to the young worker, we find this.same union very active in the local unions ag well as in the Communist Youth League. Representatives of the youth are on all leading committees, both of the trade union executive and the school governing bodies and the higher eda- cational authorities. Young Communist League. While i is true that the Soviets | look upon the youth from a different angle than is done if capitalist so- ciety, there is nevertheless a driving force which watches closély the activi- ties of the young workers and is ever alert to defend and advance their in- terests, That force is the Young Com- munist League, which today numbers 1,800,000. Enroded in its ranks is the majority of the industrial youth, The Y. C. L, is thus the real repre- sentative of the working and peasant youth. These interests are closely guarded, as one can sce by the follow- ing facts: On the All-Russian Central Council of Trade Unions, the execu- tive of the Y. C, L, has five members. On the central committee of the trade QP EET RNY | 7h SERS etensensssnsnensensinnse 1 Wehont a thoro preparation for such action. To declare that we would do that, and at the same time refuse to accept any proposal to prepare for an emergency, is either pure demagogy or criminal negligence. And a revoht tionist must not be guilty of either. But the Secomi International was gui of both. ‘It was demagogic, making the workers believe that it wanted capitalism combatted te the: point of revolution. It was criminally negligent, treacherous, in preventing every preparation for revolution. The germ of opportunism had completely hollowed out the body of the colossus, of the Second International. Outward was visible the shining armor of revo- lutionary phrases; inwardly, however, prevailed a sickening hollowness which was bound to cause the collapse of the colossus at the first collision. This collision came in August, 1914. Up to the last days the Second Inter- national kept up appearances. Reso- jutions and mass meetings thundered against war. But it was noise, nothing but noise. No sign of action—until the imperialist war became a reality. Then the colossus of the Second al ternational fell to pieces, The international dissolved itself into its national component parts. In- ternationalist revolutionary .phrase turned into nationalist imperialist sub- stance. The greatest betrayal in his- tory had become a reality. The leaders of this crime did not switch their allegiance. They had ad- hered since long to capitalism. Their mask of allegiance to the proletariat was retained’ as a matter of useful- ness for the capitalist class. The spy is’ spy not only on the day when he nn ee eee unions there are forty representatives of the Y. C. L. At the recent Trade Union Congress there were 134 dele- gates under 23 years of age out of a total of 600. a 3 >. The Russian Revolution and the - ‘Communist International turns the friend over to the enemy. His very friendship fs a manifestation of his treachery. But the more suc cessful the guise of friendship the more effective will be the surprise of the treachery. And the treachery of the Second International surely sux prised the masses. This surprise para- lyzed whatever power of resistance there still was against the imperialist capitalist enemy. Here the indispensability of revolu- tlonary leadership became apparent. Lack of revolutionary leadership ne- gated all the latent revolutionary spirit of the masses. Without the initiative and direction of a revolutionary lead- ership the revolutionary spirit of the masses exhausts itself in impotent rage, The individual leaders in the different countries who remained true to their colors were left without national and international organizational connec- tion between themselves and with the masses, To gather up these forces, to build a new revolutionary army, to organize a new revolutionary general staff, became the need of the hour. Here the Russian revolution acted as the ‘motive force to hasten this process of revolutionary reorganiza- sion. In the turmoil of the treachery ind collapse of the Second Interna- ional one unit remained compact: the ~ Solshevik Party of Russia. That varty, under Lenin’s guidance, had ong fought and unmasked the social patriots. For -the Bolsheviks the treachery of the Second International on the cause of the proletariat was only the final consequence of the theo- retical treachery of that gentry on the teachings of Marx, ; With the collapse of the Second In- ternational Lenin raised the slogan of the Third, the Communist Interna- tional. Consistenty.he ROE ACEI the’ revival ofthe, corpse of the international, The petty tomas centrists who,.in Zimmerwald and Kienthal, wanted to pass off their feeble pacifist repugnance to war as a genuine desire for a revolutionary war against capitalism, Lenin nailed to the pillory of his clear revolutionary logic. Lenin triumphed. His party became the fmitiator and leader of the first successful fight against capitalism. Lenin and his Bolshevik Party became the father of the victery of the Rus- sian proletariat. And that victory, ~ the Novem¥er revolution, became the father of the Communist International. The victory in Russia at once raised the hopes of the revolutionary groups in all countries of the world, and showed the value of a revolutionary general staff. It became an expe rience to be cherished. It became an example to be copied. Thus the victory of the Russian pro- letariat in its*revolution of Novertiber, 1917, bore the immediate fruit of the foundation of the Communist Interna- tional in March, 1919. The victory of ©} the Russian proletariat in its revolu” tion of November, 1917, gave birth to'’' (Concluded from Page 5.) furrow. Working the tractor day and night the peasants of the collective get in all their grain. This is a true story of the Russian steppes. The Russian peasant is fac- irig a difficult: task, making a jump from primitive wooden implements to the modern gigantic, efficient tractors, replacing an entire system of «agri- culture, entering a sphere he has ‘never touched before. With the help of the Soviet government, by means of untiring effort, the poor peasants, through their collectives. are. winning — success, Today where the poor. peas- ant struggled with his. tractor is a rolling sea of green, The wheat is eener, stronger, more plentiful, and he harvest will be bigger than if the ain had Ween ploughed by “bicks.”

Other pages from this issue: